This stay effectively halts any judicial action that could disturb public harmony or prejudice the resolution of the issues at hand. By freezing all proceedings, the court has ensured that the sensitive subject of religious places is dealt with calmly and with the utmost judicial oversight.

The order also addressed the delays in filing responses by the Union of India, noting that despite the issuance of notice as early as September 9, 2022, no counter affidavit or reply had been submitted. The court directed the Union to file its reply “within four weeks from today,” emphasising the need for timely compliance. The court also directed for the copies of the reply are to be served to all petitioners and respondents, who may file their rejoinders within four weeks of receiving it.

To facilitate the coordination of documents and arguments in this multi-party case, the court appointed Mr. Vishnu Shankar Jain as Nodal Counsel for those challenging the validity of the Act and Mr. Ejaz Maqbool for those supporting its enforcement or opposing the challenges. Additionally, Mr. Kanu Agarwal was designated as the Nodal Counsel for the Union of India, responsible for creating and maintaining a Google Drive link to upload the Union’s affidavit, which will be shared with all relevant parties. The court also established a shared email ID to streamline the exchange of pleadings, directing, “All the Nodal Counsel will have access to the said email ID to facilitate coordination.”

The court’s order reiterated its earlier framing of legal questions on October 12, 2022 regarding the scope and application of Sections 3 and 4 of the 1991 Act, which prohibit the alteration of religious character and nullify ongoing legal challenges to the status of places of worship as they stood on 15 August 1947. It noted that additional issues have arisen during the hearings and that the primary questions relate to “the contours, as well as the width and expanse of the said provisions.” The case is now scheduled to be heard next on February 17, 2025.

This order marks a decisive moment in the legal proceedings, as the Supreme Court’s stay prevents any disruptive developments while maintaining a controlled and coordinated process for addressing the constitutional challenge to the 1991 Act. It underscores the court’s commitment to safeguarding communal harmony and judicial decorum in one of the most sensitive and significant cases of our time.

(Detailed report on the judicial proceedings of December 12, 2024 can be read here.)

The complete order may be read below:

Intervention applications reflect broad stakeholder interest

Notably, recently, more intervention applications in the matter have also been filed by various prominent parties and individuals, reflecting the broad interest and stakes involved in the litigation. These include the Gyanvapi Mosque Managing Committee, Maharashtra MLA Dr. Jitendra Satish Awhad from the Nationalist Congress Party (Socialist), the Communist Party of India (Marxist), represented by Mr. Prakash Karat, Member of the Politburo, the Mathura Shahi Idgah Masjid Committee, and Rajya Sabha MP Manoj Jha. These interventions highlight the diverse perspectives and communal sensitivities surrounding the constitutional challenge to the Places of Worship (Special Provisions) Act, 1991, underscoring its far-reaching social and political implications. These interventions highlight the diverse perspectives and communal sensitivities surrounding the constitutional challenge to the Places of Worship (Special Provisions) Act, 1991, underscoring its far-reaching social and political implications.

1. Gyanvapi Mosque Managing Committee’s intervention

The Gyanvapi Mosque Managing Committee had filed an intervention before the Supreme Court, asserting its critical stake in the legal deliberations concerning the 1991 Act. The committee argued that multiple suits have been filed seeking the mosque’s removal, despite the clear bar imposed by Sections 3 and 4 of the Act, which preserve the religious character of places of worship as they existed on August 15, 1947.

Highlighting the far-reaching implications of declaring the Act unconstitutional, the committee stated that such a decision would have “drastic” consequences. It expressed concern that the Act’s misinterpretation had already led to legal challenges against several mosques and dargahs across the country, including the Gyanvapi Mosque. As per the report of LiveLaw, the committee emphasised: “The applicant is constrained to intervene in the present proceedings as a misreading/misinterpretation of the 1991 Act, and the salutary reasons for which it had been enacted, is being sought to be diluted by filing of suits against Mosques and, even before issues are struck, seeking interim directions for survey of the Mosques or an ASI inspection.”

The application referenced recent instances where ex-parte interim orders were issued by district courts, including orders allowing a survey of the Gyanvapi Mosque and the Sambhal Jama Masjid, as examples of how the 1991 Act is being undermined. (The detailed report on Sambhal violence may be read here, here and here.)

Additionally, the committee invoked the doctrine of non-retrogression, which the Supreme Court had discussed in the Ram Janmabhoomi Temple Case. It argued that under this principle, the State has a “non-derogable obligation” to uphold the country’s commitment to secularism as enshrined in the Constitution. The committee emphasised that any weakening of the 1991 Act would represent a step backward in protecting the secular fabric of the nation.

2. Indian Union Muslim League’s intervention

The Indian Union Muslim League (IUML), represented by its General Secretary and Kerala MLA PK Kunhalikutty along with Lok Sabha MP ET Muhammed Basheer, had filed an intervention application before the Supreme Court in the ongoing challenges to the validity of the Places of Worship (Special Provisions) Act, 1991. The IUML’s intervention underscores the importance of the Act in safeguarding secularism and religious freedoms for all faiths in India. The application emphasises that secularism has been recognised as a part of the basic structure of the Indian Constitution, thus rendering the Act immune from any amendments by Parliament.

The IUML’s application, as per LiveLaw, highlights the Act’s dual purposes, both of which are crucial for preserving public order and harmony. Firstly, the Act prohibits the conversion of any place of worship, ensuring that the religious character of such places is not altered. Secondly, the Act imposes a positive obligation on the State to maintain the religious character of every place of worship as it stood on August 15, 1947, the date when India became an independent, democratic, and secular nation. The application underscores that this date is pivotal, marking the emergence of India as a modern State with no official religion and providing equal rights to all religious denominations. As the application states: “This August 15, 1947 is crucial because on that date this nation was emerged as a modern, democratic and sovereign State thrusting back such barbarity into the past once and for all.”

Further, the IUML stresses that the 1991 Act is instrumental in fostering unity, peace, and mutual respect among India’s diverse religious communities. The application also draws attention to recent incidents in Sambhal, Uttar Pradesh, as a stark reminder of the need for such legislation. The IUML contends that if the Act had been properly enforced, incidents like the one in Sambhal, which resulted in the tragic loss of six lives, could have been prevented. The increasing number of suits concerning places of worship, the IUML argues, is exactly the type of issue the 1991 Act was designed to address. As they assert, “The mushrooming of suits concerning places of worship is precisely the mischief sought to be curtailed by the introduction of this impugned Act.”

Through its intervention, the IUML advocates for the continued preservation of the Act, highlighting its critical role in maintaining communal harmony and upholding the secular values enshrined in India’s Constitution.

3. Jitendra Satish Awhad’s Intervention

Dr. Jitendra Satish Awhad, a Member of the Legislative Assembly (MLA) from Mumbra-Kalwa and a representative of the Nationalist Congress Party (NCP), had filed an intervention in the Supreme Court proceedings challenging the 1991 Act. Awhad’s application underscored the Act’s crucial role in preserving secularism, promoting communal harmony, and preventing the tensions that could disrupt national unity.

Drawing from the historical context of his constituency, Awhad highlighted that Mumbra-Kalwa became a refuge for those displaced by the 1992-93 Bombay riots, which had caused significant social and physical divides between communities. Over time, efforts have been made to rebuild trust and unity among the diverse communities in the region. Awhad warned that any dilution of the 1991 Act could jeopardise these efforts, potentially unravelling the progress made in fostering peace.

Awhad’s intervention further stresses the historical importance of the Act, especially in the immediate aftermath of India’s independence when the country faced significant religious and communal strife. He noted that the Act reflects Parliament’s considered response to these concerns, aiming to stabilise the nation and promote cohesion by preventing disputes over religious sites that could destabilise public order and communal harmony. As per LiveLaw, his application states that “There exists a clear and reasonable nexus between the Act’s prohibition on altering the religious character of places of worship and its overarching objective of fostering national unity and integrity.”

Awhad’s application has been filed through AoR Anas Tanwir and is drawn by Advocates Neha Singh and Ebad Ur Rahman. Additionally, the Communist Party of India (Marxist) has also intervened in the case, supporting the constitutionality of the Act and its role in safeguarding India’s secular fabric.

4. Communist Party of India (Marxist) intervention

The Communist Party of India (Marxist) (CPI(M)), represented by Mr. Prakash Karat, Member of the Politburo, had filed an Intervention Application before the Supreme Court. The CPI(M) strongly advocates for the Act’s critical role in preserving India’s secular fabric by preventing any alteration to the religious character of places of worship as they stood on August 15, 1947. This prohibition is central to ensuring the communal harmony and national cohesion that the Act was designed to uphold.

In its application, the CPI(M) underscores the Act’s importance in preventing conflicts rooted in historical disputes, arguing that its legislative intent is crucial in maintaining peace and preventing further strife. The party also emphasises that the Act safeguards the fundamental rights guaranteed under Articles 14 (equality), 15 (non-discrimination), 21 (right to life and liberty), and 25 (freedom of religion) of the Indian Constitution, ensuring equality, non-discrimination, and the freedom of all citizens to practice their religion without fear of interference or alteration.

The CPI(M) further warns that any attempt to repeal or alter the Act would undermine these constitutional principles, posing a threat to secularism and the rule of law, both of which are foundational to India’s democratic framework. The application highlights the growing number of litigations challenging the religious character of various places of worship, including mosques and dargahs. Referring specifically to recent cases involving the Sambhal Mosque and the Ajmer Dargah, the CPI(M) asserts that such cases “intend to destabilise the legislative intent and constitutional mandate enshrined in the Act,” warning that this “relentless wave of litigation” threatens to erode India’s secular values.

5. Rajya Sabha MP Manoj Jha’s intervention

Manoj Kumar Jha, a Member of Rajya Sabha representing the Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD), had also moved an intervention application before the Supreme Court. In his submission, Jha argues that the 1991 Act is fully aligned with the Indian Constitution and promotes its core values, especially the commitment to secularism and equality for all religions.

The application, filed through Advocate-on-Record Fauzia Shakil, asserts that the Act does not contravene any fundamental rights under Part III of the Constitution. Instead, it strengthens the constitutional tenets by protecting the religious character of places of worship as they existed on 15 August 1947. Jha emphasises that the Act serves as a legislative guarantee, ensuring that these places of worship are preserved by the State, in line with the nation’s secular commitments.

As Jha’s application states, the 1991 Act is critical to upholding the Preamble of the Constitution and Articles 14 (equality), 15 (non-discrimination), 25 (freedom of religion), 26 (freedom to manage religious affairs), and 51A (fundamental duties). It underscores the secular obligations of the State and India’s pledge to treat all religions equally, reaffirming the Act’s constitutional validity. According to the report of LiveLaw, the application asserts, “There is no need for the top Court to intervene or ground to declare the Act unconstitutional,” stressing that the legislation is essential for maintaining national unity and preserving the secular fabric of the country.

In his application, Jha also draws attention to the rise of sectarian politics, which has intensified in recent times. He warns that the increasing weaponisation of religion and the polarisation of communities pose significant threats to constitutional values. He adds, “The recent incidents of weaponising religion, polarising communities and fostering a divisive agenda is creating repercussions where dissent and diversity face increasing threats,” thus reinforcing the need for the 1991 Act to prevent such divisiveness and preserve India’s secular ideals.

Related:

When the Supreme Court directed protection for the Gyan Vapi Mosque, upheld the Places of Worship Act, 1991 (1994, 1995, 1997)

UP: After Gyanvapi, Mathura Court Orders Shahi Idgah Survey; ‘Violation’ of Places of Worship Act, Say Activists

When and How Ram Vilas Paswan made a strong pitch for the Places of Worship Act, 1991

“Temple restoration” suits on the rise; what about the Places of Worship Act?

The post Supreme Court issued stay on suits on survey against religious places, interventions had highlighted the Act’s intent to preserve India’s secular character appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Tughlakabad is adjacent to affluent neighbourhoods like C.R Park and Greater Kailash, highlighting the stark inequality that exists not only in human rights reports but also in the lived experiences of its inhabitants.

As reported earlier, the  Archaeological Survey of India (ASI) carried out a demolition drive in the area in the first week of May, leaving thousands of residents here homeless, without providing any rehabilitation. The area’s economic profile indicates that it primarily comprises a working-class community where residents work as domestic help, security guards, street vendors and factory workers. Most women workers work in the nearby area of C.R Park and Greater Kailash as domestic help.

The demolition drive has resulted in homelessness for the residents of the area, who are now facing several other social issues ranging from women’s safety to lack of education and hunger.

Homelessness and Hunger

Two primary issues that have become the talking point being repeated by each community member here are homelessness and hunger. Despite the demolition that has left no trace of homes, the area’s residents have refused to leave. Most of the families here have set up tents in the same place where once their houses stood. Others have started shifting towards the adjacent jungle.

Additionally, the locals report a sharp rise in rent in the surrounding area with at least a 20% -30% rise. Sarita Devi’s tent in the jungle validates this fact. Due to the high rent, she couldn’t afford a house in the surrounding area. She works as a domestic help in CR Park and is now forced to live with her four kids in a tent.

The other woman in the area echoed her concern and other issues, such that landlords prefer to rent properties to families with fewer people. Due to this, Sindhu (31) and her four children are staying in a tent on the debris of their former home.

“They want small families to rent out their properties. If someone with four children approaches the landlords, it’s a straight rejection for them. Also, even if someone rents the property to a large family, the rent is skyrocketing. We can’t afford that much,” she added.

Amid the scorching heat of May in the national capital, the inability to have two square meals a day has become a primary concern for families here in Tughlakabad. Many women reportedly here have been unable to go to work for the past week and have not received any aid or assistance from civil society organisations in the form of food or water. Giving an example of the lack of empathy towards the residents here, Ritu (35) pointed out

“The NGO here is distributing food to the stray dogs, but they can’t see thousands of human beings with hungry stomachs,” she said. Also, the lack of support has been exacerbated by the scorching heat.

“The combination of inflation and high prices makes it difficult to afford food from outside sources. The demolition not only took away our homes but threatened our lives,” she added.

Women’s Safety and the Future of Education

Women’s safety has emerged as a significant concern among the residents who have set up their tents around the nearby jungles. Sarita expressed her fear of drunk men, which has increased since the demolition drive. She is worried about her elder daughter, who is 15 years old and has to leave her at her workplace in CR Park. She moves back and forth between the protest site and the tent during the day, as leaving the tent unattended would result in losing all her belongings.

The fear of women’s safety has been a recurring theme among the residents, especially women. Protesters here also question the PM’s much-used slogan ‘Beti Padhao, Beti Bachao’, which according to them, is nothing but a farce.

Another concern that has been grappling the residents with anger and anxiety is the loss of education that their children are enduring due to the demolition.  Laxmi(40), a mother of three, has worked in the factory for the last nine years. She, along with her family, has been living in the area for the last eight years. She alleged that due to the sudden eviction, she did not get time to collect her belongings and documents of her children.

“I didn’t want my children to work in the factory like me. Now their documents are lying under this debris. The way this eviction took place, it didn’t even give us time to collect the educational documents of my children,” she said.

Since the demolition drive, the locality kids have stopped going to school. Several parents here have received calls from the schools threatening to cancel the admission of their children in case of more absences. The parents can also not provide a stable environment for the children due to the lack of housing, electricity, and water. The loss of education due to this drive also raised some serious questions about the government—commitment towards the right to education.

The residents also questioned the way the drive was organised. According to them, no notice was served to them before the drive. The only notice sent out to them by the ASI was sent in January.

“The officials should have informed them a week or at least 24 hours before uprooting a population of almost 20,000,” added Laxmi.

Speaking with NewsClick, ASI’s spokesperson Vasant Kumar Swarnkar defended the government’s position on how the demolition occurred. According to Mr Swarnkar, the residents were served with a notice in the month of January only and given a time of 15 days to evict the area. He further said the ASI can not harbour illegal construction around archaeological sites.

Regarding providing rehabilitation to the residents, he stated, “Rehabilitation is a matter of the state, and ASI can not comment on the matter of the state.”

Political Class’s Lack of Empathy

It is a point to note that the ruling parties, the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) in Delhi and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) at the Centre, have not shown much interest in the issues that the residents are facing here. The lack of empathy from their representative was visible in the conversations that were taking place at the protest site. The locals had reported that when they met the local MP Ramesh Bidhuri in January to help them, he accused them of voting for AAP in the local Municipal Corporation of Delhi (MCD) election and used abusive language towards them. NewsClick also attempted to contact Mr Bidhuri at his residence in the same area, but he was unavailable as he had gone to Karnataka for the upcoming assembly election.

However, the Delhi Urban Development Minister Saurabh Bharadwaj from the AAP has suggested that alternative arrangements should be made for the displaced residents of Tughlakabad whose homes have been demolished. Still, no representative from his party has met the victims yet.

Courtesy: Newsclick

The post Aftermath of Demolition Drive in Tughlakabad: Hunger and Homelessness Rife appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The lanes of Tughlakabad village are a deserted sight now. As one moves inwards, anxious eyes follow strangers with the singular
question: are you from the Archaeological Survey of India? The residents of the village are expecting imminent demolition of their
houses after the ASI asked them to vacate the land following a Supreme Court order. The residents, mostly migrant worker families from Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Jharkhand, and West Bengal fear that the demolition will not only make them roofless in this biting cold but also break the crucial link to their workplaces.

Rajesh, who came from Bihar in 1996 to find work in the national capital, said that he bought the plot in Tughlaqabad from another
person knowing little about the legality of the title. He maintained that thousands of families bought plots from local dealers and paid them their hard-earned money. Yet, nobody is turning up to help them in this critical hour.

“I worked in a local garment factory in Okhla. The order from ASI suggests that all homes within a radius of 100 metres from the walls of  Tughlaqabad fort will be demolished. I put my hard-earned money into this house. My entire family lives here and if somebody breaks it, I cannot build another again. We suffered a lot in the pandemic and lockdowns. Now, we run a local grocery store for our livelihood,” said Rajesh.

The order for demolition by the Archaeological Survey of India is rooted in the long legal battle that began in 2001 when petitioner S N Bharadwaj approached the Delhi High Court saying that historic Tughlaqabad fort should be saved from illegal encroachment from land mafia grabbing precious land adjacent to the walls of the fort. The apprehensions of the fort losing its existence were grounded in administrative apathy and land grabbing which already affected Qila Rai Pithora and Siri Fort. Noted Historian William Dalrymple cites in his book City of Djinns that the Municipal Corporation of Delhi demolished the outer walls of Qila Rai Pithora for broadening of the road without understanding its historical significance. The structure remains the last surviving building from the pre-Islamic era in Delhi.

Issuing a notice to ASI, the High Court disposed of the matter. Following no action, Bharadwaj approached the Supreme Court in 2006 to seek remedy. He maintained that Delhi Development Authority had transferred 4435 Bigha land to ASI for maintaining and preserving the monument. However, all parties kept ignoring the land grabbing. After considering the facts, the Supreme Court asked ASI to conduct an aerial and physical survey to determine the extent of the illegal land grab. ASI maintained that its officials faced threats and needed police protection to carry out the eviction. After two decades of legal battle, the ASI has given time to residents till January 26 to vacate their homes so that demolition can be carried out.

Laxman, a resident of Chhuria Mohalla in Tughlaqabad village told NewsClick over the phone that he allegedly paid Rs 3,40,000 to the corrupt officials of the Archaeological Survey of India who assured him that there would not be any demolition inside the inner walls of the fort. He said, “I worked as a driver to support my family. I received the notice on January 11 and I have been running from pillar to post to save my home. Amid this crisis, I lost my job too. I have three children and three of them will appear for examinations in February and March. Their studies for the entire year will go down the drain. If my children cannot get literate, then what’s the use of my existence? ASI officials came to us and assured us that there would not be any demolition. I paid them money in instalments to secure a roof for my children. Now, I am left with no choice.”

The notice by ASI pasted on the walls of the colony read that there would be no new construction post-1993 and all such construction should be removed. If the occupants fail to vacate at their own expense, then the survey office would recover the costs of demolishing such constructions.

A restless Laxman further explained that most of the working families go to plush colonies in Okhla, Greater Kailash, and Nehru Place for odd jobs and the demolition will further deprive them of employment opportunities too. “In this biting cold, where will we go? Neither the Delhi government nor the central government announced that they will provide any rehabilitation,” he said.

Sucheta De from All India Central Council of Trade Unions – who has been organising workers in South Delhi – highlights that ASI notice to residents does not portray the bigger picture. She said, “As per the November 24 order, the necessary survey – which will ascertain the legality of each household – is yet to be completed, and hence the notice is uncalled for. Besides, the demolition notice makes no mention of rehabilitation. The ASI has told the court that its survey has not been completed for “reasons beyond control” and listed “unrest” as one of the prime reasons. The ASI is hiding some key facts. We found that the 100-metre radius contains a government school and dispensary as well as houses of Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) MP Ramesh Bidhuri. None of those buildings seems to have been earmarked for demolition. The presence of these buildings is another reason why the ASI is reluctant to complete the survey.”

She added, “We also take strong objection to the repeated use of the term “encroachers” to describe the residents. The residents are mostly workers who migrated from Bihar, Bengal, and Nepal over the last three decades and bought land in the area from local landowners to satisfy the basic necessity of housing. They are mostly domestic workers, construction workers, and daily wagers, who not only earn their living in the city but also keep the urban economy running. If the state refuses to accept its duty to provide housing for all, low-cost private housing is the only way in which workers can find a roof over their heads.”

Nirmal Gorana, convenor of Mazdoor Awas Sangharsh Committee, told NewsClick over the phone that the Tughlaqabad episode is the sheer repetition of Khori village demolitions where authorities for decades turned a blind eye to the illegal land grab and demolished homes evicting up to 1 lakh people. Yet, there was no action against people who illegally sold land to poor workers.

He said, “The authorities like ASI were ignorant about land grabs. Why could a government department with so many resources not prevent this land grabbing? Did they file a single police complaint against people that occupied the government land? It means that the corrupt officials of ASI were involved in plotting. Until and unless there is no right to guaranteed housing, Khori and Tughlaqabad will keep happening. In this biting cold, they will be uprooted without any provision for rehabilitation. Forget about it, the government will not arrange for even two rotis for the night. Ideally, the Delhi government should announce rehabilitation, but they have kept mum.”

 Meanwhile taking suo motu cognisance of proposed evictions, the Delhi Commission for Protection of Child Rights directed ASI Delhi circle to rehabilitate children before any eviction on Thursday. The notice read, “It is pertinent to mention that the order suffers from several infirmities. It speaks of no attempt or provision of rehabilitation of children. Taking away shelter from these families is nothing short of cruelty in such extreme weather of Delhi. Further, the children have their education which will suffer on account of this removal drive. It is tragic that the Archaeological Survey is not concerned about the well-being of the children.”

Courtesy: Newsclick

The post ‘ASI Protects None, Neither Monuments Nor People in Tughlaqabad’ appeared first on SabrangIndia.

In 2015, the Archaeological Survey of India team carrying out excavations in Keezhadi, near Madurai struck gold – they found the first concrete proof of the existence of a complex and sophisticated urban settlement in ancient Tamil Nadu. Several artefacts found at the site linked it to the Sangam era, a period from 4th Century BCE to 2th century CE widely regarded as a golden era for Tamil culture.
 
Archaeologist Amarnath Ramakrishna led the team that excavated close to 102 trenches in a 100-acre plot. But in March, the ASI decided to transfer the officer to Guwahati from the Bengaluru office where he was posted, against his will. He challenged the transfer order before the Central Administrative Tribunal, but it ruled against him. A team is carrying forward the excavation at the Keezhadi site, which now in its third year.

The transfer, however, kicked up a storm in the state. Political parties in Tamil Nadu, including the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam, accused the Centre of deliberately trying to derail the excavation as the discoveries made those on the Hindu Right uncomfortable. The parties said Keezhadi could prove their long-held belief that Tamil Nadu may have had a non-Vedic, independent ancient civilisation, something that could challenge the notion of Vedic roots of all of Hinduism.

In an interview to Scroll.in, Ramakrishna detailed the discoveries his team made in Keezhadi and expressed hope that the new team would make even more important discoveries. Excerpts:
When and how did you identify the Keezhadi site?

In 2013-’14, a four-member team headed by me surveyed the Vaigai river banks from its starting points near the Velli Malai in the Western Ghats to Aatrankarai near the sea. We explored up to a radius of 8 km on either side. The total river length is about 250 km and it flows through five districts in Tamil Nadu. 

It [the survey] involved exploring close to 500 villages. We discovered a variety of archaeological evidences in 293 locations and many of them were potential habitation sites. A variety of burial sites were also found. We identified many loose sculptures and hero stones and elaborate inscriptions and even temple sites.

So all 293 locations were settlements? How crucial was this discovery?

Among the 293, we filtered down to about 90 habitation sites. The importance of this discovery was huge. All this while, the theory was that there were no proper ancient habitation sites or riverine settlements in Tamil Nadu. All that was found till we identified these sites were primarily burial sites. In fact, the very reason to pursue this excavation was to disprove such false theories. We wanted to embark on the first large-scale river basin archaeological excavation in Tamil Nadu. 

Excavations sites like Arikamedu [near Puducherry] and Kaveripoompatinam [near Nagapattinam] did not give us the kind of results we expected to authoritatively establish the existence of urban settlements. Adichanallur, which was excavated in 2005, turned out to be only a burial site after showing early potential.

We analysed the evidences we got from over 90 of these sites which showed signs of habitation and decided to focus on Keezhadi. Here, we found well-preserved burnt bricks. The situation was that bricks, a widely-recognised marker for urban settlements, were not found at all in Tamil Nadu. This changed in Keezhadi, which we picked as the best from three most promising sites. Other two were Siddharnatham, 40 km West of Madurai, and Maranadu which was 35 km Southeast of Madurai. It took a year to complete these surveys and select Keezhadi as our site for excavation. 

How much was the Tamil Sangam literature an inspiration to these excavations?

The curious thing was, we have the great treasure of Tamil Sangam literature with its magnificent poetry. But there is no archealogical evidence to back the existence of the Sangams [ancient Tamil academies] mentioned in the literature. One reason is that there have not been serious excavations along the Vaigai river as it has remained a continuous settlement since the ancient times. Madurai, as you know, was the capital of this Sangam age. So logically, it is here that we should be looking for evidence of an ancient Tamil civilisation.

The fact that Madurai has had continuous settlements for centuries made it difficult to carry out excavations there. How was Keezhadi different?

Keezhadi site was almost intact, in the sense there were coconut groves that were older than 40 years. In those times, there was no disturbance to these sites as there was no development. In other areas closer to Madurai, many potential sites would have been destroyed as they dig for construction or to lay roads. Keezhadi did not have this problem as it was a naturally protected site.

How crucial was the fact that Keezhadi was being excavated by the ASI and not by any other organisation?

State archaeological departments lack the funds to conduct extensive excavations. The Bengaluru ASI office was started in 2001. We were tasked with excavations in South India. This was a great advantage as ASI has the financial provisions to exploit the site to its full potential.

Once you identified Keezhadi, how did you go about the excavations?

First, we measured the archaeological mound. The Mean Sea Level in that area is 119 metres. This mound was 123 metres. It had over 3.5 metres of sediment deposits. The circumference was 4.5 km. It is very rare to find this kind of a settlement in these areas.

We started the excavations in 2014-2015 in two localities. One was on the eastern side and other slightly near the river. When we began the excavations, we immediately started finding fine pottery. In a short time, we stumbled upon structures. 

What were the most crucial findings of the first phase of excavations?

We found ring wells. Now this is a crucial finding which indicated that it was an urban settlement because it was in such settlements that people make wells. Essentially, wells make people’s life easy and saves time. They don’t have to go to the river or lake every time to fetch water. On a lighter vein, you can say wells are the innovation of human laziness. 

But wells are also crucial for small-scale industrial activity. Then we found walls and platforms and large brick floors. There were flourishing antiquities, including ivory dayakattai (a Tamil dice game).
In the first phase in March to September 2015, we dug 43 trenches of 4 feet by 4 feet measurements. By this time, a lot of scholars started visiting. 
Tell us about the second phase..

In the second phase in 2016, we did 59 trenches. In total, there were 102 trenches, the largest ever in Tamil Nadu. In the second phase, we found even better evidence of urban settlements like a complex drainage systems with terracotta pipes. We found bigger platforms made of bricks and six furnaces, indicating industrial activity.

What do these findings tell us? Is there a larger narrative here?

What all this did was it disproved the theory that there were no urban settlements in the Sangam era. The blame should be squarely placed on ourselves, because there were no attempts in the past to find concrete archaeological evidence. It was lying there but we did not explore it.

If we excavate the 90 other sites we found along the Vaigai river, I am sure we will find more settlements. They could be more ancient and perhaps more complex. I believe much of what is mentioned in the Sangam literature, of a great Madurai city that was the epicenter of a bustling civilisation, could be very much accurate and could present itself if we dig carefully. 
How do you connect these to the Sangam age?

In all, we found 74 Tamil Brahmi inscriptions. They were similar to characters used in 200 BCE. Another significant thing was that these inscriptions were on potteries. Inscriptions commissioned by kings are found in stones and walls of temples. When you find inscriptions on pottery, it tells you a story. That story is that the common man was literate – another sign of a great settlement.
There were poetic Tamil names on those inscriptions, some of which you find in the Sangam literature. These people knew about the literature. By writing names on pottery, you sort of claim ownership. This is still in vogue. 

But is this evidence enough to prove that a major civilisation existed?

If you look at the 130 BCE Kharavela inscriptions in Hathikhumba in Odisha, it tells us that there was a Tamil confederation at that time. There was a big kingdom down South with confederates, which Kharavela of Kalinga is said to have disbanded. This means there should have been a urban settlement, a civilisation and a kingdom in the South. Scholars in the North usually point to lack of archaeological evidence to deny these. After 70 years of independence, we got a chance to provide this evidence.

Is it right to make comparisons between the Vaigai settlements and the Indus Valley civilisation?

Vaigai river civilisation was as complex as the Indus Valley or Gangetic civilisations. We completed two seasons of excavations. I cannot say it is older than Indus Valley and Gangetic civilisation since dating of the site is not complete. We have done only till four metres and that too on only one site. The site goes deeper, even up to 6.5 metres. 

Also, only the eastern and central sides of Keezhadi have been analysed. The northern and western sides remain. This is a great moment for all of us as these excavations could throw light on the rich past of this extraordinary region.

Were you disappointed that you were transferred in the middle of such a crucial project?

For the third season, I made the proposal. I was given the approval as well. Funds were allotted in March after a delay, claiming status report needed to be filed. But unfortunately, I have been transferred in the middle of this crucial excavation. While I am disappointed, I wish the new team takes forward the excavations and we find even better and older evidence.

This article was first published on scroll.in.
 

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