The Premnagar Basti, also known as the Chick-Chatai Wali Basti, is an at least 45-year-old settlement of BPL migrant labourers, most of which has now been destroyed. 86 of the 250 or so jhuggi-jhopdis that made up the urban village remain protected, entitled to rehabilitation in a 2-decade old low-income housing project called the Ashiana Scheme, as per the state government.

Unlike many similar demolitions of marginalised populations’ homes, the demolition of the Premnagar Basti was initiated not for the purpose of clearing public land, but at the behest of local industrialist Gulaab Singh. In 2013, the Central Market Welfare Association (CMWA) of the market complex opposite the basti filed a lawsuit against the Haryana government and its urban development authority, Haryana Shehri Vikas Pradhikaran (HSVP), complaining that the very existence of the Premnagar Basti was affecting their business adversely. Singh is the president of this association, and also the owner of the Sector 12 market complex.

The same year that the CMWA filed the lawsuit demanding Premnagar’s demolition, the Right to Fair Compensation and Transparency in Land Acquisition, Rehabilitation and Resettlement Bill was passed in Parliament, repealing 1894’s Land Acquisition Act such that every acquisition would require the government to pay compensation to its occupants, or rehabilitate them. Essentially, it meant that there is no such thing in Indian law as a ‘legal forced eviction’ or a ‘legal forced demolition’.

The act was enforced the following year in 2014, but the CMWA’s case was temporarily dismissed by the Punjab and Haryana High Court at the time, as the occupied land in question was not public property at all, but disputed private property that the government had been attempting to acquire for three decades.

Premnagar’s impending demolition has terrorised its residents through much of the last decade, ever since HSVP acquired the land in the mid 2010s (HSVP’s present estate officer, Rakesh Saini, alongside GMDA Nodal Officer and Town Planner R.S. Batth declined comment on the exact date, or any other technical or legal details). Wednesday marked the end of a decade long battle, despite the fact that till date, not a single family has been rehabilitated or compensated by the HSVP as required by the 2013 Act.

In fact, the Ashiana Scheme apartments in sector 47, where the HSVP now promises to house 86 families currently protected from demolition, have sat empty for 15 years. These flats are in a state of utter disrepair, with the HSVP having failed to allot even one of 1,088 flats since the project’s completion in 2010. In 2023, the HSVP announced that these flats would be demolished! The land was set to be resold for high-end commercial use, which the HSVP felt better suited its ‘premium value’; just this year, it was announced that they would not be demolished after all, and Rs. 9 crores  were then allotted for their repair!

In the High Court’s final judgement regarding Premnagar given in January earlier this year, 204 families had been marked as eligible for rehabilitation in these inhospitable Ashiana Scheme apartments. Now, this number has arbitrarily shrunk to 86, and not a single allotment letter has been given to any of them either.

The demolition drive, which employed the use of a massive armed police force, water cannons, detention vans and a bulldozer—blocking Old Delhi Road for regular commuters through the hours of 10 and 6—was overseen by GMDA’s Nodal Officer for ‘removal of illegal encroachments’, R. S. Batth, a somewhat notorious figure for his attempts at internet fame—through the act of demolition itself.

Batth’s Instagram account, @r_s_batth_dtp, consists largely of vertical short-form videos of himself overseeing various demolition drives in addition to participation in Savarna religious events, with the former ranging from the destruction of street food vendor stalls to the huts and homes of slum dwellers. Batth has built a loyal Instagram following, with over 2,71,000 followers and at least 6 fan pages, and a corresponding internet infamy within less than a year of taking office, seemingly entirely at the cost of Gurugram’s urban poor.

On the 8th of October, as sick children were dragged from their homes and men and women beaten with sticks as they were made to watch their homes being razed to the ground, Batth could be seen recording videos of requesting victims of demolition to have tea or water to calm themselves down. These videos, along with closeups of bulldozer action, were then quickly uploaded to his Instagram page, receiving applause from his following.

Surprisingly though, there are forms of attention that Batth does not in fact, enjoy. When reporters from Sabrang India asked him about the legality of the demolition with reference to the 2013 Act, how, if at all, he planned to rehabilitate the people whose homes he’d demolished as constitutionally required, or why the 120 remaining families earlier promised rehabilitation were suddenly dropped from the list. Batth declined comment on each question, and requested that ‘technical questions’ be directed to HSVP’s Estate Officer, Rakesh Saini instead.

“I am not questioning your legal knowledge. Please ask all these technical questions to the Estate Officer and not me,” said Batth. Saini himself also declined comment on the matter, saying that he would prefer if the matter were discussed with him privately instead.

Interestingly, both authorities also failed to answer how many homes it was that they’d set out to demolish. “It is not possible to say the exact number,” said Saini. “It is somewhere around a hundred and fifty.”

Barring the 86 protected homes, marked out by yellow spray paint on bamboo walls and notices pasted everywhere the eye could see, at least 170 homes would have been planned to be demolished. Till the evening, 50 or so homes were destroyed by the Haryana government, with many families not even being permitted to retrieve their belongings.

“That is 50 year’s worth of possessions,” said Reema Devi, resident of one such home, weeping on the street with her granddaughters beside her. “They expect us to get rid of it in a day.”

“This is all the fault of Mukesh Sharma,” she then added. The BJP MLA had campaigned around Premnagar intensely, promising an end to the battle for Premnagar which had begun during Congress’ tenure.” He promised us this wouldn’t happen. That we would be rehabilitated within two months of his taking office,” said Reema Devi.

While Sharma has never since revisited Premnagar,  nor had he replied to the petition sent to him by residents of the basti informing him of the unjust processes of demolition being carried out over there and seeking remedy for the same, he has come very close: On 25th September, Sharma visited the popular Sheetla Mata Mandir merely 2km away from the Premnagar basti, to inaugurate a new building within the temple, and to ensure that no one would sell meat within a four-hundred metre radius of it. These achievements are boasted of on his very own website, mukeshsharma.in.

The following day, the police and demolition authorities were set to return to finish their incomplete task of razing over a hundred more homes, but as of 9th October, at time of writing, no further action is taking place. It seems as if now that Batth’s videos have gone viral, the urgency to ‘clean up’ the streets of Gurugram has ceased.

The homes of a few poor Dalit families have little value to the incumbent government beyond cheap publicity stunts and monkey-fights with the opposition; Congress’ mayoral candidate, alongside their advocate, Abhay Jain were both present at the sight of demolition and spoke vehemently against the drive, requesting that the government at least ‘let Diwali pass’ in peace for the families, most of whom make livings through artisan work and seasonal employment. Both left immediately after the police lathi-charged the basti’s protesting crowd, gathered protectively around the urban village.

“At this point, I don’t understand anything. I don’t know what to do,” said Muskan, an 18-year-old preparing to become a software engineer, who was one of the key voices among the basti’s youth who have been fighting the demolition threats since the judgment of January 16.

“After today, it feels like nothing we can do matters.”

Muskan was among many young women who very nearly escaped violent detention as police forcefully cleared the homes on the outer periphery of the basti. Her friend, a young girl named Shivani was among five people falsely imprisoned without food or water in a detention van outside for the entire duration of the demolition drive, which continued from early afternoon till the evening. Four of these five detainees were women.

“We did nothing. We weren’t violent, we weren’t obstructing anything.  We just asked them not to raze our homes,” said Shivani from behind the grills of the detention van. All the detainees were released past sunset.

For now, the 86 families marked for rehabilitation wait in limbo — their allotted homes in the Ashiana Scheme still locked, decaying, and unfit for habitation. With no timeline or written assurance from the HSVP, uncertainty looms large. Many fear that once the media attention fades, their protection too will quietly dissolve, leaving them next in line for eviction.

(The author is a scholar of religion at Jamia Millia Islamia and a freelance journalist from New Delhi. Additional fieldwork by Vishnu Khanawalia, a reporter and activist from New Delhi.)

The post ‘We Were Promised Rehabilitation’: Gurugram’s oldest Dalit settlement bulldozed after decade long battle; police violently beat and detain residents for protesting appeared first on SabrangIndia.

A calculated campaign of vilification: CJP

In its complaint, CJP alleges that a “coordinated campaign of caste-based vilification, violent provocation, and criminal intimidation” directed at CJI Gavai—India’s second Dalit Chief Justice. It asserts that the content uploaded by Ajeet Bharti’s channel is not merely hate speech but “digital violence designed to demean a constitutional authority through caste-based insult and explicit threats.”

“This is not just abuse,” the complaint states, “but a direct and calculated assault on the dignity and personal safety of India’s highest judicial functionary, and consequently, a grave threat to the independence of the Indian judiciary itself.”

Factual background: Documented pattern of hate

The complaint highlighted that the creator of these videos, Mr. Ajeet Bharti, is a person with known antecedents of disseminating hateful and divisive statements. His broader social media profile is already under active surveillance and investigation by Indian law enforcement for similar offenses. As per complaint, the criminal nature of the content in question is not a matter of CJP’s interpretation but is confirmed by direct police action. On October 8, 2025, police in the state of Punjab have officially booked Ajeet Bharti in over a dozen First Information Reports (FIRs). The official grounds for these criminal proceedings are his “casteist” and “provocative” remarks made on social media targeting Chief Justice of India B.R. Gavai.

The majority of the accused are from outside Punjab and have been charged under non-bailable sections of the SC/ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, along with other relevant laws.

The videos hosted on the YouTube platform are not isolated incidents but are part of a wider, documented campaign of hate by an individual whose activities are already subject to serious legal action by multiple state authorities i.e. Punjab and Noida Police. This established profile of spreading hate speech adds profound gravity to the content and heightens the urgency for its immediate removal.

Shoe hurled at CJI B.R. Gavai during live court proceedings

Tensions rose after October 6, 2025, when Advocate Rakesh Kishore hurled a shoe at the CJI during a Supreme Court hearing, shouting “Sanatan ka apman nahi sahega.” The Bar Council of India immediately suspended Kishore, calling his act “prima facie inconsistent with the dignity of the court.”

Despite the outrage, the complaint notes that Ajeet Bharti amplified the aggression. This episode came just a week after Bharti’s earlier broadcast on September 29, where his panel had already invoked open calls for violence against the Chief Justice.

Deleted Post by Ajeet Bharti

Detailed legal examination of the videos by CJP

In its complaint, CJP has very carefully examined the transcript of this podcast, premiered on September 29, 2025, and October 6, 2025 from the Ajeet Bharti’s YouTube channel [@ajeetbharti] and highlighted their relevant timestamps and context, unequivocally establishing grounds for immediate action against the channel.

The first video, “S2E2: CJI Gavai Vs Sleeping Hindus | Sonam Wangchuk A Deep State Project | Kaushlesh, Anupam, Ajeet,” was uploaded on September 29, 2025.

Barely a week later, on October 6, Bharti livestreamed “Shoe Attack on CJI Gavai: Leftist Baying for Ajeet Bharti Blood | Ajeet Bharti LIVE.”

The videos are called “a continuous chain of hate speech, culminating in physical aggression and social intimidation.”

Timeline of incitement:

• September 29, 2025 – Bharti’s podcast calls for explicit violence against the CJI: “One Hindu lawyer should grab Gavai ji’s head and smash it against the wall.”
• October 6, 2025 – A week later, a lawyer physically attacks the CJI in the Supreme Court, proving, the complaint says, “that YouTube’s inaction turned speech into assault.”

The complaint situates this within a historic pattern—where dehumanising propaganda precedes violence against Dalit and Adivasi communities. “This hate speech,” it warns, “is not isolated; it draws from India’s long history of caste oppression, social boycotts, and pogroms fuelled by rhetoric portraying Dalits as subhuman.”

The flashpoint of incitement

At in the first video, one of the speakers says: “If Gavai ji bumps into someone somewhere… one Hindu lawyer should grab Gavai ji’s head and smash it against the wall with such force that it breaks into two pieces.”

The complaint calls this a “direct call to commit assault”—not metaphor but provocation. Moments earlier, another participant had sneered: “What is the punishment in the IPC for spitting on Gavai’s face? Hindus can’t even do that.”

The complaint observes that such remarks “normalise public humiliation of a sitting Chief Justice and encourage copycat behaviour.” Later, at, a panellist declares: “The amount of inherent inferiority I have seen in Gavai… you have reached the topmost post and you still have it.”

In the complaint, this line “weaponises caste psychology to demean Dalit achievement” and qualifies as an offence under section 3(1)(r) and 3(1)(s) of the SC/ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, 1989.

“He (CJI) drinks Neel in the morning”, derogatory remark against CJI

The October 6 livestream, the complaint argues, crossed every boundary of legality and decency. At, Bharti sneers that “The judge doesn’t understand the dignity of his post and reaches court after drinking ‘neel’ and distributing ‘Ambedkar Neel Vachanamrit’ instead of giving orders.”

Here, “neel” (blue)—the emblem of Dalit and Ambedkarite assertion—is distorted into a slur. Minutes later, Bharti escalates to grotesque caste imagery: “He dried the leather of a dead cow in the scorching sun of the slum, smeared it with sewer blackness, and while picking garbage, joined pieces of ‘L’ and ‘V’ to make Louis Vuitton shoes.”

The complaint describes these lines as “abhorrent, dehumanising, and a deliberate resurrection of the language of untouchability.” The complaint stresses that such statements insult not just Justice Gavai but the entire Dalit community, reducing symbols of dignity into “the vocabulary of filth and servitude.”

By broadcasting and monetising this content, YouTube, it argues, has “hosted, profited from, and algorithmically promoted material amounting to cognisable offences under Sections 3(1)(r) and 3(1)(s) of the SC/ST Act.”

From digital hate to real violence

When, days later, the lawyer hurled a shoe/object at the CJI, Bharti’s livestream turned the assault into spectacle. At in second video on October 6, he remarked “If judges continue to make such anti-Hindu statements, then what happened in court today can happen on the streets tomorrow.”

CJP calls this “not commentary but endorsement”—a public justification of violence.

“The sequence of events provides a stark and undeniable correlation between specific incitement broadcast on YouTube platform and the subsequent act of violence,” the complaint stated, warning that such narratives normalise courtroom desecration and seek to punish judicial independence—particularly when embodied by a Dalit judge.

Police action, platform silence

CJP alleges that despite multiple FIRs and legal summons against Bharti, YouTube has taken no suo-moto actions.

“By continuing to host these videos,” the complaint writes, “YouTube is facilitating the spread of content from an individual under investigation for caste-based offences.”

The complaint alleges YouTube of “double standards”—acting swiftly against hate speech in Western contexts but remaining inert when the target is a Dalit Chief Justice in India. Under the Information Technology (Intermediary Guidelines and Digital Media Ethics Code) Rules, 2021, intermediaries must remove unlawful content upon notice—an obligation the Complaint says YouTube has ignored.

Legal and ethical violations

The complaint cites violations under multiple Indian laws—including Sections 109, 117, 152, and 342 of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita (BNS), 2023, and the SC/ST Act, as well as Supreme Court precedents which recognise hate speech as a precursor to violence.

Failure to act, the complaint warns, “undermines India’s constitutional promise of equality and the independence of its judiciary.”

“The continuous dissemination of derogatory and inciting content against the Chief Justice of India,” the complaint asserts, “is not merely an attack on an individual, but a direct and insidious assault on the very foundation of India’s constitutional democracy—the independent judiciary.”

Global standards, local silence

CJI reminds YouTube of its international responsibilities under the UN Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights and the EU Digital Services Act, which demand swift removal of hate and incitement.

“YouTube cannot adhere to one set of standards in Europe and another in India,” the complaint notes. “Corporate self-regulation must not end where profit begins.”

CJP’s four-point prayer to YouTube

CJP’s complaint concludes with a clear four-point prayer to YouTube, asserting that failure to comply would be treated as complicity in the alleged offences, the complaint demands the immediate removal of both inflammatory videos and the permanent suspension of the @AjeetBharti channel to halt the dissemination of further hate; furthermore, CJP calls for an internal investigation into the platform’s moderation failures and a compliance response within 72 hours detailing the steps taken to address the grave legal and ethical violations cited in the complaint.

The complete complaint may be read here:

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The post CJP flags casteist, anti-Dalit videos on YouTube targeting CJI Gavai; seeks urgent takedown appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Read: 60 Years Of Constitutional Rights Denied To 20 Millions Indian Dalit Christians | SabrangIndia

Can a Dalit not be a Christian or Muslim? Conversely, even after conversion out of caste-ridden Hinduism, is the discrimination suffered by caste be suffered by one who opts otherwise for Christianity or Islam?

Despite several attempts by the executive through Orders and Commissions to overturn once and for all, the discriminatory Presidential Order of 1950, Courts continue to affirm its limited understanding.

The recent, Akkala Rami Reddy judgement delivered by the AP high court spotlights this enduring debate on SC status for religious converts. The Andhra Pradesh High Court’s decision in Akkala Rami Reddy v. State of Andhra Pradesh has reignited a critical legal and social debate: Should Scheduled Caste (SC) status, with its attendant protections and affirmative action benefits, be denied to individuals solely based on their conversion to religions like Christianity or Islam, even if they continue to face caste-based discrimination? Overwhelming social scientific evidence and testimony led to the official admission in the Ranganath Mishra Commission Report (2007) that Christian and Muslim Dalits suffer the same forms of discrimination as their Hindu counterparts.

The judgment, which quashed SC/ST Act proceedings against the petitioners based on the complainant Pastor’s conversion to Christianity, underscores the judiciary’s current adherence to the 1950 Presidential Order.[1]

What is the 1950 Presidential Order?

The Presidential Orders regarding the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes are the Constitution (Scheduled Castes) Order, 1950 and the Constitution (Scheduled Tribes) Order, 1950. These orders were issued by the President of India under Articles 341 and 342 of the Constitution of India, which define who would be Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes with respect to any State or Union Territory. More about the detailed process can be read here.

So, for a caste to be claiming the SC status, it has to be included the Constitution Order, 1950. The order states as follows in Paragraph 3:

“Notwithstanding anything contained in paragraph 2, no person who professes a religion different from the Hindu, the Sikh or the Buddhist religion shall be deemed to be a member of a Scheduled Caste.”

This means, only people from the religions of Hindus, Buddhists and Sikhs can be members of scheduled castes.

The Akkala Rami Reddy ruling: Conversion and ineligibility under SC/ST Act

In Akkala Rami Reddy, the AP High Court, on April 30, 2025, declared that the complainant, who had been working as a Pastor for approximately ten years, could not invoke the provisions of the SC/ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Act. The Court reasoned that the Constitution (Scheduled Castes) Order, 1950, explicitly states that no person professing a religion different from Hinduism (later amended to include Sikhism and Buddhism) shall be deemed a member of a Scheduled Caste. The Court held that an individual converted to Christianity ceases to be a member of a Scheduled Caste and thus cannot claim the protections of the SC/ST Act. “The 2nd respondent has ceased to be a Member of the Scheduled Caste Community, the day he had converted into Christianity,” the judgment firmly stated.

The 1950 Order: A discriminatory relic?

At the heart of this recurring issue is Paragraph 3 of the Constitution (Scheduled Castes) Order, 1950. Initially restricting SC status to Hindus, it was later amended to include Sikhs (1956) and Buddhists (1990).

The judgement presumes that caste discrimination vanishes upon conversion to egalitarian religions like Christianity or Islam. This exclusion establishes religion as the primary determinant for SC status, overlooking the socio-economic realities of continued caste-based oppression.

Judgement not a deviation but a rule

While the social realities of India would make one see the caste discrimination faced by people belonging to religions other than Hindu, Sikh and Buddhist—the courts have consistently taken a position that adheres to the literal law i.e., the Constitutional Order, 1950.

In one of the earlier cases, the Madras High Court in G. Michael v. S. Venkateswaran (1951), noted that while Christianity and Islam do not recognize caste systems, there were exceptions, particularly in South India, where members of lower castes converted to Christianity but were still considered members of their original caste by other caste members. However, the general rule established was that conversion operates as an expulsion from the caste, meaning a convert ceases to have any caste.[2]

Building on this, in S. Rajagopal v. C. M. Armugam (1968), the Supreme Court held that a person belonging to a Scheduled Caste (Adi Dravida Hindu in this case) who converted to Christianity lost their caste membership.[3] The Court found that the Christian religion does not recognize caste classifications, treating all Christians as equals. While the appellant claimed to have later reconverted to Hinduism and was professing Hindu religion by the time of the election, the Court stated that mere reconversion is not sufficient to automatically resume membership of the previous caste. It emphasized that acceptance by the caste in general as a member after reconversion is required, based on the principle that the caste itself is the supreme judge in matters affecting its composition.[4] Since the appellant had not provided evidence of such acceptance, his claim to SC status was rejected.

The principles from S. Rajagopal were considered in Principal, Guntur Medical College, v. Y. Mohan Rao (1976). This case involved a person born to parents who had converted from Hindu SC to Christianity, who later reconverted to Hinduism. The Supreme Court clarified that the Constitution (Scheduled Castes) Order, 1950, required a person to profess Hindu or Sikh religion at the relevant time to be deemed a member of a Scheduled Caste, not necessarily to be born into it. Regarding reconversion, the Court reasoned that a person born of Christian converts could become a member of the caste their parents belonged to before conversion if the members of that caste accept him as a member and admit him within the fold.[5] The caste’s acceptance is the key requirement.

Further developing the legal position, Kailash Sonkar v. Smt. Maya Devi (1983) extensively examined the effect of conversion and reconversion on caste status. The Supreme Court stated that conversion to Christianity or Islam involves loss of caste unless the new religion is liberal enough to permit the convertee to retain their caste or family laws. However, where the new religion does not accept the caste system, the loss of caste is complete. Introducing the doctrine of eclipse, the Court opined that when a person converts, the original caste remains under eclipse and automatically revives upon reconversion to the original religion during their lifetime. While acknowledging that acceptance by the community of the old order was previously considered a norm, the Court noted the difficulty and potential for exploitation in strictly insisting on this second condition in modern society.[6] It suggested that revival might occur by applying the doctrine of eclipse, though added a rider that this might be difficult if the conversion occurred several generations ago.[7]

Despite these verdicts, this one held to the contrary.
In 1984, The Supreme Court of India in the case of S. Anbalagan Vs. Devarajan AIR 1984 SC 411, said that “the practice of caste however irrational it may appear to our reason and however are repugnant it may appear to our moral and social sense, it so deep rooted in the India people that its mark does not seem to disappear on conversion to a different religion.”

However, more recently, in C. Selvarani v The Special Secretary Cum District (2024), the appellant, born Christian, claimed SC status based on her father’s background and her profession of Hinduism. The court noted evidence of her baptism shortly after birth, concluding she was a born Christian. It held that a person born Christian cannot be associated with any caste.[8] Further, upon conversion to Christianity, one loses her caste. While the appellant claimed to profess Hinduism, the court found the claim of reconversion disputed and noted the lack of positive acts or public declaration to evince such conversion, concluding she did not profess Hinduism. Therefore, in terms of the S.C. Order, 1964(The order for the Union Territory of Puducherry), she was not entitled to the Scheduled Caste community certificate as she did not profess Hinduism, Sikhism, or Buddhism.

In summary, the courts have consistently held that professing Hinduism, Sikhism, or Buddhism is a mandatory condition for being deemed a member of a Scheduled Caste under the relevant Presidential Orders. Conversion to other religions like Christianity or Islam generally results in the loss of the original caste status. While reconversion to Hinduism may allow for the regaining of caste membership, this often depends on acceptance by the caste community, although the doctrine of eclipse discussed in Kailash Sonkar suggests a potential revival upon genuine reconversion, noting the practical difficulties of insisting on community acceptance. Being born to Christian parents and subsequently claiming SC status after converting to Hinduism also hinges upon acceptance by the original caste group. Furthermore, proof of genuinely professing the specified religion and undertaking positive acts of conversion/reconversion can be crucial.

What runs contrary to this however is several Orders by the GOI’s Social Welfare Ministry and also Commissions appointed by successive governments at the Centre. Details of these may be read here.

The Issue with this judicial approach

This judicial stance, rooted in the interpretation and application of the 1950 Presidential Order, operates under the premise that caste, as a phenomenon warranting the specific provisions of Scheduled Caste status, is intrinsically linked to Hinduism (and later, Sikhism and Buddhism) and is shed upon conversion to faiths perceived as egalitarian, such as Christianity and Islam. However, a comprehensive understanding necessitates looking beyond this legally constructed silo to the complex sociological realities of caste and discrimination as they manifest across religious communities in India.

Contrary to the assumption embedded within the 1950 Order and upheld by the courts, historical and sociological research demonstrates that caste, or caste-like social stratification and discrimination, persists among Indian Christians and Muslims. While the nature and religious sanction of caste may differ significantly from its scripturally embedded form in Hinduism, its practical social manifestations – particularly the division between Dalits (formerly known as untouchables) and non-Dalits, and practices like endogamy – are not confined by religious boundaries.

As B.R. Ambedkar incisively argued, while caste among Mohammedans and Sikhs might lack the conscious, religiously consecrated ties that bind Hindu castes, and breach of caste rules might not lead to formal excommunication in the same way, caste nonetheless exists as a social practice or “survival” within these communities. Its significance might not be as profound as in Hinduism where it is a sacred institution compelling segregation, yet its presence cannot be dismissed. The crucial distinction Ambedkar makes is the absence of religious dogma compelling isolation in non-Hindu faiths, unlike in Hinduism.^[9] However, the implication that caste is non-existent or irrelevant among converts is not what Ambedkar suggests; rather, its role and basis are different.

Expanding on this, scholar Rupa Viswanath highlights that conversion has historically not guaranteed freedom from caste identity or discrimination for Dalits. The fundamental distinction between Dalits and non-Dalits, rooted in historical hierarchies and social power dynamics, transcends religious identity in India.^[10] While acknowledging Hinduism’s unique theological rationale for caste, Viswanath argues that focusing solely on this theological difference is misplaced when analysing the persistence of caste structures. The practice of endogamy, a cornerstone of caste, is observed across religious lines. Furthermore, the social division and discrimination faced by Dalits often continue regardless of their conversion, perpetuated by both co-religionists (who may retain caste consciousness or practices) and members of other communities.

Historically, within Indian Christianity, debates among missionaries and Indian converts themselves reveal the complex relationship with caste. While some Protestant missionaries, according to Vishwanath, advocated for the immediate abandonment of caste upon conversion due to its perceived link to Hinduism, others, including many high-caste Indian Christians, viewed caste as a purely civil or social distinction separable from religion, thus justifying its continuation within the Christian fold. This perspective often framed caste as a historical division of labour or social rank, seen as natural or even moral to observe, stripped of its overt “heathenish” religious justification from Hinduism.[11] Catholic missions, in some instances, were even more accommodating of existing caste structures, as seen in the approach of figures like Robert de Nobili, according to Ashok Mocherla.[12] These historical dynamics illustrate that conversion to Christianity, in practice, did not necessarily translate into the erasure of caste identity or cessation of caste-based social stratification and discrimination.

Similarly, while Islam conceptually emphasizes equality among believers, the social history of Muslims in the Indian subcontinent includes the development of hierarchical structures akin to caste, often reflected in divisions like Ashraf (those claiming foreign ancestry), Ajlaf (indigenous converts from privileged Hindu castes), and Arzal (converts from marginalised Hindu castes, including Dalits), with social interaction and marriage patterns often following these lines.[13]

Therefore, the legal position, as reinforced by judgments like Akkala Rami Reddy, rests on an incomplete and perhaps Orientalist understanding that segregates caste primarily as a “Hindu problem” that is resolved through conversion to religions deemed inherently egalitarian. This perspective fails to acknowledge the socio-economic realities and persistent discrimination faced by Dalit converts, whose historical location within the caste hierarchy continues to shape their experiences regardless of their faith. A more comprehensive understanding would recognize caste not merely as a theological construct limited to Hinduism, but as a deeply entrenched social structure of hierarchy, discrimination, and exclusion that has adapted and manifested within various religious communities in India. Consequently, linking Scheduled Caste status eligibility solely to the profession of specific religions, while ignoring the lived reality of continued caste-based disadvantage among converts to others, appears fundamentally inconsistent with the affirmative action principles intended to address historical injustices rooted in caste. It creates a paradox where individuals continue to suffer caste discrimination but are legally denied the means to address it based on their religious identity, highlighting the critical need for a religion-neutral approach to defining and addressing the Scheduled Castes.

One of the major unresolved issues lies in the Ghazi Saaduddin v. State of Maharashtra case, stalled since 2004. It challenges the constitutional legitimacy of the 1950 Presidential Order. In April 2024, the Supreme Court postponed hearing the matter, pointing to an ongoing inquiry by a commission headed by former Chief Justice K.G. Balakrishnan. The commission’s findings are now due in October 2025.

The core question remains whether the Indian legal system will evolve to recognize the lived reality of caste discrimination beyond specified religious confines, thereby ensuring that the constitutional promise of equality and social justice truly extends to all its Dalit citizens.

(The author is part of the legal research team of the organisation).

[1] [1] CRIMINAL PETITION No.7114 OF 2022

[2] Para 17, AIR 1952 MADRAS 474

[3] Page 12, AIR 1969 SUPREME COURT 101

[4] Ibid page 14.

[5] Page 6, AIR 1976 SUPREME COURT 1904

[6] Page 14, AIR 1984 SUPREME COURT 600

[7] Ibid

[8] Para 12, 2024 INSC 920

^[9] Dr.Bhimrao Ambedkar, Annihilation of Caste (1936), ch.19, Para 7.

^[10] Rupa Vishwanath, The Pariah Problem: Caste, Religion, and the Social in Modern India (2014), p.313, Columbia University Press.

[11] Ibid p.75

[12] Ashok Kumar Mocherla, Dalit Christians in South India (2021), pp. 107-108

[13] Sobin George & Shrinidhi Adiga, ‘Caste’ Among Muslims: Ethnographic Account from a Karnataka Village(2017), p.1

Related:

Over 300 attacks on Christians reported this year, over 2000 women, Adivasis and Dalits injured

No SC quota for Dalits converting to Islam & Christianity to contest elections: Centre to RS

Beyond “Rice Bag” Christians: Examining the case of Indigenous Christianity in India

The post No to Dalits who are Christian, Muslim, how the AP HC limits its understanding of caste and faith appeared first on SabrangIndia.

What makes the case even more disturbing is that despite the seriousness of the charges—including sexual assault and criminal intimidation—the police have not made any arrests as of April 21, nearly two weeks after the assault.

According to the First Information Report (FIR), the accused approached the survivor while he was watching a wedding procession and lured him to a nearby bus stand on the pretext of discussing work. From there, they allegedly took him to a secluded area, where they forced him to undress, beat him with a bottle, hurled casteist slurs, urinated on him, and sexually assaulted him. They also recorded a video of the attack and used it to threaten the victim with blackmail should he report the crime.

“They were drunk. They hit me with a bottle, urinated on me, and used casteist abuses,” the survivor told the police in his complaint, as per Siasat. He also reported that the accused threatened to harm his father, who works abroad, if he told anyone what had happened.

Deputy Superintendent of Police Arvind Kumar confirmed that an FIR has been registered under various sections of the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act and the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita (BNS). The survivor’s medical examination has been conducted and his statement recorded, but the accused remain at large. Police say investigations are “ongoing.”

Delayed justice, deep trauma

The delay in filing the complaint is being attributed to the severe trauma and fear of retaliation. Former Rajasthan Chief Minister Ashok Gehlot stated, “The trauma was so severe that the victim couldn’t file a complaint for eight days.” The survivor’s family is reportedly living in fear, afraid of further harassment or violence.

The incident has snowballed into a political flashpoint, with the Congress party criticising the BJP-led state government for failing to provide protection to marginalised communities. Rajasthan’s Leader of Opposition, Tikaram Jully—himself a Dalit—called the attack “a shameful truth” and a symbol of the continued impunity enjoyed by dominant-caste perpetrators.

“This is the reality of Rajasthan today—a Dalit youth kidnapped, beaten, sexually assaulted, and humiliated. This is not a movie scene—it’s a shameful truth,” said Jully.

Ironically, Jully himself was recently subjected to caste-based humiliation. On April 6, during a Ram Navami celebration in Alwar district, former BJP MLA Gyandev Ahuja allegedly ordered the ‘purification’ of a Ram temple with gangajal after Jully’s visit, implying that a Dalit’s presence had defiled the space. Ahuja later justified the act, saying that those who do not believe in Lord Ram were “sinful.”

Two More Shocking Cases: Telangana and Uttar Pradesh

The Sikar atrocity is part of a deeply disturbing trend. Two other brutal assaults against Dalits have surfaced in the last few days—one in Telangana and the other in Uttar Pradesh—each marked by caste hatred, sexual violence, and humiliation.

Telangana: Dalit man stripped, beaten, and forced to lick feet

In Hyderabad’s Petbasheerabad area, 26-year-old Tarun Kumar, a Dalit from the Madiga community, was subjected to extreme caste humiliation on March 26. His complaint, filed on April 13, states that he was attacked by six men while trying to mediate a divorce between a couple. Among the accused are men from the Yadav and Goud communities, as well as one Muslim man.

As per a report of The Mint, Tarun alleged that he was lured to a house under false pretences, then stripped, beaten, abused with casteist slurs, and forced to lick the attackers’ feet. They also recorded the entire assault on video. He was left severely injured and unable to stand, requiring hospitalisation.

Police have registered a case under the SC/ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Act and the BNS. So far, five of the six accused have been arrested, and one remains at large. Investigations are ongoing, but civil society groups have raised concerns about the delay in registering the complaint and the slow pace of arrests.

Uttar Pradesh: Minor Dalit girl raped, found naked and injured in field

In one of the most gut-wrenching incidents in recent memory, an 11-year-old Dalit girl who is both deaf and mute was brutally raped in Rampur district, Uttar Pradesh. The child went missing on April 15 and was found naked and injured in a field the next morning. She had been lured into a forest by 24-year-old Dan Singh, a man from her village.

Medical examinations confirmed multiple injuries to her private parts and face, suggesting that she had been beaten with a blunt object. Dr Anju Singh, who conducted the examination, told The Times of India, “It is one of the most horrific sexual crimes I have seen.”

Police registered a case under Section 65(2) of the BNS and Sections 5m/6 of the POCSO Act. The accused attempted to fire on police during arrest and was injured in retaliatory fire. He has since confessed to the crime. The child has been referred to Meerut Medical College for specialised treatment.

Systemic caste violence and institutional failure

Across all three cases, there is a clear pattern: Dalit individuals were humiliated, brutalised, and dehumanised—often sexually—and in two of the three cases, the violence was filmed and weaponised as a form of caste terror.

Despite the severity of these crimes, arrests were either delayed or have not occurred at all. In Sikar, the accused continue to evade arrest nearly two weeks after the incident. In Hyderabad, the sixth attacker is yet to be apprehended. Only in Rampur did the police act swiftly—but even that required a shootout.

These cases are not isolated; they are emblematic of the structural impunity that shields perpetrators of caste atrocities. Despite laws like the SC/ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, enforcement remains patchy and often sluggish. Survivors and their families frequently face threats, trauma, and stigma when seeking justice.

The repeated use of sexual violence, public humiliation, and video evidence to assert caste dominance reveals not only the cruelty of the acts but also a disturbing confidence among perpetrators that they will face no real consequences.

Related:

Mountain Man Dasrath Manjhi: A Kabir panthi from the MahaDalit community who toiled for 22 years to make the impossible possible

Ayodhya’s shocking crime: Dalit woman found dead, allegations of sexual violence, police accused of delay

Statewide Attacks: A chilling chronicle of caste-based attacks across the country

The alarming rise of anti-Dalit violence and discrimination in India: A series of gruesome incidents since July 2024

The post ‘They Beat Me, Undressed Me, Urinated on Me’: Dalit youth in Rajasthan brutally assaulted; no arrests yet appeared first on SabrangIndia.

In Uttar Pradesh, a shocking incident in Bulandshahr saw eight teachers booked for brutally beating a Dalit Class 12 student over his haircut, while in Mainpuri, a Class 11 Dalit student was allegedly assaulted by a teacher for touching a water bottle, facing casteist slurs and physical harm. The state also witnessed the custodial death of a Dalit youth in Azamgarh, with his family alleging torture, and a Kasganj case where eight individuals were booked for the alleged murder of a Dalit girl following tensions related to her sister’s inter-caste relationship. Furthermore, in Basti, an SDM faces accusations of using casteist slurs and physically assaulting a Dalit woman seeking redress for a land dispute.

Tamil Nadu has also reported harrowing instances, including a Class 6 Dalit student brutally assaulted by a PT teacher, leaving him critically injured. In Thoothukudi, a 17-year-old Dalit student had his fingers chopped off in a caste-based attack while on his way to an exam, prompting NHRC intervention. A particularly shameful case in Coimbatore saw a Class 8 Dalit girl forced to sit outside during exams due to menstruation, leading to the principal’s suspension and a police complaint.

Madhya Pradesh witnessed blatant caste discrimination in Jabalpur, where Dalits were prevented from performing funeral rites on traditionally used land, and in Sehore, a Dalit family was violently stopped from building their house and subjected to a social and economic boycott.

In Bihar, an 80-year-old Dalit woman was reportedly gang-raped and brutally beaten in Gopalganj. Rajasthan, too, reported a deeply concerning incident where a police constable in Jaipur was arrested for allegedly raping a pregnant Dalit woman under the pretext of recording her statement. Additionally, Kota mourned the alleged suicide of a Dalit medical student who, according to fellow students, was deliberately failed and barred from exams.

These interconnected incidents across multiple states underscore the urgent need for stringent measures to combat caste-based discrimination and violence, ensure justice for victims, and safeguard the rights and dignity of Dalit individuals, especially students.

Uttar Pradesh

Dalit student beaten with sticks over haircut in Bulandshahr

In a shocking incident out of Bulandshahr, UP, eight teachers at a prominent school have been booked for allegedly assaulting a Class 12 Dalit student over his haircut, leaving the 17-year-old with severe injuries including head wounds requiring stitches and fractures in both hands.

The assault, involving sticks and casteist slurs, reportedly occurred on January 25, prompting the school to immediately suspend the accused teachers, who belong to another caste. The matter gained public attention on Friday after the victim’s parents, who initially made an “initial compromise under pressure,” were compelled to file a First Information Report (FIR) due to “repeated threats by the accused,” who allegedly even tried to prevent their son from taking his ongoing UP board exams that commenced in late February, reported the Times of India.

As per report, Circle officer Shobit Kumar stated that an FIR was registered on March 5th under various sections of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita (BNS) and the SC/ST Act against Sonu Kumar, Vipin Kumar, Deepak Kumar, Manoj Kumar (I), Manoj Kumar (II), Yogesh Kumar, Yogendra, and Prashant, assuring that “investigation is on and action will be taken accordingly” and that the student is “in stable condition and appearing in his exams.”

Those teachers were suspended and we’ll co-operate with the police in their investigation.” Recounting her son’s ordeal, the student’s mother, Maya Rani, explained that the teachers objected to his haircut in January, and “the next day (Jan 25) he was mercilessly beaten with sticks in school,” leaving him bedridden with trauma and injuries for over a month, hindering his exam preparations. She further alleged that they were initially pressured into a compromise, but “the accused teachers continued to threaten us and intimidate my son during his exams,” leaving them with no choice but to approach the police, demanding their arrest.

Class 12’s Dalit student brutally beaten by upper caste teacher for touching water bottle

In yet another harrowing instance of caste-based violence in Uttar Pradesh, a Dalit Class 11 student in Mainpuri was brutally assaulted by his teacher for merely touching a water bottle in the classroom.

The incident took place on March 29 at Narendra Pratap Singh Higher Secondary School in Haripur Catholic village. The 15-year-old, from Katheria village, was subjected to casteist abuse by biology teacher Mangal Singh Shakya, who locked him in a room and beat him so severely that two of his fingers were fractured. The teacher reportedly said, “How dare you touch the bottle? It’s untouchable now.”

#Casteism A Dalit youth of class 12th was brutally beaten by a caste Hindu teacher for touching a water bottle, his hand was broken, the incident is from Mainpuri, Uttar Pradesh.#DalitLivesMatter pic.twitter.com/PgtwwG7Z7A

— The Dalit Voice (@ambedkariteIND) April 3, 2025

The boy suffered injuries to his thigh, shoulder, and jaw. After being taken to the hospital by his family, the police allegedly refused to file a report, prompting them to approach the Superintendent of Police.

Dalit youth died in Azamgarh Police custody, family alleges torture

The custodial death of 20-year-old Dalit youth Sunny Kumar at the Tarwa police station in Azamgarh on Sunday night has ignited fierce protests from his family and local community. Demonstrations intensified on Monday, marked by the vandalism of a police vehicle and road blockades outside the station, prompting a significant police deployment to restore order.

Kumar, son of Harikant, was detained on Sunday following a sexual harassment complaint filed by a minor girl, alleging obscene gestures and vulgar songs played on his phone on March 28th. Tragically, late Sunday night, a police guard reportedly discovered Kumar’s body hanging by his pyjama drawstring in the police station bathroom. Despite Senior Superintendent of Police Hemraj Meena’s initial suggestion of suicide based on preliminary findings, Kumar’s family and local political figures, including Samajwadi Party MP Dharmendra Yadav, vehemently allege custodial torture and murder, as reported the Observer Post.

Dalit Youth Dies in Azamgarh Police Custody; Family Alleges Torture, Protests Erupt

Read:https://t.co/2KWqDe5G8u

— The Observer Post (@TheObserverPost) April 1, 2025

In response to the grave accusations, several police officers, including the station house officer, a sub-inspector, and a constable, have been suspended. District Magistrate Navneet Singh Chahal has also ordered a magisterial inquiry into the circumstances surrounding Kumar’s death. The post-mortem examination, conducted under tight security, reportedly showed no external injuries on Kumar’s body. However, authorities have stated that a comprehensive investigation will be conducted, exploring all possible aspects of the case.

Castiest abuse by UP official, victim Dalit woman approached Women’s Commission

In Basti, Uttar Pradesh, SDM Ashutosh Tiwari faces severe accusations of caste-based discrimination and misconduct against a Dalit woman who approached him for a land dispute resolution on March 6, 2025. The woman alleges that Tiwari used casteist slurs, calling her “lower caste” and “ill-mannered,” physically pushed her out of his office, and threatened to seize her land if she didn’t withdraw her complaint.

Despite reporting the incident to district authorities, she claims no action has been taken and that she faces continued harassment from tehsil employees pressuring her to retract her allegations. The victim has now appealed to the State Women’s Commission, demanding Tiwari’s immediate removal and the registration of a case against him, also seeking protection.

A member of the Commission has assured justice for the victim and strict punishment for the accused, confirming an ongoing investigation into the matter, reported the Mooknayak.

8 booked for murder of Dalit girl and kidnap of her elder sister in Kasganj

Meanwhile, in Uttar Pradesh’s Kasganj district, eight people have been booked for allegedly murdering a 14-year-old Dalit girl and staging it as suicide, following tensions over her sister’s relationship with an 18-year-old from another community.

#Horrific They came to kidnap a 14-year-old Dalit girl, when her younger sister resisted, they brutally murdered her, the accused Yadav is from the Hindu community, the elder girl is still missing, the incident is from Kasganj in Uttar Pradesh… pic.twitter.com/OuOyF9Njft

— The Dalit Voice (@ambedkariteIND) March 2, 2025

The elder sister, was reported kidnapped but later recovered by police. No arrests have been made yet. Kasganj ASP Rajesh Kumar Bhartiya said that, “We will get her medical examination conducted and record her statement before a magistrate. The girl might provide crucial details about what happened on Saturday afternoon,” said Kasganj ASP Rajesh Kumar Bhartiya” reported the Indian Express.

However, people from another caste were detained by local police on March 2, an FIR was registered under section 103(2) murder and 140 (1) (kidnapping with murderous intent) of the BNS along with the SC/ST Act against the villagers following a complaint by the victim’s father, as reported the Times of India.

As per report, victim’s father also alleged that influential people from the village took my elder daughter away and killed and hanged my younger one when she tried to save her sister.

Tamil Nadu

Class 6 Dalit student was brutally assaulted by PT teacher

In another incident at V. Akram Government High School in Tamil Nadu’s Villupuram district, a Class 6 Dalit student was brutally assaulted by a Physical Education (PT) teacher, reportedly causing severe head injuries that required surgery. The child, whose condition remains critical, also sustained stomach wounds requiring multiple stitches. The attack sparked widespread outrage after a photo of the boy’s post-surgery injuries went viral. Although the teacher is also from a Scheduled Caste, the brutality has drawn sharp criticism across the state.

#Horrific A Dalit student of class 6 of a government school was brutally beaten by a caste Hindu PT teacher, the condition of the boy is critical, this painful incident is from Villupuram, Tamil Nadu.#DalitLivesMatter pic.twitter.com/5ntcpHkR2O

— The Dalit Voice (@ambedkariteIND) March 29, 2025

The Communist Party of India (Marxist) condemned the assault and demanded swift action, calling out the inaction of authorities. Activist Shalin Maria Lawrence also criticised the DMK-led government for its failure to protect Dalit students in educational institutions. Despite growing public pressure, there has been no official response or action taken by the School Education Department or the police at the time of reporting.

Fingers of 17-year-old Dalit students chopped, NHRC takes suo moto action

In a horrifying incident rooted in caste-based violence, 17-year-old Dalit student Devendran Raj from Ariyanayagapuram village in Tamil Nadu’s Thoothukudi district was brutally attacked while on his way to appear for a Class 11 exam. Three upper-caste youths from a neighbouring village reportedly stopped his bus near Kattarimangalam, dragged him out, and assaulted him with a sickle, severing four fingers on his left hand—one of which is still missing. His father, Thanga Ganesh, a daily-wage labourer, was also severely injured while trying to protect his son.

The assault was allegedly driven by caste hatred and revenge, following a kabaddi match where Devendran’s team defeated a team from the attackers’ village. The brutal act has triggered widespread anger and calls for justice across the state. Doctors at Tirunelveli Government Medical College conducted a seven-hour surgery to reattach the severed fingers. Devendran’s condition remains critical. Activists including Shalin Maria Lawrence and VCK leader Thol. Thirumavalavan have demanded justice, immediate compensation, and better medical care.

A #Dalit student was attacked by a gang of unknown persons, and his fingers chopped, in #TamilNadu’s #Tirunelveli district while he was on his way to write an exam.

Devendran Raj, a Class 11 student and son of a day-wager Thanga Ganesh, was travelling from his residence to his… pic.twitter.com/q6lzTXPLvJ

— Hate Detector (@HateDetectors) March 11, 2025

NHRC takes suo moto cognizance

The National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) has taken suo moto cognizance, terming the assault a grave human rights violation. Notices have been issued to the Tamil Nadu DGP and Thoothukudi District Collector. Police have arrested one accused, Lakshmanan, and detained two others. The case is being investigated under the IPC and the SC/ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, reported Maktoob Media.

Class 8 Dalit girl student made to sit outside classroom during exams after menstruation

A deeply disturbing incident of alleged caste- and gender-based discrimination has come to light from Senguttaipalayam village in Tamil Nadu’s Coimbatore district. A minor Dalit student from the Arunthathiyar community, studying in Class 8, was reportedly forced to take her annual examinations outside the classroom simply because she had started menstruating. This discriminatory act was witnessed and recorded by the girl’s mother, whose video has since sparked widespread public outrage on social media, with calls for accountability echoing across platforms.

In pursuit of justice, the mother has formally appealed to the education authorities. The incident has also prompted local villagers to rally together and raise the issue with the Pollachi sub-collector. The minor was enrolled in Class 7 at the Swamy Chidbhavanda Matric Higher Secondary School in Senguttaipalayam village, located in Kinathukadavu Taluk.

According to the Hindu, Assistant Superintendent of Police Shristi Singh, who conducted a preliminary inquiry on Thursday, told reporters that “The mother of the student called the class teacher on the evening of April 6 around 5:30 p.m. and requested a special seating arrangement. The class teacher reportedly asked the mother to speak to the principal.”

She further added that “On April 7, Monday, while dropping off her daughter, the mother met the principal and asked that a separate arrangement be made to prevent infections. After she left, the student was made to sit outside the classroom to write the exam. That evening, she returned home and complained of leg pain from sitting on the floor. She did not attend the revision class the next day, and returned on Wednesday to write another exam. One of the relatives noticed her sitting outside, through the compound wall, and informed the parents. The mother rushed to the school and recorded a video of the incident” as reported

Principle suspended; girl’s father lodged complaint

Amidst the escalating outcry, the school correspondent has invoked Section 17 of the Right of Children to Free and Compulsory Education Act, 2009, issuing a suspension order to the school principal, citing the prohibition of physical or mental harassment of children. Adding to the legal pressure, the girl’s father lodged a formal complaint with the Negamam police on April 10.

Consequently, a case has been registered against the school’s Principal M. Anandhi, office assistant Shanthi, and Correspondent Thangavelpandian. They have been charged under Sections 3(1)(r) and 3(1)(za)(D) of the Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, 1989, acknowledging the girl’s Scheduled Caste status. Furthermore, the parents’ petition alleges that the accused also directed caste-based insults towards the girl’s mother when she confronted them about the discriminatory treatment, reported the Hindu

Madhya Pradesh

Dalits stopped from performing funeral rites in Jabalpur

In Madhya Pradesh’s Jabalpur district, members of the Dalit community were prevented from performing the last rites of a deceased elder due to caste-based discrimination. The incident took place in Chapod village, Pauri Panchayat, about 37 km from Jabalpur. When the Ahirwar community attempted to cremate 70-year-old Shivprasad Ahirwar on government land traditionally used for funerals, upper-caste locals objected, claiming the land as their own and citing standing crops. The family was forced to call the police, who intervened and arranged for the funeral to be held elsewhere.

The land in question, a government plot, has been used for cremations for generations. However, in recent years, members of the Patel family had allegedly encroached upon it for farming. Following public outrage and pressure from Scheduled Caste organisations, the District Collector ordered the removal of the encroachment and the construction of a permanent cremation ground.

Dalit rights groups have condemned the incident as not just a land dispute, but a blatant violation of constitutional rights. Former SC Commission member Pradeep Ahirwar called it a reflection of deep-rooted casteism and demanded strong legal action and justice for the affected family, as reported the Mooknayak.

Dalit family in Sehore attacked and boycotted for building a house

A Dalit family in Sehore district, Madhya Pradesh, was violently prevented from constructing their house by members of the dominant caste. As the family began building their home, upper-caste individuals not only stopped the construction but also subjected them to physical assault and casteist slurs.

मकान बना रहे दलित परिवार को जातिवादियों ने मकान बनाने से रोका, बंद किया हुक्का पानी, जातिसूचक गालियाँ देकर की मारपीट, दुकानदारों से कहा, “अगर दलितों को कुछ भी दिया तो देना पड़ेगा एक लाख का जुर्माना” घटना मध्य प्रदेश के सिहोर की है… #MadhyaPradesh | #Dalitnews | @MPPoliceDeptt pic.twitter.com/lkATR2rfRT

— Dalit Times | दलित टाइम्स (@DalitTime) March 4, 2025

Moreover, the attackers enforced a complete social and economic boycott — cutting off access to water and other basic services (referred to as “hukka pan band“). They also warned local shopkeepers and vendors not to sell anything to the Dalit family, threatening a fine of ₹1 lakh for non-compliance.

Bihar

An 80-year-old Dalit woman was gang-raped and brutally beaten up in Gopalganj

In a horrifying incident in Gopalganj, Bihar, an 80-year-old Dalit woman was reportedly subjected to a brutal gang rape and severe beating. The alleged perpetrators are stated to be individuals from the Muslim community.

#Horrific An 80-year-old Dalit woman was gang-raped and brutally beaten up in Bihar’s Gopalganj. All the accused are from the Muslim community.#DalitLivesMatter pic.twitter.com/tY5lCDwXbR

— The Dalit Voice (@ambedkariteIND) March 18, 2025

This deeply disturbing act of violence has likely sent shockwaves through the region, highlighting the vulnerability of marginalised communities to such heinous crimes and raising serious concerns about law and order

Rajasthan

Constable arrested for raping Dalit woman in Jaipur

A Rajasthan police constable stationed at Sanganer police station was apprehended on Sunday following a chilling allegation of rape. According to officials, Constable Bhagaram lured a pregnant Dalit woman away from her home on the pretext of recording her statement concerning a previous complaint she had filed. While her husband was at work, Bhagaram allegedly took the woman and her three-year-old child to a hotel room.

There, under the guise of needing to change clothes, he took her to a private room and reportedly committed the heinous act of rape, even threatening her with her husband’s imprisonment and warning her against reporting the crime when she resisted.

The victim’s husband filed a First Information Report (FIR) on Saturday night, detailing the horrific ordeal his wife endured in front of their young son. Assistant Commissioner of Police (ACP) Vinod Kumar Sharma confirmed the arrest and stated that a medical examination of the woman has been conducted. This appalling incident has triggered significant political condemnation, with former Chief Minister Ashok Gehlot decrying the state of law and order under the current BJP government, especially as it occurred in the Chief Minister’s constituency around Women’s Day. Gehlot has demanded the constable’s dismissal and strict, exemplary punishment, reported the Observer Post.

Dalit medical student allegedly suicide as deliberately barred from exams

Rajasthan’s Kota is reeling after the alleged suicide of Dalit medical student Sunil Bairwa at a local medical college. Fellow students protesting for justice have asserted that Sunil was deliberately failed and barred from exams, pushing him into severe depression. This tragic claim has ignited outrage, leading to a demonstration where students surrounded Principal Dr. Sangeeta Saxena, demanding accountability.

Disturbing videos of the protest have rapidly circulated on social media, amplifying the calls for a thorough investigation into the circumstances surrounding Sunil’s death and the allegations of discriminatory treatment that may have contributed to his despair.

राजस्थान : कोटा के मेडिकल कॉलेज में दलित स्टूडेंट सुनील बैरवा ने कि आत्महत्या, सुनील के लिए इंसाफ मांग रहे अन्य छात्रों ने बताया, “सुनील को जबरन फेल किया गया, एग्जाम में बैठने नहीं दिया जा रहा था..जिसको लेकर वो डिप्रेशन में था..” छात्रों ने प्रिंसिपल डॉ. संगीता सक्सेना का घेराव… pic.twitter.com/Faw4J0fwkW

— Dalit Times | दलित टाइम्स (@DalitTime) March 7, 2025

The incident has cast a shadow over the medical college and sparked concerns about the support systems available to students, particularly those from marginalised communities.

Related:

The alarming rise of anti-Dalit violence and discrimination in India: A series of gruesome incidents since July 2024

CJP Maharashtra: Surge in communal and caste-based violence with six incidents in January 2025

Caste-Based violence shakes Karnataka and Andhra Pradesh in alarming incidents

The post Statewide Attacks: A chilling chronicle of caste-based attacks across the country appeared first on SabrangIndia.

In a quiet village of Telangana, the dawn of the New Year brought no celebration for Ramu. On December 31, as the world rejoiced, his life took a horrifying turn. Standing innocently outside his house, Ramu was accosted by two police officers. His only crime? Being in his own space, which seemed unacceptable to those wearing the uniform of the law. What began as a verbal altercation ended in a nightmarish assault? The bruises on his arms and legs told a story of pain and humiliation, but Ramu’s voice refused to be silenced. His courage to recount his ordeal sparked a fire of accountability.

A few hundred kilometres away in Uttar Pradesh, Rahul bore the brunt of a different kind of atrocity. Accused of coercing villagers into religious conversion, he was paraded through the streets, garlanded with shoes, and beaten. His cries for justice echoed through the land as FIRs were lodged against him and his tormentors alike. In the same state, Shivbadan, another Dalit, faced similar brutality for his faith. Accused of attempting conversions, he was assaulted by a mob who claimed to teach him a lesson. His dignity lay shattered, but his spirit remained unbroken as he sought justice through the legal system.

In Basti, Uttar Pradesh, the story turned tragic. A 17-year-old Dalit boy attended a birthday celebration, hoping for joy, but returned home scarred and humiliated. Stripped, beaten, and urinated upon by his peers, his dignity was stolen in the cruellest way possible. Unable to bear the shame, he ended his life, leaving his family grappling with grief and rage. Their fight for justice led them to stage a sit-in protest, forcing the authorities to act.

Farther south, in Tamil Nadu, a young Dalit boy found himself at the mercy of a man enraged over a trivial act—scribbling on a dusty car. Dragged into a house, he was beaten mercilessly, his cries drawing his mother to his rescue. But when she confronted the perpetrator, she too became a victim. The incident underscored the ingrained prejudice that sees even the smallest mistakes by Dalits as punishable offenses.

In Andhra Pradesh, the prestigious grounds of Sri Venkateswara University became the backdrop for an appalling assault. Dr. Changaiah, a respected Dalit professor, found himself at the receiving end of the wrath of those who resented his advocacy for social justice. The attack was a chilling reminder that even educational spaces are not immune to caste-based hatred.

Meanwhile, in Madhya Pradesh, a Dalit man named Mukesh Longre entered a police station, only to leave in a body bag. The police claimed it was suicide, but his family alleged foul play, accusing officers of demanding bribes and resorting to violence. His death was not just a tragedy but a damning indictment of a system meant to protect but often persecutes.

In Karnataka, a song celebrating Dr. B.R. Ambedkar became the reason for violence. Deepu, a young Dalit, played the song in a milk van, unaware that it would provoke the ire of caste Hindus. What followed was a brutal assault, leaving him with severe injuries. The incident laid bare the deep-seated intolerance that continues to plague the nation.

Through these incidents runs a thread of systemic failure – a justice system that falters, a society that turns a blind eye, and a nation that still struggles with the shadows of caste-based discrimination.

The complaint may be read here:

Related:

How Indian society uses slur and stigma to perpetuate indignity and exclusion: Dalits

The alarming rise of anti-Dalit violence and discrimination in India: A series of gruesome incidents since July 2024

CJP sends complaint in 8 cases of hate crime to the National Commission for Minorities

The post From December 2024 Onwards: CJP raises alarm over escalating anti-Dalit atrocities to NCSC appeared first on SabrangIndia.

This attack comes barely a week after a Hindutva mob, which had people reportedly associated with Bajrang Dal, along with local leaders from political parties such as Congress, BJP, and Bharat Rashtra Samithi (BRS), took out a violent assault on Dalit Christians who were conducting prayers at a local church. The incident took place on February 13 in Janwada village in Shankarpally, in the Rangareddy district of Telangana.

The attack took place after tensions between the local Dalit Christians and members of dominant castes appeared to have escalated. The Christians were stating that the road being constructed was encroaching on the church grounds. The construction of the road was being overseen by a Congress politician, who according to reports, used casteist slurs against the people before the mob arrived, as per a report by The News Minute.

The attackers who were chanting ‘Jai Shri Ram,’ desecrated the religious space and vandalised the sacred objects such as the crucifix, and also damaged chairs, and the church’s roof. The brutal attack resulted in injuries to at least 20 Dalit Christians, including two children.

Following the heinous attack on the church, the Mokila police registered an FIR after a complaint was lodged by K Balaiah, who is head of the church and was also injured in the attack. The FIR is filed against some 29 people and as of now six people, including the primary accused figures, Talari Maisaiah and Goudicharla Narsimha, have been arrested. Some of the others are reportedly absconding.

The NewsMinute reported that the FIR details that Talari Maisah, who is a former Mandal Parishad Territorial Constituency (MPTC) member associated with the Congress Party, and Goudiicherla Narsimha, the husband of a former village sarpanch affiliated with the BRS, allegedly approached V Ravinder, the official in charge of road widening operations and had demanded for the construction of the road to extend into church compound. Meanwhile, V Ravinder who is the deputy engineer of the Hyderabad Metropolitan Development Authority (HMDA) has also filed a complaint against Bajrang Dal members for attacking the church, according to Siasat News.

Furthermore, Goudicherla Narsimha filed a counter complaint against five Dalit Christians who have consequently been arrested on charges of disrupting the construction, and attacking him and others.

On February 17 Dalit Students’ Union from the University of Hyderabad took out a protest against the church attack on the Dalit Christians.

Dalit Students Union (DSU) members from HCU were detained by the police for taking out Chalo Janvada protest in the wake of attacks on Madiga Christians in Janvada of Shankarpally. pic.twitter.com/50SHkUDLK9

— CharanTeja (@CharanT16) February 17, 2024

Dalits constitute about 17 percent of Telangana’s population, according to The Quint, yet caste atrocities against Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribe populations continue to persist. In the first half of 2023, the central government noted 49 cases of atrocities, including 27 murders, of Dalits and Tribals.

Related:

Jabalpur, Madhya Pradesh: 5 Dalit children beaten with sticks, with hands tied behind their back, for drinking water from a well

Dalit groom attacked, threatened, and beaten off a horse at his wedding in Gujarat

January 2024: Alarming surge in attacks targeting Dalit women

The post Telangana: Christian cemetery attacked a week after Dalit Churchgoers were attacked appeared first on SabrangIndia.

It has been alleged that the 5 boys belong to the Dalit community and are being hit with sticks for drinking water from a well. A crowd can also be seen in the video, standing quietly as the man goes on to abusing the 5 children. At one point in the video, a boy from the group of five can be seen running towards the crowd of people standing and watching the brutality unfold, only to be pushed towards the man beating them with the stick, who goes on to beat the child.

The video can be viewed here:

Five #Dalit minor kids were tied with rope and beaten with sticks for drinking water from a well in #MadhyaPradesh‘s #Jabalpur. pic.twitter.com/E2alwHjhuW

— Hate Detector (@HateDetectors) February 17, 2024

It is essential to note that in accordance to Article 15 of the Constitution of India, discrimination amongst people on the basis of their caste attracts severe consequences and punishments. Article 15(2)(a) of the Indian Constitution provides that citizens should not be prevented from accessing public places, such as shops, restaurants, hotels or any other place which is open to the general public solely because of their religion, race, caste, gender, place of birth, or any other similar basis. Article 15(2)(b) of the Constitution states that no individual can restrict another individual on the basis of religion, race, caste, gender, or place of birth from using septic tanks, wells, roads, or any other public facility maintained by the state funds or specifically designated for public use.

Last year too, in November of 2023, a number of Dalit people were assaulted by the Parmar community in Madhya Pradesh’s Morena over the issue of cutting trees. Members of the Dalit community had then been attacked by axes and sticks.

Related:

Dalit groom attacked, threatened, and beaten off a horse at his wedding in Gujarat

Temple abandoned by worshippers due to Dalit being allowed to enter

Dalit boy humiliated, forced to drink urine and liquor in Ajmer, Rajasthan

January 2024: Alarming surge in attacks targeting Dalit women

Systemic Discrimination: Dalit students in Tamil Nadu endure abuses, segregated meals, and forced to clean toilets

The post Jabalpur, Madhya Pradesh: 5 Dalit children beaten with sticks, with hands tied behind their back, for drinking water from a well appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Tiruvannamalai, Tamil Nadu

A struggle goes for Dalit dignity in the village of Thenmudiyanur, nestled within the Tiruvannamalai district of Tamil Nadu as higher caste Hindus boycott a temple after Dalits were begun to be allowed in it. According to Frontline Magazine, Dalits were long excluded from the local temple. However, after demands and political pressure from the CPI (M) and Viduthalai Chiruthaigal Katchi (VCK), the district administration granted access to the Dalits on January 30, 2023 the temple was closed. The temple’s priest, belonging to a backward caste, gave up his post. However, after a series of peace meetings, the temple reopened in August 2023, only to be boycotted by the higher caste community. A new temple has now been erected according to reports, where the higher caste Hindu communities are preparing to go to pray.

Bengaluru, Karnataka

In Karnataka’s Bengaluru, a Dalit professor named Ravi Bagi, has made allegations of caste discrimination against the National Education Society’s management following his transfer to a different college. Bagi, who is a teacher of Kannada has asserted that the institution’s management is being discriminatory against him and have reportedly “demoted” him even though for a year, he has been urging the college to furnish a letter supporting his PhD guideship to Bengaluru University. However, he has been transferred to teach pre-university students now, according to Hindustan Times.

The transfer has reportedly relocated Bagi from Basavanagudi National College, where he taught both undergraduate and postgraduate students, to Jayanagar National College where he will now be teaching pre-university students. According to the HT report, he has stated that he feels “marginalised”, “There have been no complaints regarding my competence or performance. Suddenly, the management has demoted me from teaching PG and UG to Pre University. I feel marginalised due to my Dalit identity.” 

Narauli, Uttar Pradesh

After the Republic Day function at Sardar Singh Inter College in Narauli town, two students reportedly assaulted and beat up a Dalit student who had finished his speech on Dr BR Ambedkar with the chant ‘Jai Bhim-Jai Bharat’. The victim has filed a complaint after which a First Information Report (FIR) has been registered by the police. The police have stated that they are actively investigating the matter. The FIR was filed at Baniya Ther police station and it includes charges under sections 323 (voluntarily causing hurt), 504 (intentional insult with intent to provoke breach of peace), and 506 (criminal intimidation) of the Indian Penal Code (IPC), along with relevant sections of the Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribe (Prevention of Atrocities) Act. The incident highlights the importance of addressing and preventing discrimination within educational institutions. 

Related:

Anti-Dalit incidents in December: 14-year-old killed for plucking gram leaves

Untouchability and exclusion, absence of voice: Dalit situation 2023

From a former CM to a symbol of Adivasi resistance: Hemant Soren’s statement in Jharkand Assembly

9-year-old Dalit girl raped and murdered in Ghaziabad by 52-year-old landlord

The post Temple abandoned by worshippers due to Dalit being allowed to enter appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The BJP leader, and now poster boy of Hindutva, Sarma wrote a Twitter (X) post on December 26. In his post, he shared verse 44 of chapter 18 of The Bhagavad Gita with a comment that “Lord Krishna has himself described the natural duty of Vaishyas and Shudras”.

A Brahmin by caste, Sarma went on to say that the “natural duty” for Shudras was to serve the upper castes. It appears that Sarma selected a particular verse from The Gita to consolidate upper caste dominance within the state by promoting caste-based occupation.

In Sarma’s X post, a Sanskrit verse was written at the top and its Hindi translation was given below. The summary of the Hindi verse is as follows: the natural duty of Vaishyas is agriculture, trade and animal husbandry, while the natural duty of Shudras is to serve Brahmins, Kshatriyas and Vaishyas.

It is condemnable that a person, who has taken an oath of allegiance to Ambedkar’s Constitution, has written such objectionable content on his official account. He has not only hurt the sentiments of millions of Bahujans and violated democratic principles but has also gone against the teachings of Babasaheb Ambedkar.

Throughout his life, Babasaheb Ambedkar was opposed to the “division of labourers” because he thought it resulted in the denial of freedom for the non-Brahmin castes. The critiques of Ambedkarite scholars of the caste system are based on a similar logic that the rigidity of caste-based occupation puts individuals in chains and denies them to pursue the profession of their choice.

Ambedkarite scholars further argue that birth-based division of labour not only kills individual talent but also cripples the progress of the nation. On this question, Ambedkar has differences with Gandhi.

On the question of The Bhagavad Gita, whose verse the Assam Chief Minister Sarma often shares on his social media account, Ambedkar differs from caste Hindu leaders. In his uncompleted work Revolution and Counter-Revolution which he was developing in the 1950s, Ambedkar argued that The Bhagavad Gita and Manudharmashastra were written post-Buddhist period.

In the post-Buddhism period, Brahmanism rose and it launched deadly counter-revolutionary attacks on Buddhism. In that context, The Gita, according to Ambedkar, which appeared similar to the teachings of Buddhism, tried to justify the counter-revolution.

In other words, The Gita and its teachings go against the Dalit-Bahujan currents.

Ambedkar was highly critical of the teaching of The Bhagavad Gita in the following words: “The Bhagvad Gita is not a gospel and it can therefore have no message and it is futile to search for one…the Bhagvad Gita is neither a book of religion nor a book of philosophy…What the Bhagvad Gita does is to defend certain dogmas of religion on philosophical grounds”.

According to Ambedkar, The Bhagvad Gita provides not only “justification for war” but also “comes forward to offer a philosophic defense” of four-fold varna (Chaturvarnya). Besides, Babasaheb said that “The Bhagvad Gita, no doubt, mentions that the Chaturvarnya is created by God and therefore sacrosanct” (Cited in Valerian Rodrigues, ed., The Essential Writings of B.R. Ambedkar, Oxford University Press, New Delhi, 2002, p. 194).

Note, also that Assam Chief Minister and BJP leader Sarma later tried to pacify the public outrage by saying that the problem arose because of “incorrect translation” done by his staff. To escape from taking responsibility, he deleted his Shudra post and wrote on December 28, two days after his original post: “As a routine, I upload one sloka of Bhagavad Gita every morning on my social media handles. To date, I have posted 668 slokas. Recently one of my team members posted a sloka from Chapter 18 verse 44 with an incorrect translation. As soon as I noticed the mistake, I promptly deleted the post. The state of Assam reflects a perfect picture of a casteless society, thanks to the reform movement led by Mahapurush Srimanta Sankardeva. If the deleted post has offended anyone, I sincerely apologize”.

By blaming his staff and incorrect translation, Sarma tried to escape engaging with the Dalit-Bahujan critiques of The Gita. He seems reluctant to accept the fact that the differences and conflicts are not the outcome of the “wrong” translation but the text itself.

Unlike many upper-caste reformist scholars, Ambedkar was courageous and clear: he brought his criticism of The Gita to the public. Other Hindutva leaders, on the other hand, appear to be treading two contradictory paths.

While their core ideology of a hierarchy-based society has brought them attached to texts like Manu Smriti and its kinds, their vote bank politics has compelled them to show their public admiration for Ambedkar, whose life-long struggle was against the laws of Manu Smriti.

Neither Sarma nor any leader of the RSS is willing to accept the fact that the BJP and the RSS have to choose between Ambedkar’s Constitution and Manu Smriti and similar texts justifying caste-based hierarchy.

Eminent Marxist historian Prof R.S. Sharma (Ancient India) has done a pioneering study on the formation of a four-fold varna system in ancient India. He has shown that the post-Vedic society was based on a birth-based hierarchy where Brahmins were placed at the top and the Shudras, the fourth class, were degraded to the bottom. According to him, the Shudras were not only compelled to serve the top of three Varnas i.e., Brahmins, Kshatriyas and Vaishyas but also demonized as cruel and thieves.

But after Independence, Ambedkar’s point of view was accepted and the idea of equality was made an essential part of the Fundamental Right. Since the 26th of January, 1950 when the Constitution became the supreme law of the land, our country outlawed birth-based privileges as well as any form of discrimination based on caste.

Next, equal opportunity was made a key feature of the Fundamental Rights in the Constitution. Simply put, all people become equal and the state is prohibited from formulating any law that could discriminate against its citizens based on caste, gender, sex and region.

The framing of the Indian Constitution, based on secular, democratic and republican values, did away with birth-based hierarchical social rules. It was due to the powerful movements of Dalit-Bahujans, whose activists and philosophers rejected Manu Smriti and other Hindu religious texts and accepted values like equality, liberty and fraternity, one of the main pillars of the Indian Constitution. Ambedkar’s critique of The Bhagavad Gita should be seen in this context.

Soon after the Assam Chief Minister’s Twitter post quoting a verse from The Gita, a large number of people condemned him. Fearing that it may cost him dear in the upcoming elections and alienate a large section of the lower caste voters from the BJP, he was forced to suddenly delete his post.

Next, Sarma tendered an apology and blamed the “incorrect” translation. But it does not appear to be just a human mistake. On several occasions, the Hindutva leaders have spoken against Constitutions and praised “reactionary” social practices.

For example, while Sarma has apologised for his remarks on Shudras, he has never shown such a gesture as far as his anti-Muslim statements are concerned. It appears that he does it deliberately as he is aware of the fact that the success of the BJP in the state as well as outside is based on creating and maintaining a communal division between the non-Muslim Assamese populations and “infiltrator-Bangladeshi” Muslims living in Assam.

Such a communal narrative helps divert the public attention from the heart problem in the state. These include the unequal relationship between the Centre and the state. Other challenges include (a) achieving inclusive development, (b) protecting natural resources from being monopolized by the big corporate players and (c) ensuring the rights of the most vulnerable community of the state including Adivasis.

Worse still, the Adivasis and other backward castes remain largely excluded from the administration and public institutions in Assam. From business to culture, cinema and media, Dalits, Adivasis, Backward castes and Muslims remain largely kept out.

After joining the BJP from the Congress, Sarma further marginalised the already marginalised caste leaders from the BJP. He manoeuvred to succeed Sarbananda Sonewal, an Adivasi, as the fifteenth chief minister of the state. His ascendance in the BJP is due to his ability to exploit the upper caste network. Note that the numerically smaller upper castes are ruling the roost in the state, while the majority including Dalits, OBCs, Adivasi Muslims and women are kept excluded.

To maintain his dominance within the party and hide the failure of his government, Himanta Biswa Sarma is fond of airing anti-Muslim remarks. Such an anti-Muslim strategy protects upper-caste interests and pleases the RSS.

Since Sarma knows these fault lines well, he tries to blame Muslims and the Congress for all the problems. His attack on Nehru-Gandhi’s family is utterly distasteful. Nothing is as nasty as his tirade against Muslims.

A few months back, Sarma went on to blame Muslims for the price rise of vegetables. Around the same time, he gave an interview with NDTV and said that he would not “seek Muslim votes”.

It seems that the Muslims of Assam have become “politically untouchables” to him. His attacks on Muslim homes, identity and cultural and religious institutions including madrasas are getting intensified. Such a communal tone which he often uses is distasteful to democratic values.

Worse still, Sarma, in the recently held electoral campaigns in Chhattisgarh, attacked Mohammad Akbar, the only Congress minister, and said that “the land of Mata Kaushalya will get defiled if Akbar isn’t sent off”. Weeks later, he spit venom in another election rally at Khandwa (Madhya Pradesh) and said “Voting for Congress means encouraging the ‘Babars’ in the country”.

Even a quick analysis of Sarma’s speech would reveal that his narrative is not only anti-Muslim but also against Dalit-Bahujan philosophy.

In a democratic polity, no one is above the law.

But it appears that the BJP leader and the Assam Chief Minister Sarma have so far managed to easily walk away after making highly objectionable statements against the marginalized community. That is why many perceive that if half of the objectionable statements that Sarma has made so far were given by a Muslim leader or a Dalit activist, she/he would have been surely languishing in jail Thus, the citizens of the country are right to ask if Himanta Biswa Sarma is above the law.

The rise of Sarma is an example of the rise of Hindu “nationalism”. It appears that the prejudice against the working classes, mostly Dalits, Adivasis and OBCs, is being intensified under the Hindutva regime.

While Prime Minister Narendra Modi is never tired of playing the OBC card, the fact remains that under his almost 10-year rule, the position of the dominant sections of society has become further consolidated. For example, the educational, religious, cultural and commercial institutions are still monopolized by the upper castes.

The only positive change has been seen in the domain of politics where some OBC leaders have come to power. The rise of the lower castes in politics has created fear among the upper castes.

The Shudra post of BJP leader Sarma, a Brahmin Chief Minister in a Bahujan-dominated Assam, is an expression of the same Brahminical anxieties.

By invoking The Gita, he wants to tell the lower castes that they should never forget their “natural” duty to serve the upper castes. The promotion of The Gita by the state machinery under the Modi Raj should be seen as the ascendance of Brahminical ideology, which is using the ancient text to curb the rise of plebeians in modern times and weaken Ambedkar’s Constitution.

(Dr Abhay Kumar is a Delhi-based journalist. He has taught political sciences at NCWEB Centres of Delhi University.)

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