The resistance against the Siang mega-dam is not merely a reaction to a modern development project but is rooted in deep historical, social, environmental, and cultural factors. Historically, the indigenous people of Arunachal Pradesh have experienced marginalisation and external imposition, which has fuelled a strong sense of local autonomy and a desire to protect their land and natural resources from exploitation. Socially, these communities view the dam as a potential disruption to their traditional governance systems and community-based ways of life. Environmentally, the Siang River holds immense ecological significance, and its alteration could jeopardize the fragile balance of the region’s biodiversity. Culturally, the river and its landscape are woven into the myths, rituals, and practices of these indigenous groups, making the threat of its submergence feel like an existential challenge.

The protest against the Siang Upper Multipurpose Project has been ongoing since the inception of the Siang Dam proposal. However, the issue has resurfaced again in the political and social discourse of Arunachal Pradesh, as the state government, led by the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), remains determined to conduct the pre-feasibility report (PFR) for the proposed 12,500 MW project. The state government is pursuing a controversial course of action in the face of strong opposition from indigenous groups, even going so far as to deploy armed forces and militarise the region. This aggressive stance raises important questions about the government’s motives and the underlying reasons for the resistance. A closer examination of these issues is essential to understand the broader dynamics at play, including the protection of indigenous land rights, environmental concerns, and the preservation of cultural heritage. Therefore, this essay seeks to explore the various layers of opposition to the Siang Upper Multipurpose Project, focusing on the indigenous perspective. By examining historical context in which the project was proposed, social dynamics, environmental risks, and cultural values, the report will offer a comprehensive understanding of the resistance and the broader implications of such large-scale development projects on indigenous communities.

Background of the Siang Dam project

In 2009 the Union Government –then UPA II led by the Indian National Congress–had approved the construction of Mega Dam under the ‘Siang Upper Multipurpose Project’ on the Siang River, a tributary to Brahmaputra River in Arunachal Pradesh to act as a safeguard in case China diverts the river’s waters from Tibet to its dry north-western regions.[1] The main objective of the proposed ‘Siang Upper Multipurpose Project,’ is to counter China’s strategic plan to divert the natural flow of the Yarlung Tsangpo River, which flows as the Siang in Arunachal Pradesh and as the Brahmaputra in Assam.[2] This project has been promoted as a way to secure India’s water interests, especially in the face of growing concerns over China’s plans to build large-scale dams along the Yarlung Tsangpo, which could significantly alter the river’s flow into India. The diversion of the river by China could potentially impact the water supply and ecological balance within India, particularly in the north-eastern states. In addition to addressing the geopolitical concerns related to China’s aggressions and actions, the Siang Upper Multipurpose Project also aims to address local “challenges” such as flood management on the Brahmaputra River. The Brahmaputra is prone to severe flooding, particularly during the monsoon season, which causes significant damage to infrastructure, agriculture, and livelihoods. The project is being positioned as a solution to regulate water flow, manage floods more effectively, and mitigate the damage caused by seasonal floods.

However, the local communities have been raising concerns about the Siang Project for over a decade, since its inception. A major concern raised by the Siang Indigenous Farmers Forum (SIFF) president Gegong Jijong is that the proposed dam poses a significant threat to the very existence of the indigenous community.[3] He strongly emphasised that the construction of the dam would result in the submergence of two districts, effectively erasing not only the physical landscape but also the cultural and historical fabric of the Adi community who are majority in the region. Jijong’s statement underscores the community’s apprehension about the project, as they fear it will lead to the loss of their ancestral land, which is central to their identity, as well as their heritage and traditions. For the Adi people, the land is not just a place of residence; it is intricately tied to their cultural practices, rituals, and way of life. The threat of displacement is not merely about losing homes but also about the erasure of a way of life that has been passed down through generations. The SIFF said that the proposed dam, if constructed, will lead to large-scale devastation in the Siang valley and any quantum of compensation will not suffice to rehabilitate the people. It further says that, “There is also lurking-danger of wiping out the rich cultural heritage and history of the people in such eventuality.”[4] The dam, according to Jijong and many in the community, would destroy the intimate connection between the people and their land, culture, and history, leaving them vulnerable to cultural extinction.

Apart from this, the manner in which the state is handling the Siang Project has left many people feeling confused and frustrated. Despite the serious concerns raised by local communities, the state’s actions seem to lack transparency and adequate engagement with those directly impacted. The World Commission on Dams has long recognised that large dam projects can lead to the impoverishment and suffering of millions, which has led to the establishment of strict standards and guidelines for future mega-dam projects. One of the key principles emphasised by the Commission is that projects should be guided by the affected people, ensuring their rights and concerns are prioritized. It is also mandatory under these guidelines that free, prior, and informed consent be obtained from the communities and families that would be affected by the dam.[5]

However, in the case of the Siang dams, the SIFF has raised the alarm that no such consultation or consent was sought from the local population before the signing of the Memorandum of Agreement (MoA) with the power developers. This lack of transparency and engagement with stakeholders has only deepened the sense of injustice and alienation among the people, as they feel excluded from critical decisions that directly affect their lives and futures. In response to these concerns, the SIFF has taken a proactive role in opposing the project, organising protests and leading resistance efforts to ensure that the rights of the indigenous communities are not overlooked. Their efforts gained legal footing when, in 2014 when SIFF filed a public interest litigation in the Itanagar permanent bench of the Gauhati High Court.[6]

The petition raised alarm over the environmental, social, and cultural impacts of the dam, particularly the displacement of local communities and the loss of ancestral lands. The court’s ruling was a significant step in recognising the importance of community consultation. The court directed the state government to engage with the affected communities before taking any further action on the project. This ruling underscored the need for transparency and the inclusion of local voices in decisions that would have far-reaching consequences. Despite this, the community remains sceptical of the government’s commitment to addressing their concerns, especially as surveys and preparations for the project have continued without meaningful consultation or consent.[7] In December 2022, residents were taken aback when they discovered that surveys for the project were being conducted in the early hours of the morning, without prior consultation or notice. This unexpected and stealthy activity further fuelled the community’s opposition and raised doubts about the project’s transparency.

This massive hydroelectric project, aimed at harnessing the Siang River’s potential, has ignited significant opposition from indigenous communities in the Siang and Upper Siang districts. These communities, who have a deep cultural, social, and environmental connection to the river, have strongly protested the government’s plans. In response, the state has deployed security forces to carry out the PFR, viewing the project as a development opportunity that will bring economic growth, energy, and infrastructure to the region along with protecting national security of India.[8] However, the militarization of the area and the forceful execution of the PFR have raised critical questions about the state’s approach to the implementation of the project, the disregard for judicial orders to include local concerns, and the imposition of external decision-making processes.

Indigenous peoples’ perspective on displacement, land, loss of livelihoods and erasure of culture caused by dam projects in the Siang Valley

Arunachal Pradesh, stands out for its rich forest resources. The State of Forest Report of 2003 ranks Arunachal Pradesh second in the country after Mizoram for forest cover, with 68,019 square kilometres under forested areas that are rich in bio-resources and forest cover. It is the home for several tribal communities, including the Adi tribe. The Adi tribe primarily resides in the East, West, and Upper Siang districts.[9] Historically, large dam projects have disproportionately affected marginalised communities, often displacing them without providing significant benefits. The World Commission on Dams has rightly highlighted that tribal people are frequently the most vulnerable to the negative consequences of these projects, suffering displacement and loss of vital resources.[10]

This has been the case for many large dam projects, where marginalised communities, particularly tribal populations, have suffered significantly. In the case of the Sardar Sarovar Dam in the Narmada river valley, Major General Sudhir Vombatkere (retired) has written to Prime Minister Narendra Modi and brought his attention to the displacement of Dalit and Adivasi families because of this dam, who are yet to be rehabilitated. There are more than 250,000 project-affected people, he writes, have been subject to “serious injustices and violation of fundamental rights.”[11] The Narmada Valley Development Project, which has been a subject of controversy for decades, is originally conceived in 1946 and commenced in 1978. However, despite the long history of the project, the affected communities continue to face unaddressed displacement issues even in 2024. In the case of proposed ‘Siang Upper Multipurpose Project’ in Arunachal Pradesh, is going to affect specifically the Adi community living along the Siang River. Given the troublesome history of injustice mated out with displaced communities due to mega dam projects, the Adi community have reasons for their strong opposition to the proposed mega dam due to the profound impact they would have on their land, livelihood, and culture.

Adivasi (tribal) communities, often perceived as being reliant on the natural resources for their survival. Their lifestyles are deeply intertwined with the land, forests, and other natural elements, making the relationship between man and nature crucial for their livelihood. Therefore, the primary concern of the Adi community is displacement. The proposed dam project will flood large areas of both Siang and Upper Siang districts, submerging 13 villages and severely affecting 34 others. For a community that relies heavily on agriculture, this represents an existential threat to their way of life. Gegong Jijong, president of the Siang Indigenous Farmers’ Forum (SIFF), stated that the displacement would render over 100,000 members of the Adi tribe landless, threatening their survival and forcing them into poverty.[12] The name Adi means hill man,[13]therefore, as Jijong and other leaders have pointed out, the issue of displacement for Adi is not just the loss of land, but the loss of their connection to ancestral homes, agricultural practices, and cultural traditions.

Indigenous people in the region primarily depend on paddy cultivation and orange orchards for their sustenance. Losing this land would mean losing their ability to support themselves, undermining their self-sufficiency and disrupting their entire way of life. For the Adi people, agriculture is not just a means of survival, but an integral part of their identity and heritage. Vijay Taram, an anti-dam activist with the Forum for Siang Dialogue, shares these concerns, emphasizing the potential devastation of large-scale dams. While small dams or those built on tributaries might be acceptable, Taram warns that mega-dams could flood fertile agricultural lands and destroy the local ecosystem, jeopardizing food security and biodiversity.[14] Moreover, the construction of large dams would displace thousands of people from their ancestral lands, further undermining their cultural ties.

Bio-resources are not just physical commodities; they also play significant roles in social and cultural contexts. Therefore, Siang River is far more than just a water source for the people of Arunachal Pradesh. It is deeply intertwined with the cultural and spiritual identity of the indigenous communities, especially the Adi people. The river is considered the lifeline of the Siang valley, serving not only as a physical resource but also as a vital part of the region’s mythology, folklore, and cultural heritage. As mentioned in a statement by the SIFF, the Siang River has been “etched strongly in the psyche of the people” for centuries. Its name appears in cultural expressions such as songs, history, and myths.

Taram also highlights the fact that for the indigenous communities in the Siang Valley, the loss of traditional hunting grounds, vital for their sustenance and culture, would sever a deep connection to their environment. In spring, the Adi people celebrate the Aran festival, a time when the village men venture deep into the forest for several days to hunt game. During this sacred ritual, they appease the spirits with offerings of apong,[15] the traditional millet beer, and prayers.[16] However, such cultural practices are increasingly threatened by displacement, as large-scale projects like dams encroach upon their ancestral lands, disrupting not only their way of life but also their deep spiritual connection to the land they have long inhabited. The displacement would thus not only disrupt their livelihoods but would also erase cultural practices that are deeply intertwined with their land. Therefore, the opposition to the dam projects is not merely an environmental concern but a fight to preserve the cultural and economic integrity of the tribal communities of the Siang Valley.

The cultural destruction tied to the loss of ancestral land is immeasurable, as it erases generations of lived experiences, stories, and traditions. This emotional and cultural toll is one of the concerns of the indigenous people, who see the river as an essential part of their identity. Though Adi is predominant tribe in the region, there are numerous other indigenous communities in small number there. As several villages including Gelling, Tuting, Yingkiong and Geku would also get submerged once the dam was constructed. There is lurking danger of several of small tribal communities getting wiped out from the face of the earth. “Once uprooted, our culture, or language, our heritage will be all lost simply because some people elsewhere require electricity. Can this be justified,” Tasik Pangkam, general secretary of the SIFF asked at a press conference at Guwahati.[17]

Environmental Aspects of opposition:

Beyond the displacement, environmental concerns are also a major factor in the opposition to the dam. As the concerns are also about the environmental damage and the irreversible loss of their cultural heritage. These communities have long depended on the land, forests, and rivers for their survival, and the proposed dam threatens to disrupt this delicate balance. The construction of such a large-scale project on the Siang River threatens the fragile ecosystem of the region, which is already under strain. The Himalayan region, where the Siang River flows, is seismically very active. Studies indicate that enough geological pressure has accumulated in the region to cause earthquakes with magnitudes of 8 or greater. This adds another layer of fear, as the construction of a mega dam in such a volatile area could aggravate the risks of a natural disaster, potentially triggering catastrophic consequences in the event of an earthquake.

One of the critical concerns raised by the indigenous communities, particularly in relation to the proposed dam project on the Siang River, is the threat of a Glacial Lake Outburst Flood (GLOF). Such events, where water from glacial lakes bursts out, causing devastating floods downstream, pose a significant risk in the region. A recent example of this occurred in the Teesta River of Sikkim in 2023, where a GLOF caused widespread destruction. According to experts and local leaders, there are several glacial lakes located across the three districts of Siang, Upper Siang, and East Siang that are flagged as being of “Category A,” indicating they are at the highest risk of a GLOF. These lakes are situated in the Himalayan region, which is known for its seismic activity and shifting glacial patterns. The construction of large dams in such a sensitive region could exacerbate the risks associated with these glacial lakes, potentially triggering catastrophic flooding in the event of a GLOF. For the local communities, this adds another layer of fear to the already existing concerns about displacement, and cultural loss. The possibility of a GLOF, especially in a region where communities are heavily dependent on the land and river systems, only deepens their opposition to the project, as they fear the unforeseen and catastrophic consequences such natural disasters could bring.

Siang Valley also presents a world of unparalleled diversity, much of it yet to be explored. However, this very richness, both cultural and ecological, faces unprecedented threats. Large-scale infrastructure projects like dams, highways, and military installations, along with climate change, are rapidly altering the valley. The impact extends beyond the valley itself, as these mountains play a critical role not only in sustaining their diverse ecosystems but also in ensuring the well-being of millions of people living downstream.[18]

Protests and advocacy: role of SIFF and other community groups in leading the resistance

In the face of the proposed Siang Upper Multipurpose Project and other mega-dam initiatives in the Siang Valley, a number of local community groups and student organisations have emerged as vocal advocates against the displacement and environmental degradation these projects threaten to cause. Central to the resistance are groups like the Siang Indigenous Farmer’s Forum (SIFF), the All Upper Siang District Students’ Union (AUSDSU), the Siang People’s Forum (SPF), and the Lower Siang Dam Affected Peoples’ Forum (LSDAPF), who have been at the forefront of the anti-mega dam movement. These organisations have played a pivotal role in mobilising local communities, voicing concerns about the environmental, cultural, and socio-economic impacts of the proposed dam.

The Siang Indigenous Farmer’s Forum (SIFF) has been one of the key groups leading the charge against the Upper Siang Multipurpose Dam. As an organization representing indigenous farmers, SIFF has brought attention to the potential risks to agriculture, food security, and local livelihoods posed by the dam’s construction. By organising rallies, awareness campaigns, and advocacy efforts, SIFF has been instrumental in raising public awareness about the issue. They have also highlighted the potential for severe ecological disruptions, including the loss of biodiversity and the alteration of local river systems that communities depend on for their way of life.

Other groups, such as the All Upper Siang District Students’ Union (AUSDSU), have played a crucial role in mobilising the youth and students in the region, tapping into their energy and commitment to preserving the environment and their culture. These students have participated in protests, petitioned government officials, and engaged in dialogue with policymakers to push for the cancellation of the project. The Siang People’s Forum (SPF) and Lower Siang Dam Affected Peoples’ Forum (LSDAPF) have similarly been at the helm of organizing protests and lobbying for the protection of local communities’ rights. These forums represent a broader coalition of indigenous groups, farmers, and local residents who fear the social and environmental costs of the proposed projects. Their activism has been a powerful force in drawing national attention to the issue, with their appeals reaching both the United Progressive Alliance (UPA) and the current National Democratic Alliance (NDA) government.

How communities have ensured their voices are heard

The resistance against the Siang Upper Multipurpose Dam has been marked by a variety of strategies and actions aimed at making the voices of local communities heard. One of the most prominent actions taken has been the organisation of peaceful rallies and protests. These public demonstrations are a key tool for rallying support, showing solidarity, and creating awareness about the potential impacts of the dam. For example, Dubit Siram, an activist involved in the movement, announced plans for a peaceful rally with two primary demands: the withdrawal of Central Armed Police Forces (CAPF) deployment in the region and the complete cancellation of the proposed Project Feasibility Report (PFR) for the Siang Upper Multipurpose Project. This protest, set to take place in Parong, highlights the communities’ ongoing efforts to resist both the physical presence of state security forces and the government’s support for the dam project.[19]

Beyond rallies, the community groups have also petitioned both the state and central governments, urging them to halt the dam construction and recognize the importance of protecting the indigenous people’s land and culture. They have appealed to political leaders at both the state and national levels, including the chairperson of the United Progressive Alliance (UPA), Sonia Gandhi, and now the leadership of the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) and Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), seeking support for their cause. These petitions and appeals often include testimonies from affected communities, emphasising their concerns about displacement, cultural erosion, and environmental destruction.[20]

A comparative analysis of agitations against land and resource exploitation in India

India, a country rich in natural resources, has been the site of numerous movements where local communities, especially marginalized groups, have resisted large-scale industrial, infrastructural, and mining projects that threaten their land, livelihoods, and cultural identities. These agitations highlight the ongoing conflict between economic development and environmental protection, emphasizing the need for more inclusive and sustainable policies.

One of the most prominent and long-standing agitations in India is the Narmada Bachao Andolan (NBA), launched in the late 1980s in opposition to the construction of large dams on the Narmada River. The central concern of this people’s movement has been the displacement of thousands of tribal and rural communities, particularly in Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra, and Gujarat. The NBA argues that the dams, including the Sardar Sarovar Dam, will submerge vast areas of land, displacing indigenous populations without providing adequate rehabilitation or compensation. Furthermore, the project threatens the ecological balance of the river and the surrounding area. The struggle of the NBA exemplifies the tension between large-scale development projects and the rights of marginalized communities, with the movement highlighting the failure of the state to address the socio-economic and environmental consequences of such mega projects.

Another such controversial mega project in North Eastern region of India is the Tipaimukh multipurpose Hydro-Electric Project (HEP), proposed to be constructed on the Barak River in the state of Manipur. The Tipaimukh project is a proposed multipurpose hydroelectric project on the Barak River in the state of Manipur, and is one of the largest infrastructure projects planned for Northeast India. Originally conceived in 1926 to control the annual devastating floods in the Barak Valley (Assam, India), the project later incorporated hydropower generation into its design. The formal proposal for the dam was prepared in 1984, and the project was officially notified in 2003. Environmental clearance for the project was granted by the Ministry of Environment and Forests in 2008, despite significant concerns regarding its potential impact on the region’s ecology and local communities.[21]

This project also has sparked widespread protests from locals, academics, researchers, social activists, NGOs, and even neighbouring Bangladesh. The ongoing debate highlights that the Tipaimukh project is one of the most poorly planned initiatives in the region, with far-reaching environmental, geopolitical, and socio-economic consequences. The project poses significant threats to the livelihoods, food security, culture, identity, and rights of the indigenous people living in the area. In addition, its environmental repercussions are alarming, threatening biodiversity, hydrology, water quality, and forests both upstream and at the dam site. The potential impacts on downstream communities are equally profound, further exacerbating the risks for the environment and the people who depend on it.

In Hasdeo Arand, Chhattisgarh, Adivasi communities have been at the forefront of protests against coal mining activities in one of the last remaining large forests of central India. The proposed coal mines threaten the forest’s rich biodiversity, the water sources, and the livelihoods of Adivasi communities who rely on the forest for sustenance. The anti-coal mining movements in Hasdeo Arand reflect the broader struggle of indigenous populations across India who seek to protect their land and resources from exploitation. These movements emphasize the urgent need for policies that recognize the rights of indigenous communities to their ancestral lands and the importance of protecting forests for future generations.

Over the years, protests against mining in the Hasdeo forest, particularly at the Parsa East Kente Basan (PEKB) mine, have become a focal point for environmentalists fighting to protect forest lands from being converted into mines. In 2022, permission for the second phase of mining at the PEKB site was granted by the pro-corporate, ultra-right Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)-led central government. However, this decision sparked widespread protests, leading the Congress-led state government to oppose the move. In response, the state government filed an affidavit in the Supreme Court, arguing that the land used by the previous phase of the PEKB mine still contained enough coal approximately 350 million tonnes to sustain the attached 4,300 MW power plant for the next 20 years, rendering the second phase unnecessary. Despite this opposition, the BJP government, both at the state level (under the newly elected BJP leadership) and at the national level, granted additional permissions to the Adani-controlled company to continue mining. The justification for this decision was that the first phase of the mine had been exhausted, prompting the need for further mining to meet energy demands.

The various agitations against land and resource exploitation in India share common themes of resistance against large-scale industrialisation and infrastructure projects without consent and consultation with stakeholders that disproportionately impact marginalized communities. Whether it is the Narmada Bachao Andolan or the protests against coal mining in Hasdeo Arand, these movements reflect a broader struggle for environmental justice, indigenous rights, and the protection of local livelihoods. Each movement highlights the conflict between development and sustainability, and underscores the need for more inclusive policies that respect the rights of local communities and safeguard the environment. As India continues to pursue economic growth, it must balance development with a commitment to social justice, environmental protection, and the preservation of cultural identities. The future of such projects depends not just on their economic feasibility, but on their ability to integrate the voices and concerns of those who stand to be most affected.

State’s Approach to Siang Dam Project and Its Implications

The state’s approach to the project has evolved over time, particularly in light of the growing opposition from local groups, environmental activists, and even concerns voiced by hydropower companies. This response underscores the tension between the state’s pursuit of large-scale development and the needs, rights, and concerns of the local population. In the current scenario, the State’s approach to securing the project has also been contentious. To tackle the opposition state has provided round-the-clock security for the project sites. The Central Armed Police Forces (CAPF) are being strategically deployed to the region, with plans to station five companies of CAPF in Siang, including one in East Siang.[22] The deployment will cover critical locations such as NHPC offices and camps in areas like Boleng and Pasighat, which are pivotal for the dam’s construction. Along with these forces, State Police and Lady Police contingents are being mobilized to ensure comprehensive security arrangements for the project. This militarized response has heightened tensions in the area, as local groups like the Siang Indigenous Farmer’s Forum (SIFF) and other activists accuse the government of harassing protestors. The presence of security forces is seen as an attempt to suppress opposition and prevent peaceful protests against the dam, further alienating the affected communities.

Local communities have consistently voiced strong opposition to large dam projects, raising concerns about their environmental, social, and economic impacts. Despite these objections, the authorities have often overlooked community demands. The State has altered the initially proposed dam project which was intended to be developed in two stages. The current proposal combines both stages into a single larger project.[23] This shift has raised concerns not only among environmentalists and activists but also within the hydropower sector. Siang Indigenous Farmers’ Forum (SIFF) has opposed the merge of Stage I and Stage II of the power project over the Siang River. The state government had signed a memorandum of agreement with the public-sector company in May 2013. They had started initial survey work for the original Stage-2 project, but now it has put it on hold as per the government’s instructions. Sania Ngurang, the Arunachal Pradesh coordinator for North Eastern Electric Power Corporation (NEEPCO), has expressed scepticism, stating that merging the two stages into one large project may not be the best approach.[24] However, the NITI Aayog stated that the merging of two projects into one Mega project will not only exceed their combined capacity but will reduce the project cost by 25%.[25]

The amendment to the Forest (Conservation) Act, 1980, introduced in 2022, which has made it easier for governments and developers to acquire land for business purposes. These changes have sparked concerns that local stakeholders, especially forest-dwelling communities, are being side-lined in the decision-making process. Forest rights activists and advocates argue that the new rules undermine the protections offered by the Scheduled Tribes and Other Traditional Forest Dwellers (Recognition of Forest Rights) Act, 2006 (FRA). The FRA was designed to give forest-dwelling communities the right to decide how to manage and use the land on which they live, recognizing their deep connection to the forest and its resources. Critics of the changes contend that the new rules will dilute these rights, potentially displacing communities without adequate consultation or compensation, and jeopardizing their livelihoods and traditional ways of life.

One of the major legal developments that has raised alarm among activists and local residents is the Forest (Conservation) Amendment Act of 2023, which allows the Indian government to divert forests for strategic projects within 100 kilometres of the international borders without the need for forest clearance. This new provision directly affects the Siang Dam project, as the region lies near India’s international borders with China and Bhutan.[26] Bhanu Tatak, a prominent anti-dam activist, has pointed out that this law could bypass crucial environmental safeguards that normally govern forest conservation. He states, “The Siang dam is being pursued as a national strategic project, and according to the new forest law, there will be no need for forest clearance.”[27] This move raises significant concerns about the environmental impact of the project, particularly on the biodiversity and ecosystem of the Siang Valley, an area rich in forests, wildlife, and river systems that are critical to the local community’s way of life.

The Upper Siang hydropower project will be built by the National Hydroelectric Power Corporation (NHPC). The NHPC has identified three potential sites along the Siang River- Uggeng, Ditte Dimme, and Parong to assess the feasibility of constructing the Siang Dam. A pre-feasibility report, which serves as a concept paper ahead of a detailed project report, is being prepared to evaluate the probable cost and viability of the dam at these sites. As part of the survey, NHPC is conducting geological tests, including drilling a 200-meter-deep hole to assess the strength of the rock surface in the proposed locations. The pre-feasibility reports from the three sites will be compared to determine the most suitable location for the dam. Based on the findings, NHPC will finalise the dam’s location. However, despite the progress in these initial assessments, the construction of the dam is not expected to begin for at least another five years. This delay is primarily due to local resistance and opposition to the project, which is a significant hurdle. Furthermore, the preparation of a detailed project report will run parallel with the process of obtaining environmental and forest clearances, which are crucial for moving forward with the project. The outcome will depend on navigating both technical and social challenges, including local opposition, environmental concerns, and securing the necessary legal approvals.

However, if completed, the proposed project aims to have an installed capacity of 11,000 MW, with a reservoir holding 9 billion cubic meters (BCM) of water. The estimated cost of the project is approximately Rs. 1,13,000 crores (US$ 13 billion).[28] This investment is expected to have a substantial economic impact on the Upper Siang district in Arunachal Pradesh, potentially acting as a catalyst for the region’s development. In its “defence”, the large-scale infrastructure development associated with the Siang Dam project would likely lead to significant improvements in the region’s infrastructure, including the construction of new roads and transportation networks, such as the approach road from Assam. These improvements could enhance connectivity, create job opportunities, and stimulate local economies.

However, the potential outcomes of the project are fraught with both benefits and challenges. On one hand, the project could contribute to a version and definition of “economic growth” of Arunachal Pradesh, boosting its energy capacity and providing a stable source of electricity for the region. This would not however be growth that empowers and enriches its indigenous communities, On the other hand, there are serious concerns about both environmental and social consequences. These include the displacement of indigenous communities, disruption of local ecosystems, and potential long-term ecological damage due to the alteration of river systems and landscapes. The ongoing opposition from local communities and environmental groups, who emphasise the need to protect indigenous rights and ensure sustainable development, presents a major challenge to the project’s implementation. The resolution of these concerns will depend on balancing top down version of development that does not necessarily factor in fragile economic systems especially in the hills with the protection of land rights, ecological and social values, particularly ensuring that local communities are genuinely included in decision-making processes. The final outcome will hinge on whether the project can be implemented in a way that addresses these environmental and social concerns while fostering long-term sustainable development.

Conclusion:

In conclusion, the proposed Siang mega-dam project stands as a contentious issue, embodying the intersection of development ambitions, geopolitical concerns, and the rights of indigenous communities. While the government positions the dam as a solution to both national security and local flood management challenges, it is clear that the indigenous people of Arunachal Pradesh, particularly the Adi community, view it as a profound threat to their land, culture, and way of life. The opposition to the Siang Upper Multipurpose Project from the indigenous communities, particularly the Adi tribe, is deeply rooted in concerns over displacement, loss of livelihoods, and the erasure of their cultural heritage. The proposed dam threatens not only the physical landscape but also the very essence of their identity and way of life. For the Adi and other tribal communities in the Siang Valley, the land is not just a source of sustenance; it is intricately tied to their spiritual beliefs, cultural practices, and collective history. The historical experiences of marginalised communities displaced by large dam projects, such as the Sardar Sarovar Dam, have left deep scars and fuelled the fears of similar injustices in Arunachal Pradesh. The loss of agricultural land, vital hunting grounds, and the destruction of sacred sites would result in cultural extinction for these communities, as their traditions and ways of life are intrinsically linked to their environment. Therefore, the resistance against the project is deeply rooted in historical experiences of marginalization, environmental concerns, and cultural preservation. The failure of the state to adequately consult and engage with local communities has fuelled resentment and a sense of injustice, exacerbating the conflict.

The efforts of organisations such as the Siang Indigenous Farmer’s Forum (SIFF), the All Upper Siang District Students’ Union (AUSDSU), the Siang People’s Forum (SPF), and the Lower Siang Dam Affected Peoples’ Forum (LSDAPF) have been crucial in mobilising communities, raising awareness, and advocating for the protection of their land, culture, and environment. These groups have effectively utilised peaceful protests, public rallies, petitions, and dialogue with policymakers to highlight the social, cultural, and ecological risks associated with the proposed dam. Ultimately, the resistance against the Siang mega-dam reflects the broader struggle for indigenous rights, environmental justice, and cultural preservation. The movement is not only about halting a dam project but about asserting the right of indigenous communities to determine their own future and protect their way of life from destructive development. The ongoing efforts of these advocacy groups emphasize the need for genuine dialogue, transparency, and respect for the rights of local communities in shaping development projects that impact their lands and livelihoods. Only through such an inclusive approach can a balanced and sustainable path forward be found, one that respects both the development goals of the state and the cultural integrity of indigenous communities.

Despite legal rulings that emphasise the need for community consultation and consent, the government’s ongoing actions, including militarizing the region and conducting surveys without notice, suggest a disregard for the principles of transparency and inclusivity. As the opposition to the Siang dam continues to grow, it highlights the broader implications of large-scale development projects in indigenous territories. It underscores the necessity for a more equitable and participatory approach to development that respects the rights, voices, and sovereignty of indigenous peoples. Moving forward, the government must carefully balance the need for national development with the protection of indigenous rights and cultural heritage, fostering dialogue and collaboration that prioritizes the well-being of local communities. Without this, the Siang mega-dam may not only disrupt the physical landscape but also irreparably damage the social and cultural fabric of Arunachal Pradesh’s indigenous peoples.

[1]https://web.archive.org/web/20110526054814/http://www.telegraphindia.com/1090402/jsp/northeast/story_10760784.jsp

[2] https://www.natstrat.org/articledetail/publications/upper-siang-hydroelectric-project-key-to-prosperity-in-arunachal-pradesh-99.html

[3] https://arunachal24.in/arunachal-no-dam-no-survey-on-siang-river-says-farmers-forum/

[4] https://arunachaltimes.in/index.php/2023/03/30/forum-raises-mega-dam-issues-submits-memo-to-un-south-asia-business-and-human-rights-forum/

[5] https://arunachaltimes.in/index.php/2023/03/30/forum-raises-mega-dam-issues-submits-memo-to-un-south-asia-business-and-human-rights-forum/

[6] https://arunachaltimes.in/index.php/2023/03/30/forum-raises-mega-dam-issues-submits-memo-to-un-south-asia-business-and-human-rights-forum/

[7] https://thewire.in/environment/siang-arunachal-pradesh-upper-multipurpose-project-protests

[8] https://www.etvbharat.com/en/!bharat/arunachal-pradesh-communities-up-ante-against-the-siang-mega-hydro-power-project-enn24121405501

[9] https://www.researchgate.net/profile/Gibji-Nimasow/publication/228872543_Linkages_between_Bio-Resources_and_Human_Livelihood_A_Case_Study_of_Adi_Tribes_of_Mirem_Village_Arunachal_Pradesh_India/links/0deec531c10560fbfd000000/Linkages-between-Bio-Resources-and-Human-Livelihood-A-Case-Study-of-Adi-Tribes-of-Mirem-Village-Arunachal-Pradesh-India.pdf

[10] https://arunachaltimes.in/index.php/2023/03/30/forum-raises-mega-dam-issues-submits-memo-to-un-south-asia-business-and-human-rights-forum/

[11] https://thewire.in/rights/rehabilitate-dalit-adivasi-families-displaced-by-sardar-sarovar-dam

[12] https://scroll.in/article/1070339/why-arunachal-pradesh-residents-are-stalling-surveys-for-a-mega-dam

[13] https://www.bbc.co.uk/tribe/tribes/adi/index.shtml

[14] https://dialogue.earth/en/energy/anti-dam-protests-continue-in-arunachal-pradesh/

[15] It is the traditional drink which is made from fermented millet and is famous as “Apong”. This drink can also be made out of rice, called “Rice beer.”

[16] https://www.bbc.co.uk/tribe/tribes/adi/index.shtml

[17] https://www.eurasiareview.com/17102017-indegenous-people-of-arunachal-pradesh-oppose-hydro-project-over-brahmaputra/

[18] https://www.ndtv.com/india-news/distinct-blue-ant-species-discovered-in-arunachal-pradesh-valley-5814143

[19] https://www.etvbharat.com/en/!bharat/arunachal-pradesh-communities-up-ante-against-the-siang-mega-hydro-power-project-enn24121405501

[20] https://dialogue.earth/en/energy/anti-dam-protests-continue-in-arunachal-pradesh/

[21] Choudhury, N.B., Dey Choudhury, S.R. Implications for planning of hydroelectric projects in Northeast India: an analysis of the impacts of the Tipaimukh project. Geo Journal 86, 1999–2019 (2021). https://doi.org/10.1007/s10708-020-10158-8

[22] https://www.etvbharat.com/en/!bharat/arunachal-pradesh-communities-up-ante-against-the-siang-mega-hydro-power-project-enn24121405501

[23] https://scroll.in/article/853655/the-centres-proposal-to-build-a-mega-dam-in-arunachal-pradesh-makes-even-hydropower-companies-wary

[24] https://scroll.in/article/853655/the-centres-proposal-to-build-a-mega-dam-in-arunachal-pradesh-makes-even-hydropower-companies-wary

[25] https://scroll.in/article/853655/the-centres-proposal-to-build-a-mega-dam-in-arunachal-pradesh-makes-even-hydropower-companies-wary

[26] https://scroll.in/article/1070339/why-arunachal-pradesh-residents-are-stalling-surveys-for-a-mega-dam

[27] https://scroll.in/article/1070339/why-arunachal-pradesh-residents-are-stalling-surveys-for-a-mega-dam

[28] https://www.natstrat.org/articledetail/publications/upper-siang-hydroelectric-project-key-to-prosperity-in-arunachal-pradesh-99.html

Related:

Human rights lawyer and activist Ebo Mili Mejo Mihu detained over indigenous land and river protest

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Several truckers, belonging to the Muslim community, were allegedly beaten up in Arunachal Pradesh, following which they fled to neighbouring Assam, leaving their vehicles behind, officials said on Sunday, cited various media reports.

Their trucks too were attacked in the incident and supply of essential items is likely to be hit. District Food and Civil Supply Officer Chukhu Jirjo wrote a letter to Deputy Commissioner Kurung Kumey saying that the truckers who unloaded rice at Koloriang and were beaten up by a group of men on Saturday at a place between Palin in Kra-Dadi district.

Jirjo requested the deputy commissioner to take up the matter with the DCs of Kra-Dadi and Lower Subansirin districts to ensure that the truckers and their helpers were safe so that the transportation of essential commodities would be affected.

The current incident comes post several people across the country tested positive for coronavirus after attending a religious congregation at the Tablighi Jamaat’s Markaz in Delhi’s Nizamuddin last month.

The Tablighi Jamaat congregation has been all over the media for the past few days, with news channels blatantly calling the minorities as ‘super spreaders’ and the only reason for the spike in Covid-19 infections in the country. Since then, there have been a multitude of communal attacks on the minorities.

Sangha Tagik, the chairman of the Parsi-Parlo-based Tani Taw Multipurpose Cooperative Society and a wholesale dealer of PDS items, alleged that Muslim workers were being chased away, forcing them to flee to Assam.

And this is not the lone incident. In North Karnataka, villagers allegedly beat up two Muslim men, kicked and assaulted them, terming them as ‘coronavirus spreaders’, reported Asianet News. The men who were returning from Mahalimgapura village have been ostracized and removed from the Bidari village in Mudhol taluk of North Karnataka.

According to The News Minute, a video of the incident went viral on social media. According to that report, the men had gone to the banks of the Krishna river to fish. In the video, the Muslim men can be seen folding their hands, begging for mercy while the others kick them and shoo them away with wooden sticks.

“Don’t touch them. They are the ones spreading the disease,” one of the men can be heard saying.

One of them makes the men kneel in front of them and apologise for coming outside. “You people (referring to members of the Muslim community) are the ones who are spreading the disease. Why are you coming to our village? Do you know how many people have died,” one of the men can be heard saying.

In Belagavi too, it was alleged that a mob of men attacked two mosques on Sunday due to lights being on at 9 PM. The Yamkanmardi Police, with which two separate cases have been registered, said, “These men attacked the mosque and tried to shut it down. They kept saying that the whole country is switching off the lights and lighting candles and that members in the mosque too must follow the same. They have been arrested now.”

The Sadalaga Police arrested 13 people for allegedly attacking another mosque in the area demanding that the lights be turned off.

All 22 men in connection with the two cases have been booked under sections 153A (Acts prejudicial to the maintenance of harmony between different groups), 295A (malicious acts intended to outrage the religious feelings) of the IPC.

An activist working in the Amruthahalli area in north Bengaluru too spoke of discrimination. Allegedly, she was harassed by BJP / RSS activists while delivering food to migrant workers. She said, “They said ‘who gave you permission to give food? You are a Muslim, you guys mix poison and spit on food before distributing. Have you guys come from Nizamuddin and want to spread the disease to everyone?’ They also went to meet my landlord and asked him why he rented us a room knowing that we are Muslims. They said ‘Go to Shivajinagar or RK Hegde Nagar, we don’t need help from Muslims, thank god we have enough.”

In Gurgaon too, the police arrested four persons for firing at a mosque in Dhankot village. According to police, the accused revealed they were troubled by news about several coronavirus cases being tracked to the Tablighi Jamaat gathering at Nizamuddin, and had gone to check the Dhankot mosque and ensure nobody was hiding there.

India has already seen a pogrom against Muslims in the recent Delhi communal violence that took place there in February this year. With the media and other right-wing elements villainizing the entire Muslim community for the mistake of a few irresponsible people, is India going to face another bout of targeted violence even as it battles the coronavirus pandemic?

Related:

Maulana Saad’s error of judgement has put an entire community at risk
Lockdown impact: Father of three allegedly commits suicide in Assam

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Per the report, 106 of the total 184 candidates analysed (using self-sworn affidavits) are from national parties, 66 are from state parties, and 11 are independent candidates. 

Criminal background of candidates 
29 candidates, or 16% of the total number that were analysed, have “declared criminal cases against” them. In comparison, in the 2014 assembly elections in the state, 9 out of the 148 candidates analysed, or 6%, had declared criminal cases against them. 26 candidates have “declared serious criminal cases against” them, compared to seven candidates in 2014.

The report notes that the criteria for ‘serious criminal cases’ includes offences for which the maximum punishment is five years or more, non-bailable offences, electoral offences, offences that are related to assault, kidnapping, murder and rape, offences mentioned in the Representation of the People Act (section 8), offences under the Prevention of Corruption Act, and crimes against women.

When considering political parties, the report states that seven of the 60 candidates from the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), or 12%, have declared criminal cases against them in affidavits. This figure is nine out of 46 candidates, or 20% for the Indian National Congress (INC), eight of 30 candidates from the National People’s Party (NPP), two of 15 candidates from the Janata Dal (United) party (JD(U)), and one of 12 candidates from the Janata Dal (Secular) party (JD(S)). Four BJP candidates, nine Congress candidates, and eight NPP candidates have declared serious criminal cases.

Financial background of candidates
The report has found that 67 candidates, or 36% of the total number analysed have assets valued at Rs. 5 crore or higher, 44 candidates (24%) have assets worth between Rs. 2 crores and Rs. 5 crores, and 35 candidates (19%) have assets worth between Rs. 50 lakh and Rs. 2 crores. This means that nearly 80% of all candidates have assets valued at Rs. 50 lakh, or higher. Of the three candidates with the highest valued assets, two are from the BJP, while one is from the Congress.

Of the three candidates with the lowest valued assets, two are from the JD(S), and one is from the Congress. One candidate, Dayum Para of the Congress, contesting from the Tali constituency, has declared zero assets.

131 of the 184 candidates analysed are crorepatis, or 71%, per the report. In comparison, in the 2014 Arunachal Pradesh assembly elections, 88 of 148 candidates analysed, or 60%, were crorepatis. 54 of 60 BJP candidates (or 90%) are crorepatis, 30 of 46 Congress candidates (or 65%) are crorepatis, and 21 of 30 NPP candidates (70%) are crorepatis. This figure is is 11 of 15 candidates (or73% for JD(U), seven of 12 candidates (or 58%) for the JD(S), and five of 11 independent candidates (or 46%).

The average assets per candidate amount to Rs. 9.86 crores. In contrast, this figure was Rs. 5.05 crores for the 148 candidates analysed for the 2014 legislative assembly elections. This figure is Rs. 13.13 crores for the 60 BJP candidates, Rs. 11. 95 crores for the 46 Congress candidates, Rs. 6.43 crores for the 30 NPP candidates, Rs. 7.79 crores for the 15 JD(U) candidates, and Rs. 4.30 crores for the 12 JD(S) candidates.

Of the three candidates with the highest liabilities, one is from the Congress, one is from the JD(U), and one is from the BJP. Nabam Tuki, of the Congress, who was formerly Arunachal Pradesh’s chief minister is contesting from the Sagalee constituency; he has the highest liabilities, amounting to more than Rs. 20 crores. His assets are valued at more than Rs. 100 crores.

Candidates gender, age, and educational background
68 of all candidates, or 37% have “declared their educational qualification to be between 5th and 12th,” the report states, adding that 106 candidates (or 58%) have declared their educational qualification as “graduate or above”. Two candidates are literate, while five candidates are not literate. 

35 candidates, or 19%, “have declared their age to be between 25 to 40 years,” the report notes, adding that 130 candidates (or 71%) have declared their age to between 41 and 60 years. 19 candidates, or 10% have said that they are aged between 61 and 80 years.

Just 11 candidates are female, amounting to 6%. In 2014, of the 148 candidates analysed, five, or 3% were women.

The report says that the number of MLAs who are re-contesting the 2019 election is 50, noting that ADR has analysed 47 of these, with three candidates not being analysed due to want of adequately scanned affidavits. Per the report, the average assets of candidates who are re-contesting has increased by Rs. 7.96 crores, or 76%.

Suspicious money in the Northeast
Chief Minister Pema Khandu is the wealthiest candidate; he is seeking re-election from the Mukta assembly seat in the state for his third consecutive term. In 2016, Khandu left the Congress and joined the BJP. On Wednesday, April 3, the Congress issued a press release stating that a midnight raid conducted on the convoy of Khandu, Deputy Chief Minister Chowna Mein, and BJP state president Tapir Gao, “found Rs 1.8 crore in stacks of hard cash that exposes the brazen corruption and poll violation  as Prime Minister Narendra Modi holds a rally in Pasighat, Arunachal Pradesh at 10:00 am today,” the Indian Express reported, noting that Gao said the money was recovered from BJP MLA candidate Dangi Perme, and that it did not belong to the BJP. Khandu, too, denied the money belonged to the BJP, instead alleging that the Congress engages in ‘cash-for-votes’.

This coincided with an announcement from the Directorate of Income Tax, a large amount of suspicious money was deposited in banks in the Northeast, days before the Lok Sabha elections, the Deccan Herald reported. In a statement, Arun Bhowmick, Deputy Director of Income Tax (Investigation) said, “Our independent intelligence gathering initiative has thrown up an alarming fact that huge amounts of suspicious cash have been deposited in banks, including in rural and co-operative banks in the weeks preceding the announcement of the election dates. Similarly, huge amounts of suspicious cash have also been withdrawn. These transactions so far have gone below the radar of the routine process of election expenditure monitoring. Ground level intelligence indicates it is highly possible that substantial part of the cash flow is being misused for vitiating free and fair elections”. Bhowmick said that the Election Commission of India (ECI) has been alerted to the initial findings.

The Deccan Herald noted that the directorate monitors issues regarding the use of money for elections in Arunachal Pradesh, Assam, Manipur, Meghalaya, Mizoram, Nagaland, and Tripura, which collectively have 24 Lok Sabha seats. It has launched inquires into around 200 instances of similar bank transactions higher than Rs. 10 lakh. Bhowmick’s statement noted, “The modus operandi seems to be that cash is deposited in banks and may move undetected through banking channels or may stay dormant till required. The cash is withdrawn at the appropriate time and evaporates into the system. The initial investigation into data of 10-days transaction has raised apprehension that the banks are being possibly used as safe conduit to hide and move suspicious cash”.

The complete report may be read below: 
 

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Jarjum Ete is a social activist turned politician who has worked for the development of women in Arunachal Pradesh for over three decades. She has challenged patriarchy in the State by openly condemning child marriage, polygamy and women not having equal inheritance and other rights. She is seen as a role model for many young adults in the state.
 
Currently, she is running for Member of Parliament (MP) from Arunachal West from the Janata Dal (Secular) seat.
 
The talk of women’s empowerment should reflect in their political representation 
She recently resigned from the position of General Secretary, All India Mahila Congress (AIMC) after she was not given parliamentary or Assembly poll tickets. She has reportedly been asking for an opportunity to serve as an elected representative in the State since decades but was not given an opportunity. She apparently had to quit the party for the sake of the people who sought her leadership in the State. Although she maintains no hard feelings for the Congress, it is evident that the party could not translate their women representation and empowerment talks into actually providing space to a woman leader like Jarjum.  
 
Jarjum Ete has worked towards reducing child marriage and domestic violence in the State. Her leadership skills have been established by the fact that she has been one of the first Chairpersons of Arunachal Pradesh State Commission for Women (2005-2008). She has worked towards people’s rights in the past and held many other positions of repute like; Chairperson, Rajiv Gandhi Panchayati Raj Sangathan, Arunachal Pradesh, Chairperson, Panchayat Mahila Shakti Abhiyaan (2007-2008), President, Galo Welfare Society (2010-2013), Vice Chairperson, Arunachal Indigenous Tribes Forum, (2010-2013), President, Arunachal Pradesh Women’s Welfare Society (2000-2003) and President, National Forum for Forest Workers and Forest People.2012-2013.
 
She has also been on many technical taskforce committees like Member of the Expert Committee, NE Women in NCW (2003-2008), Member of the Joint National Committee for Review of Implementation of Forest Rights Act, 2006 (2010), Member, National Task Force on Panchayati Raj, Rajiv Gandhi Foundation (1996-2006), and Member of, National Committee for Promotion of Social and Economic Welfare, Ministry of Finance, GoI (early 2000).
 
Her achievement in social work and activism doesn’t end here. She is currently the President, Indian Council of Child Welfare, Arunachal Pradesh, and Member of ICCW-Sub Committee for Protection of Children, New Delhi. She is also an active spokesperson of Arunachal Pradesh Women’s Welfare Society, and Secretary of National Alliance of Women (NAWO), India. She has been advocating for the indigenous rights of people of Arunachal Pradesh and also championed the cause of environment preservation and sustainable development. She is also currently the President of All India Union of Forest Working People, India and Chief Advisor of Galo Welfare Society.
 
She could become the first woman MP from Arunachal Pradesh 
She has always advocated for the participation of women and youth in politics. This is also an opportunity for the people of Arunachal to create history by electing the first woman MP from the State.
 
Jarjum Ete has said that she will commit herself to work with the youths of Arunachal Pradesh to secure the state’s future by reviewing and amending the Arunachal Pradesh Statehood Act under Article 371H to usher in constitutional protections to the state and its indigenous tribal people.
 
At present, Arunachal faces the problem of youth unemployment and she has promised that she will address this issue. She also ideates that the local governance systems in the state need to be strengthened.
 
‘The 2019 Elections for Arunachalis is not only about petty political calculations. It is about the future of our people and our forests.’, she wrote in one of her online posts.
                                       
Jarjum Ete feels that over the years, many thinkers and leaders have pointed out the lacunae in Arunachal’s Statehood Act.  After witnessing the serious concerns, apprehensions and assertions, sufferings and insecurities faced by the Arunachalis, particularly the youths in regards to the CAB-2016 or PRC or Refugee Rehabilitation policy or the long drawn inter-state boundary issue or the indigenous peoples’ land rights, traditional tribal identities and institutions, it is high time for a review of the Statehood Act under Article 371H.
 
She supports the need for sustainable development that will not only provide livelihood opportunities to Arunachal’s ever-growing aspirational youth-force but also protect their various tribal identities, lands, rivers and forests, and sustain the pristine environment that will be the amulet of life for the future generations.

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Image Courtesy: Amarjit Longjam

New Delhi: The controversial Armed Forces Special Powers Act (AFSPA) was partially removed from Arunachal Pradesh, 32 years after it was imposed, a Ministry of Home Affairs (MHA) order said on Tuesday.
 
The Act, which gives sweeping powers to security forces, was partially withdrawn from three of the state’s nine districts, but would remain in force in the areas bordering Myanmar, the MHA order said.
 
The state, which was formed on February 20, 1987, had inherited the controversial AFSPA enacted by Parliament in 1958 and applied to the entire State of Assam and the Union Territory of Manipur.
 
After Arunachal Pradesh, Meghalaya, Mizoram and Nagaland came into being, the Act was appropriately adapted to apply to these states as well.
 
The Justice B P Jeevan Reddy committee had recommended scrapping of the AFSPA from the state.
 
The police station areas from where the AFSPA has been withdrawn are Balemu and Bhalukpong police stations in West Kameng district, Seijosa police station in East Kameng district and Balijan police station in Papumpare district.
 
AFSPA is declared in areas where armed forces are required to operate in aid to civil authorities. However, for AFSPA to become valid, an area needs to be declared “disturbed” either by the Central or the state government under Section 3 of the Act.
 
As per the MHA’s notification on Tuesday, the four police station areas in Arunachal Pradesh which were declared “disturbed areas” under AFSPA are no longer under the purview of the special law.
 
Arunachal Pradesh became a state on February 20, 1987, and since its inception, the controversial AFSPA – enacted by Parliament in 1958 – was applied to the certain parts of the state. In 2018, MHA had reduced AFPSA from 16 police stations areas bordering Assam to eight police stations, besides Tirap, Changlang and Longding districts, adjoining Myanmar.
 
One of the reasons cited by the Centre for imposing AFSPA in Arunachal’s Tirap, Changlang and Longding – all bordering Assam – and 16 other police station areas was the extortion and killing of security forces by the National Socialist Council of Nagaland (Isak-Muivah) and NSCN-K. While NSCN-IM signed a framework agreement with the government, NSCN-K capabilities have been depleted after the death of its leader SS Khaplang, an official said.
 
A review of the law and order situation in Arunachal Pradesh’s six districts was undertaken before the March 31 deadline for the validity of the “disturbed area” designation under the AFSPA.
 
In March last year, the AFSPA was removed completely from Meghalaya following improvement in the security situation.
 
The AFSPA is imposed in areas where armed forces are required to operate in aid to civil authorities. For the AFSPA to become valid, an area, however, needs to be declared disturbed either by the Central or the state government under section 3 of the 1958 Act.
 
Some parts of Arunachal Pradesh has the presence of banned militant outfits such as NSCN, ULFA and NDFB, another official said.
 
Under the Act, the security forces can arrest anyone or carry out searches on any premises.
 
With inputs from agencies.
 

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What is PRC?
Permanent Residence Certificate (PRC) is a legal document issued to Indian citizens that serves as evidence of residence and is required to be submitted as residential proof for official purpose. The PRC proves the domicile of an applicant which enables them to obtain domicile specific quota during admissions in educational institutes. It can also be required for jobs or career opportunities.
 
Who has it, who wants it?
The Arunachal Pradesh Scheduled Tribes (APST) hold the PRC in Arunachal Pradesh. Other communities that have lived in the state for decades have been demanding the PRC as they can’t prove their domicile during background checks. Some of these communities are considered scheduled tribes in Assam but are not acknowledged in Arunachal Pradesh where they have been living for years. They don’t have any official land rights either. Their counterparts in Assam although enjoy PRC and land rights. The Gorkhas and ex-servicemen living in Changlang are also seeking PRC. They are settled on land leased from the Yobin community and pay rent. Their lease expires in 2020.
 
A Joint High Power Committee (JHPC) was formed by the state government on May 1, 2018, with the help of senior politicians, student leaders, community stakeholders and others, to take stock of demand for PRC in the state. They held meetings in Changlang, Namsai, Tezu and other areas and discussed all the matters and concerns. The JHPC was given the deadline of January 2019 to submit their findings and report. The JHPC report was to be tabled in the state assembly on February 23 in the current session.
 
The New Year Gift
But even before the report could be submitted, Arunachal Pradesh’s Chief Minister Pema Khandu offered a New Year gift! In December 2018, Khandu announced that people from six communities that are perceived as non-native to the state, namely Adivasi, Deori, Gorkha, Mishing, Moran, and SonowalKachari, and ex-servicemen residing in Changlang and Namsai districts will be granted PRC, with 1968 serving as the cut-off year.
 
Who opposes PRC?
The Arunachal Pradesh Scheduled Tribes (APST) believe that giving PRC to non-native tribes/communities will dilute the Bengal Eastern Frontier Regulation (BEFR) Act of 1873 which leads the Inner Line Permit (ILP) rule in the state. This rule makes it mandatory for all non-permanent residents and visitors to obtain this ILP permit before entering the state. This permit is demanded at entry checkpoints at various places in the state. They APSTs feel that granting PRC to these communities will endanger their local culture and land rights with the ease in inflow. The powerful groups and organisations feel granting them the permanent residences will hamper the rights and interests of the indigenous people of the state. The All Arunachal Pradesh Students Union (AAPSU) had demanded that the JHPC make it mandatory that non APST communities should continue to take ILP to enter or live in the state and on tribal land.
 
Escalation of Violence
A copy of the JHPC recommendations was allegedly leaked in mid-February, and anger began to boil over when it was discovered that they had recommended granting permanent resident certificates (PRC) to the six tribes/communities.
 
All Tai KhamptiSingpho Students’ Union (ATKSSU) and All Namsai Districts Students’ Union (ANDSU) vehemently rejected the recommendations, while the AAPSU offered conditional support. On February 21, the AAPSU clarified the nature of its support for the PRC stating that they would back the PRC if it would be used only for educational and employment purposes by families recorded in the cadastral survey of 1968, and that PRCs would not grant the non-APSTs rights at par with the APSTs.
 
Violence erupted on February 22, just a day before the report was to be tabled, and Arunachal Pradesh continued to burn for three days. It was, therefore, decided not to table the report on February 23. An agitated mob ransacked and burnt the private residence of deputy chief minister Chowna Mein. And on February 24, two people were killed and three injured when protesters tried to attack the private home of Arunachal Pradesh Chief Minister Pema Khandu at the ESS sector in Itanagar in the afternoon. Protestors set ablaze five vehicles and also burnt the offices of All Arunachal Pradesh Students Union (AAPSU) and All Nyishi Students Union (ANSU) here, police said.
 
AAPSU President HawaBagang had condemned the violence saying, “Though everyone has the right to take up democratic means to get their voices heard, it is also important to know the depth of the issue before protesting and creating law and order problems.”
 
Meanwhile, the PRC demanding communities intensified their demands in the state by blocking the National Highway connecting Namsai in Assam to Deori dominated Mahadevpur in Arunachal Pradesh. Bandhs and economic blockades were announced by the communities.
 
CM Khandu called an all-party meeting to take stock of the situation and decide on the future course of action, but none of the parties, including the opposition Congress, NPP and the PPA, turned up.
 
Meanwhile, on February 25 the Congress delegation led by party General Secretary LuizinhoFaleiro submitted a memorandum to the Ministry of Home Affairs (MHA) asking for the immediate dismissal of Chief Minster Pema Khandu, Deputy Chief Minister Chowna Mein and Union Minuster of State for Home Affairs KirenRijiju.
 
What next?
Arunachal Pradesh Chief Secretary Satya Gopal issued a statement on Sunday that said, “Considering the present situation pertaining to grant of PRCs to non-APST (Arunachal Pradesh Scheduled Tribes) of Namsai and Changlang districts, the state government has decided that no further action will be taken in grant of PRCs.”
 
The ongoing assembly session was also adjourned sine die by speaker TenzingNorbuThongdok on Saturday. Arunachal Pradesh chief minister Pema Khandu clarified that the state government was not bringing the bill on PRC but only tabling the report of the panel. However, despite the state government declaration, the protests continued and the protesters were demanding the resignation of both the CM and Deputy CM. Sources said that the state possibly is staring at a President Rule shortly.
 
Chief Minister Pema Khandu said his government will never again take up the issue of granting PRC to non-natives of Arunachal Pradesh.
 
https://twitter.com/ANI/status/1099878205371109377/photo/1
 
Political blame game begins
The Arunachal Pradesh BJP president Tapir Gao told The Indian Express, “This violence is definitely politically backed by the Congress. The government has already agreed to not table the recommendations and discuss the matter. It is an attempt to destabilise the BJP government in the state. Goons have been going around Itanagar for the last few days.”
 
TakamSanjoy president of the state unit of the Congress told The Indian Express that the violence signifies a “total failure of the government” and that President’s Rule should be imposed immediately in the state.
 
“In my lifetime, I am seeing this is the worst condition of the state. How can the BJP blame the Congress? Who brought the bill to grant PRC in the Assembly? Who constituted the JHPC? Is there a Congress government now in Arunachal? The BJP is blaming the Congress to hide its own failure. The Army has been called in, mobile internet is banned.”
 
On Sunday, Rijiju in a tweet asked the state’s people to maintain peace.
 
Instability in state politics
Arunachal Pradesh has of late seen a series of unstable governments and mass defections. With the new volatility, politicians are switching parties again. This reverses the trend of the last few years, where the Congress saw an exodus from its ranks and into those of the Bharatiya Janata Party and its allies. Ruled by a BJP-led coalition at present, the term of the present government expires on June 1, 2019.
 
The most high-profile resignation from the BJP so far has been that of former Chief Minister GegongApang. On January 15, he quit the ruling party, which he had joined in 2014. He lashed out at the BJP’s central leadership in his resignation letter. It “hates decentralisation or democratic decision making”, he wrote, “the party is now a platform to seek power”.
 
2016 saw the state plunged into the months-long political turmoil that saw three chief ministers in a short span besides imposition of President’s rule for a brief period.
 
In the long-drawn political drama, Governor J P Rajkhowa was dismissed on September 22. Observers say this was apparently because he had failed to “ensure a lasting BJP-led or BJP-blessed government” in the state.
 
The political crisis in the frontier state stemmed from the ouster of KalikhoPul from the Council of Ministers in April 2015. Soon after his exit, Pul went about spilling the beans on the poor financial health of the state under the then Chief Minister NabamTuki’s leadership. The state was thrown into chaos when he was found hanging inside the chief minister’s official bungalow on August 9, which he was yet to vacate.
 
 

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Thousands of Assamese people were detained by the Khasi Student’s Union (KSU) of Meghalaya when they were moving from Barak Valley to the Brahmaputra Valley vice versa. Approximately 95% people of both the valleys of Assam have to use this road that passes through Meghalaya as they have no other safe or secure roadway connectivity through Assam. This daily geographical compulsion of thousands of Assamese people is now compounded with intense harassment that began on August 1, barely two days after the declaration of the draft final NRC.

Throughout this tortuous harassment, the BJP led governments of Assam, Meghalaya (in Mehghalaya, the BJP is in alliance) have remained silent spectators. It was various citizens’ organisations, especially from the Barak Valley, who intervened, taking the initiative to convince the KSU and the Meghalaya governments that such actions should be stopped as the final NRC is yet to be published. Though the situation in Meghalaya and Nagaland was controlled through these interventions and unofficial deliberations, in Arunachal Pradesh, the situation is very grave.

Unmindful of the ground reality, the All Arunachal Pradesh Student’s Union has started a ‘clean-up drive’ for Arunachal Pradesh, ousting all those persons whose names are excluded in the updated draft NRC. This move of the All Arunachal Pradesh Students’ Union (AAPSU) targets the workers and agrarian class, who have a long history of working in the state. Now, riding on the back of the ‘NRC hysteria’ legitimised by supremacists in power, this Student’s Organization has alleged that all those dropped from the draft NRC are ‘illegal foreigners’ who have settled in the Arunachal Pradesh. Taking law into their own hands, this students’ organization has started a self styled clean-up drive against such “illegal Intruders” as they have failed to show their NRC documents and Inner Line Permit (ILP).

Arunachal Pradesh, has large tracts of vacant land with a workforce that has the lowest numbers. The state is dependent upon a single season of paddy cultivation during the summer. Due to a huge scarcity of labour in the agricultural sector, the land lords of the state generally import, on a contract basis, agricultural labourer from Assam, especially those belonging to the poorer, minority Muslim community from lower and middle Assam. The unwritten agreement between the land lords of Arunachal Pradesh and this labouring class from Assam is that, the labourer will go to Arunachal Pradesh by May, till the land and prepare it for sowing paddy in June-July. After that they will stay at the paddy fields till harvest time in October-November, each year. Each worker gets all food and accommodation from the land lords from May until December and half of the crops are cultivated. Until harvesting, the labourer gets only food and accommodation.

Arunachal Pradesh is a protected state, where no one can enter from other States without Inner Line Permit (ILP). However, these large numbers of the labouring force need no ILP as the land lords involved in their ‘import’ are those who are connected through power and bureaucracy, to the politics of Arunachal Pradesh. On rare occasion, if some labourer does get an ILP it is deposited with the land lord or the agents involved in contracting the work. In this exploitative situation, asking such an impoverished and marginalised workforce for either an ILP or NRC documents is a cruel joke.

However, shockingly thousands of such impoverished labour have been detained by AAPSU since August 17, they have suffered physical and mental assault before being transported to the Assam-Arunachal Border areas. According to the AAPSU president Hawa Banga, “Though AAPSU appealed to all illegal intruders in Arunachal Pradesh to leave the state, there was no response. So, we started a ‘clean up drive’ from August 17. Until August 19, we have ourselves detained 2,205 ‘illegal intruders’ and pushed them back out of the State.” He also said that AAPSU and Arunachal Pradesh Administration had a meeting on August 19 in Naharlagun. In the meeting it is decided that Arunachal Pradesh Police will start a special drive against the illegal Intruders from August 26. Meanwhile, thousands of agricultural and construction workers are in a state of panic, and in a hurry to leave the state to save themselves from the this level of harassment. They are likely to be deprived of all promised livelihood, too.

This has been an unfortunate and pathetic human fall out of the hysteria around the NRC. The process of updating the NRC in Assam has been on, with a mandate to publish a list of Indian Citizens, who while living in Assam, possess all viable documents, from any part of India, prior to March 24, 1971. Though the competent Authority related to finalisation of NRC like the Directorate, RGI, Union Home Ministry and even the Supreme Court of India have been repeatedly giving reassurances saying that those left out of the draft NRC published on July 30, 2018 will not be harassed or intimidated in any way (as they may not be foreigners as defined under the Constitution of India), vested political interests especially the ruling party of India and the states in the north east under saffron sway, are jumping on the hysteria of the “illegal intruder” discourse.

It looks like as if this will be the polarising tool that will be used by the saffron combine at the cost of poor, hard-working lives.

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Image: PTI  (Representation Image)
 
Heavy rains lashed several parts of Arunachal Pradesh, including the capital, causing landslides and flood-like situation in many areas across the state. The administration has alerted residents located at vulnerable areas, such as river banks, streams, landslide-prone zone and advised them to move to safer locations. More than 20 stranded passengers, including four patients, three children, women and students were airlifted from Sagalee to Naharlagun yesterday.

Heavy damages to roads, culverts, houses and other infrastructure were reported from the districts. Two bridges that connected Sagalee were washed away leaving around 100 commuters stranded.

Sagalee remained cut off and stranded passengers were accommodated in the inspection bungalow and at former Chief Minister Nabam Tuki?s private residence. Landslides along the Papu-Yupia-Hoj-Potin stretch of the Trans Arunachal Highway, left many vehicles stranded.

The district administration issued a circular to stop traffic through the highway between 5pm and 9am. A report from East Siang district stated that Siang River crossed the danger mark on Sunday night.

In Tirap district, a huge landslide occurred between Khonsa and Longding road near the Tirath Hydel Project. The River Kameng at Seppa was reportedly flowing over the danger level.

Due to rising water level of Dipu Nallah, Tezu-Roing road traffic was diverted via Assam.

Meanwhile, incessant rainfall led to erosion of a major portion of the National Highway 415 between Naharlagun and Itanagar. The National Highway 415 connecting Itanagar and Naharlagun has been closed and all vehicles were diverted to Papu-Nallah and Itanagar via Jollang Road. The situation worsened as the soil below Barapani Bridge began eroding due to the rise in water level, official sources said.

Capital Complex Deputy Commissioner Prince Dhawan prohibited heavy vehicles from using the bridge till further notice and directed the department concerned to construct a retaining wall to stop soil erosion.

On the other hand, the Jullang road, which is currently the only lifeline connecting Itanagar and Naharlagun, is also in a bad condition with mudslides causing considerable damage at several points.

The Parliamentary Secretary for Disaster Management Kaling Moyong yesterday assessed the damages at Barapani Bridge and Chandranagar area.

A detailed report would be submitted to the chief minister so that necessary measures could be taken at the earliest, Moyong said.

Meanwhile, landslide triggered by heavy downpour destroyed two houses of Santi Colony at Sagalee in Papum Pare district on Sunday.

Landslides have been reported from almost the entire stretch of Seppa-Sagalee-Kheel Trans Arunachal Highway (TAH), Sagalee ADC Jalash Pertin said.
 

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