Last Friday, April 19, Kaziranga, Sonitpur, Lakhimpur, Dibrugarh, Jorhat went to the polls while today, April 26, voters from Darrang-Udalguri, Diphu, Karimganj, Silchar and Nagaon are voting. A fortnight later on May 7, Kokrajhar, Dhubri, Barpeta and Guwahati will vote.

National and local issues have impacted voters and a ground level view of Assam half way through polling throws some interesting insights. Sabrangindia’s team on the ground has collated this report.

At the start of the 18^th Lok Sabha poll campaign it was clear that the sheen and bluster of a powerful and strong Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) was the chosen strategy of its most powerful player, Narendra Modi, to both overwhelm the voter and dampen its detractors.

Early in February at a media conclave that predictably caught nationwide headlines he declared that the BJP would cross the impossible 400 seats and thereafter over the next month back peddled to 370 for the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) after it generated rightful concerns of the neo-fascist designs to change the basic structure of the Indian Constitution.

This far exaggerated claim was cloned in the north-eastern state of Assam with its shrill and aggressive-toned chief minister, Himanta Biswas Sarma claiming that the saffron party, that made its first ever government in Gauhati in 2016, will garner 13 of the state’s 14 parliamentary seats. A quick and contested de-limitation exercise was also carried out to facilitate demographic engineering for the majoritarian party.

Two phases down (today is the second phase of polling in the Barak valley) the BJP’s poster boy chief minister appears to have come down a peg or two. Today, on the second day of polling, April 26, Sarma is reported to be saying that “BJP may lose two seats in the second phase.”

Well known for provocative and divisive statements like “Miya vote amak nalage” (we don’t want Miya vote), Sarma –observing the surge of the electorate’s involvement in this year’s election—has since extended all out efforts to be even seen to be in the fight.

April 26 polls in state: Karimganj and Nagaon

After a close fight in the north Assam hill constituency of Jorhat, followed by another tough battle in Dibrugarh constituency (April 19), Assam’s voters have shown remarkable enthusiasm for voting in constituencies like Karimganj and Nagaon today, April 26. Until 3 p.m. on Friday, April 26, the polling percentage in Assam was a significant 60.32%

In Karimganj, senior advocate, Hafiz Rashid Ahmed Choudhury is contesting on the INC ticket and is engaged in a triangle fight between the BJP and AIUDF. His victory, hard earned for a senior Muslim representative in the state, will signal composite victory from all sections of people and society in Karimganj.

Not only is Hafiz Rashid Ahmed Choudhury a senior advocate in the Gauhati High Court but he is a prominent and progressive voice in Assam. Advocates, intellectuals, labour leaders, intellectuals have come out in support of Hafiz Rashid Ahmed Chowdhury. Assam Pradesh Congress President Bhupen Borah remarked during the enthusiastic campaign in Karimganj, “Hafiz Rashid Ahmed Choudhury is not the candidate of Karimganj, he is candidate of all of Assam.” Several organisations, including the district bar council of Kamriganj have directly extended support to this well-lnown and respected lawyer.  Several advocates are actively campaigning for Hafiz Rashid Ahmed Rashid Choudhury. Advocate Sishir Dey explains, “Hafiz Rashid Choudhury also holds a position in Assam’s wider civil society. He is not just a representative of Muslims.” The Forum for Social Harmony and Asom Majori Sramik and other left democratic organisations have expressed support to Hafiz Rashid Ahmed Chowdhury.

In Nagaon, it is the INC candidate Pradyut Bardoloi who appears set to win his third term as a parliamentarian. Voters of Nagaon appeared to come out in full support for Bardoloi and his team has been running a creative campaign among all sections of the voting population, including the minority dominated areas to impress and engage votes. The minority vote will have a significant impact in this constituency.

Meanwhile, Pradyut Bardoloi has run an energetic campaign and two thirds of the voting done on April 26, as we go to press, the turn-out is notable. The APCC president Bhupen Borah, CWC member Gaurav Gogoi were part of the campaign for the Bardoloi in many places in Nagaon. Leaders from the Opposition United Forum also campaigned for Bardoloi. Large sections of the ordinary voter participated in large numbers at the campaign meetings and showed their support for the INC Candidate.

Please add Voter Turn out table

Factors that influenced the vote

As the second round of polling is underway with the third round slated for May 7, close to a fortnight away, it is clear that two emerging factors from recent public discourse have seriously affected the saffron BJP’s chances in the second phase of the election.

The first is the recent claims of BJP’s former union law minister, Kiran Rijiju on the Citizenship Amendment Act, 2019 (CAA) on the settlement of Chamka-Hajong community within Assam. Rijiju claimed that the hundred thousand (lakhs) of Chamka Hajong people residing in Arunachal Pradesh will be relocated to Assam and will also be given them citizenship under the CAA! Several persons reacted sharply against this suggestion viewed as bringing in more “refugee influx” to Assam. Countered with this recently at a press interaction, the Assam chief minister Sarma was forced to concede that he “was not informed” about these claims of relocation but citizenship will be provided to those communities.

The second major factor was the much reviled communal speech of the Prime Minister, Narendra Modi in Rajasthan on April 21. His stigmatising reference to “Muslim Ghuspaithiyas” (Muslims as infiltrators) has provided one more reason to the Muslim community to vote out the BJP with its communal politics!

Apart from these immediate issues, locally the issue of a paper mill in the Nagaon and Karimganj constituencies is agitating voters. For years, consistent demands have been raised for reviving the Nagaon paper mill and Kachar paper mill and for the justice to the employees. The contentious issue of mass evictions by this government (state) without due process of law is a strong influencer given that the state and centre is governed by the same party. The inexplicable, shocking and unlawful denial of Aadhar cards to a staggering 27,00,000 of residents in the state, the exclusion of 19,00,000 from citizenship, land seizures and deprivations are festering concerns that have alienated the people from the BJP. In the Barak Valley, the absence or deprivation of government jobs and the recent de-limitation exercise have also generated negative impact.

Apart from fighting the electoral battle within his constituency of Nagaon, Pradyut Bardoloi has been also active on legal issues. He has been in regular communication with the Election Commission of India (ECI) on several issues of contention, demanding immediate and appropriate action. In a recent instance, Bardoloi wrote a letter to ECI on the fabricated case filed against a Congress workers by the Superintendant of Police of Nagaon. Pradyut Bardoloi has also claimed on his social media handles that his party office and it’s flag has been destroyed in many places. He has also complained in this regard but the ECI is yet to even respond to any of these complaints, to date.

The second phase showed greater people’s participation than the first phase in five parliamentary constituencies of Upper Assam. However, it is observed that people were in active mode than in the 1st phase. In the polling of the first five constituencies people voted silently. But in these five constituencies people were seen active to excercise their rights both in Nagaon and Karimganj.

The BJP appeared stronger in the first phase, however in all constituencies going to the polls in the state in the second and third phases, there is likelihood of a significant losses for the BJP.

Pre-election, Jorhat in Upper Assam saw a significant gatherings to raise public awareness for the INC candidate in Jorhat, Gaurav Gogoi.

Underhand tactics?

There are some reports that the BJP is resorting to underhand tactics after facing the possibility of a sure defeat in Karimganj. Government servants were allegedly seen campaigning for the BJP in some places. In one word, it threatened to “evict persons if you do not vote BJP”. A criminal case has been filed in the court of Karimganj Chief Metropolitan Magistrate against the forest officers who ordered voters to vote for the BJP in Ratabari, Patharkandhi and Hailakandi Bilaipur areas by threatening illegal eviction.

Related:

What the 2026 delimitation process has in store for Indian Muslims

ECI’s final de-limitation order seals fears of Muslim marginalisation in Assam

Protests erupt over ECI’s new delimitation draft in Assam which is embroiled in controversy

Anti CAB Protests Rock the North East

Proceedings before Foreigners’ Tribunals are really the issue: Teesta Setalvad

The post Assam: Are claims of chief minister, Himana Biswa Sarma that BJP set for a 13/14 score a farfetched? appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The Election Commission of India (ECI) has ordered a repoll at a booth in the Ratabari assembly constituency in Assam after there were allegations that the Electronic Voting Machine (EVM) used at No. 149- Indira M.V. School may have been tampered with. It appears that the EVM had found its way into a vehicle owned by the local BJP candidate, and now the ECI has offered an explanation that few are buying.

Polling took place at this location on April 1, after which the polling party was returning in a convoy escorted by an armed police escort. It was raining and the road was muddy and there was a traffic congestion on NH8, the only arterial highway leading into Karimganj.

According to the ECI, at about 9 P.M, just as the convoy was approaching Nilam Bazar, the vehicle that was carrying the EVM broke down. This vehicle had been allotted by the District Collector’s office. Curiously, this happened with the rest of the convoy nowhere near them!

According to a statement released by the ECI, “Due to the traffic congestion and the prevailing weather condition, the party became detached from its convoy. The party alighted from the vehicle and called the Sector Officer Sri Ajoy Sutradhar on his mobile and informed him. While the sector officer was arranging for an alternate vehicle, polling party decided to arrange a vehicle of its own so as to reach the Material Receipt Centre faster since they were in custody of polled EVMs.”

This is when trouble began as shortly after this, “At about 2120 hrs, the polling party hailed a passing vehicle and boarded it along with their EVM and other things without checking the ownership of the vehicle bearing the number AS-10B-0022.” Curiously, this vehicle that they just “hailed” turned out to belong to the wife of the local BJP candidate. 

Meanwhile, just as they reached Kanaishil in Karimganj at about 2200 hrs while travelling in the BJP leader’s vehicle, they had to slow down in the traffic. “As they slowed down, they were surrounded by a mob of about 50 people which started pelting stones at them. The mob also started abusing them and did not allow the vehicle to pass. When they asked the leader of the mob, he replied that it was the vehicle of Sri Krishnendu Paul who is a contesting candidate of a neighbouring constituency (Patharkandi LAC-2) and he levelled allegations that the EVM was being taken to be tampered with,” said the ECI.

The mob accused them of taking the EVM for tampering with it. It attacked them and held them hostage. DEO Karimganj along with SP Karimganj reached the spot at about 10:20 P.M, just as the mob had managed to break the glass of the surrounded vehicle by pelting stones at it. They were allegedly pulling away athe polling party and about to assault them. According to the ECI, “During the course of the stone pelting, SP Karimganj sustained minor injuries on his collarbone and blank firing had to be resorted to disperse the mob. The first polling officer was found missing in the commotion, the EVM’s and the remaining polling party along were safely escorted from the area and taken into the control of the DEO at 2320 hrs.”

Meanwhile, the vehicle “was found to be was registered in the name of Smti. Madhumita Paul, Wife of contesting candidate, Patharkandi LAC No 2, Shri Krishnendu Paul,” said the ECI.

The Congress had raised serious concerns over the conduct of polling officials. Priyanka Gandhi retweeted a video of the incident and demanded answers from the ECI.

Every time there is an election videos of private vehicles caught transporting EVM’s show up. Unsurprisingly they have the following things in common:

1. The vehicles usually belong to BJP candidates or their associates. ….

1/3 https://t.co/s8W9Oc0UcV

— Priyanka Gandhi Vadra (@priyankagandhi) April 2, 2021

.. The EC needs to start acting decisively on these complaints and a serious re-evaluation of the use of EVM’s needs to be carried out by all national parties. 3/3

— Priyanka Gandhi Vadra (@priyankagandhi) April 2, 2021

Rahul Gandhi too wondered about the BJP’s alleged role in the matter:

EC की गाड़ी ख़राब,
भाजपा की नीयत ख़राब,
लोकतंत्र की हालत ख़राब!#EVMs

— Rahul Gandhi (@RahulGandhi) April 2, 2021

The Congress also questioned how the BJP vehicle became available within minutes of the designated vehicle breaking down.

As far as the EVM is concerned, the ECI said, “On examination, the polled EVM comprising of BU, CU and VVPAT was found to be with its seal intact without any damage whatsoever. All the items have been deposited in the strong room.”

The first polling officer meanwhile remained missing till the morning and was said to be hiding in the bushes nearby to save himself from attackers. Search operations took place all night and this apparently delayed the transmission of the report by a few hours according to the ECI.

Meanwhile, action has been taken against the polling officials. According to the ECI, “Presiding Officer was issued show cause notice for violation of the transport protocol. Thereafter, the PO & 3 other officials have been placed under suspension.”

The ECI has also ordered a repoll saying, “Although the seals of the EVM were found intact, it has nevertheless been decided to do a re-poll at No. 149- Indira M.V. School of LAC 1 Ratabari (SC) as added precaution.” They have also sought a report from the special observer.

The suspension order may be viewed here: 

However, suspending a few EC officials will not be enough. A proper inquiry needs to be conducted into the involvement of the BJP. Also, action needs to be taken against the candidate whose car was used, but curiously, there was no mention of any action against Krishnendu Paul.

Related:

Assam Assembly Elections: Phase two concludes

NRC officials awaiting SC order before issuing rejection slips

Complete process of issuing NRC rejection slips on “mission mode”: Centre to Assam

Assam Assembly Elections: Phase one passes without incident

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Polling took place for 47 out of Assam’s total 126 Assembly constituencies on Saturday. Out of the 264 candidates trying their luck, there were three players who gathered the maximum amount of attention: Chief Minister Sarbananda Sonowal, state Congress chief Ripun Bora and Raijor Dal’s Akhil Gogoi.

Sonowal heads the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) – Asom Gana Parishad (AGM) alliance government in the state that has suffered from the twin blows of floods and Covid-19 in the recent past. He is contesting from Majuli, a seat reserved from Scheduled Tribes. The BJP is contesting 39 seats, while its alliance partner is contesting 10, leading to an overlap in two constituencies, Lakhimpur and Naharkatiya, where both parties have fielded candidates.

The movement against the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA) is also still going strong in the state. This is why peasant’s rights leader Akhil Gogoi, who is the president of the newly created Raijor Dal has gained enough popularity to contest elections whilst being behind bars for vociferously opposing the CAA. He is contesting from Sivasagar, where his supporters gathered in large numbers on Thursday in a show of support.

The Congress has joined hands with the All India United Democratic Front (AIUDF), CPI, CPI (M), CPI (ML), and the Anchalik Gana Morcha (AGM) in an alliance dubbed Mahajot, in a bid to consolidate the secular vote. Ripun Bora is one of the most recognised faces of the party in the state. He is contesting from Gohpur.

The newly formed Assam Jatiya Parishad (AJP), a party backed by two student organisations: All Assam Students Union (AASU) and Asom Jatiyatabadi Yuba Chatra Parishad (AJYCP), is testing political waters for the first time by contesting 41 seats.

Polling remained peaceful in the state, which saw a turnout of 72.14 percent.

Related:

Assam elections: Akhil Gogoi in jail, elderly ailing mother leads the campaign

Assamese made a compulsory subject for non-Assamese school students

BJP’s election manifesto in Assam promises “corrected” NRC, end of “Love Jihad”

The post Assam Assembly Elections: Phase one passes without incident appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Thousands of people come out to the streets of Sivasagar in support of firebrand peasants’ rights leader Akhil Gogoi on Wednesday, a day before the deadline to end campaigning for the first phase of elections. Akhil Gogoi, who has been in jail for the last 15 months, is contesting from the prestigious Sivsagar legislative assembly constituency as a candidate of Raijor Dal (Party of the People), of which he is the president.  

Though Gogoi, who is known for his uncompromising stand against corruption, has been a virtual political prisoner for 15 months, his presence is felt in all the villages of Sivasagar constituency. Many leaders of Raijor Dal are campaigning all over the constituency, all showing his previous lectures and video messages showcasing his commitment to people and the country, dispelling any doubts about his patriotism. The fact that he wasn’t let out despite suffering from a bout of Covid-19 also helped cement his image as a man who scares the ruling regime.

All the major leaders, including some civil society leaders are camping there day and night for Gogoi. Some national civil rights activists like Dr Yogendra Yadav, Sandeep Pandey and Medha Patkar, have also been campaigning on behalf of Akhil Gogoi for the last 15 days in Sivasagar. But his star campaigner is none other than 80-year-old Priyada Gogoi, the ailing yet determined mother of the agrarian leader. Priyada Gogoi is going door to door, campaigning for her son.

Though previously, she had to be hospitalised repeatedly due to her failing health in wake of her only son’s arrest last year, Priyada now appears to have gathered new energy for the election campaign. She is visiting village after village daily and appealing people saying, “My son has done nothing wrong in his life. His only crime is that he loves Assam, he loves people of Assam, he can’t tolerate injustice. So, he has been languishing in jail. If you support him, he will do the best for our country. He is not only my son, he is serving as a worthy son to all of you. So, please stand by him, vote for him and stand for his release from the jail.” 

Her efforts bore fruit on Wednesday, when thousands of people came out of their homes spontaneously in support of her son. Supporters of Akhil Gogoi, cutting across communal and ethnic lines, took to the streets in all villages and towns. From Jenganikotiya to Kowarpur, from Meteka to Dichangmukh, all roads were occupied by the supporters of Akhil Gogoi and Raijor Dal. Sivasagar town was full of Gogoi’s supporters all through the day. They walked, chanted slogans, danced and sang in support of their leader, Akhil Gogoi. Narmada bachao andolan leader Medha Patkar, Rights activist Sandeep Pandey, and Priyada Gogoi walked and interacted with thousands of people all throughout the day.  

The Krishak Mukti Sangram Samiti (KMSS) leader was arrested in December 2019 in Jorhat and at least a dozen cases were filed against him in different police stations. It is noteworthy that the High Court had granted him bail in three cases: 293/2019, 296/2019 and 307/2019, all of which had been filed by the Chabua police station. He was charged under sections 144, 143, 148, 153, 153 (A), 153 (B), along with Sections 3 and 4 of the Prevention of Damage to Public Property, Act (PDPPA). He has been accused of having Maoist links. A vindictive regime has been harassing the human rights defender for his involvement in the citizenship issue. Every time Gogoi manages to secure bail in one case, he is implicated in a fresh one registered in a new police station! 

Earlier this year, the Gauhati High Court had denied him bail on grounds that the materials relied upon by the prosecution prima facie showed that Gogoi had not only led the anti-citizenship law protests, but had provoked people to join him. In February, 2021, a three-judge Supreme Court Bench of Justices NV Ramana, Surya Kant and Aniruddha Bose dismissed Akhil Gogoi’s plea challenging the Gauhati High Court’s order rejecting his bail application. 

But the outpouring of support for Akhil Gogoi shows that despite being behind bars, his popularity has not been affected. It remains to be seen if this translates into actual votes and that will not be known before May 2 when votes are counted.
 

Related: 

SC rejects Akhil Gogoi’s bail plea in UAPA case 

Gauhati HC rejects Akhil Gogoi’s bail plea

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As the high-voltage election campaigning progresses in Assam, BJP released its Sankalp Patra or election manifesto for the state. The manifesto was launched by none other than BJP president JP Nadda in Guwahati in the presence of Assam Chief Minister Sarbananda Sonowal, state BJP President Ranjeet Kumar Dass, Health and Finance Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma, BJP National Vice President Jay Panda, and many other senior BJP leaders and ministers. 

Speaking on the occasion of the release, Nadda said, “We commit to work for a corrected NRC,” adding, “We will protect genuine Indian citizens and detect infiltrators.” This is interesting given how the party had rejected the updated National Register of Citizens (NRC) that was released on August 31, 2019. Though over 19 lakh people had been excluded from this list, the BJP-led Assam government had alleged that names of illegal Bangladeshi immigrants had been included in it. Though the NRC was a process monitored by the Supreme Court, the Assam government has vehemently refused to accept the NRC. Moreover, the Assam government has repeatedly demanded reverification despite the Supreme Court having refused the demand previously. 

Meanwhile a quick glance at the manifesto reveals that it is deeply communal and could cause further polarisation in the poll-bound state. For example, in the chapter titled Manifesto Highlights, promise number 8 says, “We will formulate appropriate laws and policies to take and end the menace of ‘Love Jihad’ and ‘Land Jihad’ in Assam.” This is shocking not only because Assamese society has always prided itself for the harmonious coexistence of people of different faiths in the state, but also because this kind of blatantly communal content was missing from previous manifestos and vision documents. The BJP manifesto for the upcoming Assembly Elections appears to have a rather divisive agenda.

Nadda also said, “Over the last five years the BJP government has worked tirelessly to protect Jati, Mati, Bheti (i.e. Assamese Nationality, Land of Assam, and Base of Assamese people).” He accused previous governments of leading the state into stagnation due to absence of both, desire and ability to solve problems of people of the state. Nadda credited the Sonowal administration for building a momentum for development. 

However, more than 40 percent of the promises recorded in Sankalp Patra appear to be promises made way back in 2016. For instance, in the manifesto, highlights start with sub chapter Protection of Civilization of Assam. In this first chapter the first promise of BJP is, “We will undertake all necessary efforts to further take ahead the process to provide ST status to the Tai Ahoms, Koch Rajbongshi, Chutia, Moran and Matak communities without hampering the existing reservations, rights and privileges of tribals in the state.” This is exactly what it promised five years ago in its vision document. Back then, BJP had said that it will take every step to give ST status to Tai Ahoms, Koch Rajbongshi, Chutia, Moran and Matak communities within six months after coming to power of the state. 

Not only this, the Sankalp Patra of BJP starts with 10 Sankalp for Atma Nirbhar Assam, in which the first Sankalp says, “The people of Assam will be free from the vagaries of floods.” But, five years ago the vision document of BJP had made the promised that problem of floods in Assam will be solved for ever within five years if it comes to power of the state. 

In this starting point of Sankalp Patra, BJP once again promises for dredging river Brahmaputra, which was also its electoral promise of 2016. Thus out 360 promises declared in Sankalp Patra of BJP, nearly half appear to be recycled versions of old and unfulfilled promises.

Related:

Assamese made a compulsory subject for non-Assamese school students

Deliberate attempt to communalise Assam assembly elections?

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In what appears to be a willful disregard of the Model Code of Conduct, that is in operation in the poll-bound state of Assam, the state government has issued a notification on March 17, 2021, making Assamese a compulsory subject for non-Assamese school students.

The notification comes under operation as a part of implementation of the Assamese language learning Act, 2020 that was passed in Assam State Assembly last year in a bid pacify the those opposing the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA). The BJP-led government wanted to show that it was dedicated to safeguard the interests of Assamese people, as there was a popular perception in in the state that CAA would open the door for large scale migration of Bengali Hindus from Bangladesh, which would pose a threat to the language, literature and culture of Assamese people in Assam.

The Board of Secondary Education, Assam (SEBA) notification vide no. SEBA/ AB/ AG/ 26/2020/4 dated March 17, 2021 says, “In pursuance of the provision contained in the Assamese language learning Act, 2020, for those students who will be admitted in class ix in 2021, for pursuing course curriculum prescribed by the Board of Secondary Education, Assam, for them study of Assamese Language as of the subject shall be compulsory in all schools except the schools located in sixth scheduled areas, Barak valley area, and exclusively in Bodo medium schools located in other parts of the state w.e.f. 1/4/2021.” The notification further said, “It is notified that the students studying in SEBA affiliated schools will have to opt Assamese as MIL or elective subject. In other words the students who opt MIL subject other than Assamese, will have to opt Assamese as elective subject. So, these students will not get any other option, as there is a provision of only one elective subject in the Board’s curriculum.”

The act, which was passed in the early part of 2020 was kept in cold storage for more than one year as there was an outcry from various stakeholders who viewed the Act as not only gross violation of constitutional provisions, but also how it may create another round of linguistic clashes all over the state. The notification comes only nine days before the first phase election in Assam as scheduled on March 27, 2021 thus making it a last ditch attempt to score political brownie points.

It may be mentioned that the first phase of election in Assam will cover the mainstream Assamese dominated areas, where the notification may augur greater well for the BJP. The Assamese nationalists may feel that the notification is an apt punishment for non-Assamese speaking people, who will now be compelled to study Assamese language. They may also take it as a victory of Assamese people over non-Assamese speaking people. But the long running result of the notification will have a negative impact over Assamese society.

Brief history

The issue of language has always been a sensitive in Assam with large scale riots breaking out in the 1960s and 1970s. The language issue also lay at the heart of the separate movement for Bodoland in Assam in the 1980s. This is why socio-culturally aware citizens of the state were concerned about the Act ever since it was passed in Assam State Assembly. Due to sharp reactions from various corners, the government of Assam didn’t implement the Act for one whole year. As the election process is underway, and the model code of conduct is in operation, it appears that the government of Assam only issued the notification only to grab the Assamese nationalist votes. 

Academics and intellectuals react

The move of the government has received sharp reaction from intellectuals of the state. Talking to SabrangIndia, eminent educationist and writer, Dr. Dinesh Baishya said, “The notification has violated the Constitutional provision. It has violated the Right to Language. Every citizen has the right to choose their own language, in which he will read and write. The state has no right to force them to learn a language.” 

Eminent writer and Head of the department of Political Science, Gauhati University, Dr. Akhil Ranjan Dutta said, “Much has been discussed on the issue.  As language has always been a sensitive issue in Assam, the government should have been much more careful before issuing such a notification.”

Prof Sushanta Kar said, “The notification will have to face much protest in the state in near future. It will diminish the right to choice. It will affect not only the Bengali language, but, Karbi, Dimasa, Manipuri, Nepali and many other languages as well.”

Related:

Growing disaffection for BJP among Adivasis, ethnic minorities in Assam?

No separate list of exclusion of Gorkhas published in Assam’s NRC: MHA

Assam elections: Denied ticket, Shiladitya Dev threatens to quit BJP

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On Sunday, March 14, Adivasi groups led by All Adivasi Students’ Association of Assam (AASAA), released a set of ten questions for the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) that is hoping to retain power in the state. Assam’s three-phased Assembly elections begin on March 27.

According to The Telegraph, AASAA released the following questions at the annual mahasabha at Halem in Biswanath district:

·        Why did the BJP not act on its promise of granting ST status to the Adivasi/tea community?
·        Why was the daily wage of tea garden workers not raised to Rs 351.33? 
·        Why land pattas were not distributed to the community?
·        Why are LP & ME schools in tea garden areas not provincialised?
·        What happened to the promise of setting up 100 residential schools in the tea belt?
·        How can tea garden people survive with galloping price rise?
·        What happened to plans to open ATMs in tea gardens?
·        Where are the Adivasis in the sabka saath sabka vikas plan of the government?
·        Why happened to the promise of bringing down the price of LPG cooking gas?
·        Why will people vote for the BJP? For non-fulfilment of promises?

All of these questions indicate key factors that will decide how members of the community will vote. It is also noteworthy, that Adivasis including the tea-tribes are influential in 40 of the 126 constituencies. No party can afford to ignore their demands, given how their discontent has been simmering gradually over time.

The tea tribe, for instance, is still upset that the government only increased the daily wage from Rs 167 to Rs 217. Interestingly, the Congress has promised that if they come to power, they will raise the daily wage to Rs 365.

But it isn’t just the Adivasis and the tea tribes, the BJP could also lose the support of another key ethnic minority in the state – the Bodos. And for this, the BJP can only blame itself.

Losing BPF

On February 27, the Bodoland People’s Front (BPF) announced that it was leaving the alliance with the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in Assam. The following day, adding insult to injury, BPF formally joined the Congress-led grand alliance.

BPF president Hagrama Molihary made the announcement on Twitter saying, “To work for Peace, Unity and Development the Bodoland People’s Front (BPF) has decided to join hands with MAHAJATH in the forthcoming Assam Assembly Election. We shall no longer maintain friendship or alliance with BJP.”

To work for Peace, Unity and Development the Bodoland People’s Front (BPF) has decided to join hands with MAHAJATH in the forthcoming Assam Assembly Election. We shall no longer maintain friendship or alliance with BJP.

— Hagrama Mohilary (@HagramaOnline) February 27, 2021

This is a rather public slap in the face of the BJP that had come to power in Assam in 2016 with the help of the BPF. BJP had won 60 of the 126 seats, while its allies at that time, BPF won 12 and the Asom Gana Parishad (AGP) won 14.

But now the Congress is stitching together an alliance comprising All India United Democratic Front (AIUDF), CPI, CPI (M), CPI (ML), and the Anchalik Gana Morcha. Recently, even the Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD) has shown interest in contesting elections in the state as part of this grand alliance. The BPF has joined this alliance and will contest the 12 Assembly seats within the Bodoland Territorial Region (BTR).

BPF spokesperson and former Deputy Chief Executive Member of Bodoland Territorial Council (BTC) Khampa Borgoyar told Sentinel Assam, “In the BTR, we will field candidates in all the 12 seats which we won during the 2016 Assembly elections. There are many Bodo-populated LACs (Legislative Assembly Constituencies) outside the BTR. In these areas, the BPF will support the candidates of our ‘Mahajoot’ partners.” He further explained, “Seven LACs have 15,000-plus Bodo voters followed by nine LACs with 10,000-plus electors; and 10 LACs with around 10,000 Bodo electors. We will campaign for the ‘Mahajoot’ in all these areas.”

There is significant Bodo population in many other parts of the state such as Bihali, Bhawanipur, Bilasipara, Boko, Dhekiajuli, Dhemaji, Dudhnoi, East Sorbhog, Gauripur, Gohpur, Golaghat, and Rangapara as well.

Why did the BPF leave the BJP alliance?

The Bodos are an influential ethnic minority and have their own autonomous region within the state of Assam called Bodoland Territorial Area Districts (BTAD) spread over the districts of Baksa, Chirang, Kokrajhar and Udalguri. The Bodoland Territorial Council (BTC) that was established in 2003, is responsible for administration of the BTAD autonomous region.

Elections for 40 seats for the BTC were originally scheduled for 2020, but were put on hold in wake of the Coronavirus outbreak and subsequent lockdown. After the five-year term of the BTC came to an end on April 27, Assam governor Jagdish Mukhi took over. This is because, the BTAD region falls under the purview of the Sixth Schedule of the Constitution and the governor assumed control as per provisions of section 2 of para 16 that deals with dissolution of regional councils. This provision states:

“If at any time the Governor is satisfied that a situation has arisen in which the administration of an autonomous district or region cannot be carried on in accordance with the provisions of this Schedule, he may, by public notification, assume to himself all or any of the functions or powers vested in or exercisable by the District Council or, as the case may be, the Regional Council and declare that such functions or powers shall be exercisable by such person or authority as he may specify in this behalf, for a period not exceeding six months: Provided that the Governor may by a further order or orders extend the operation of the initial order by a period not exceeding six months on each occasion.”

This imposition of governor’s rule did not go down well with the BPF that had instead sought a six-month extension of term given the Covid-19 crisis. But the BJP did not relent. After that, elections were rescheduled for December 2020. This is the time when the relationship between BPF and the BJP really began to sour. The BJP publicly dumped their longstanding allies, the BPF, and allied with the newly formed United Peoples’ Party Liberal (UPPL) led by former Bodo student leader Pramod Bodo, who is now Chief Executive Member of BTC after the BJP alliance wrested control of it. In the BTC elections of December 2020, BPF bagged 17 seats, just short of the half-way mark of 20 seats. Meanwhile, the BJP won 9 seats and UPPL bagged 12 seats, taking their tally to 21. Congress and Gana Shakti Party (GSP) led by Kokrajhar MP Naba Kumar Sarania, won one seat each.

Himanta Biswa Sarma, who is Assam Finance minister and convenor of BJP-led North East Democratic Alliance (NEDA), then openly said that the BJP was not inclined to contest the upcoming assembly elections in alliance with the BPF. This rejection still stings the BPF.

BPF leader Pramila Rani Brahma told India Today, “The BJP insulted us and repeatedly humiliated us — why should we think of them? Like a dog, they would feed us, keep us for their gains, but once the work was done, they chased us away.”

Related:

What’s next for Bodoland?
‘Historic’ Bodo agreement hailed as ‘permanent solution’ by MHA

The post Growing disaffection for BJP among Adivasis, ethnic minorities in Assam? appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Shiladitya Dev, the sitting Member of Legislative Assembly (MLA) from Hojai in Assam has threatened to quit the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) after the party refused him a ticket to contest the upcoming elections. He was replaced by Ramkrishna Ghosh.

Dev is a serial hate offender and SabrangIndia has reported on his many instances of hate speech in the past. In March 2018, he had blamed Bangladeshi Muslims for increasing instances of rape in Assam. He had also made this claim of Bangladeshi Muslims “raping our mothers and daughters” in a Facebook post. Dev has repeatedly used social media platforms like Facebook to make hateful comments, especially against Bangladeshis and Muslims. But Facebook had allegedly turned a blind eye to this and only took the posts down last year, after an article in the Time magazine highlighted his hateful comments.

His hate speech had led to an FIR at the Silchar police station in 2018 for allegedly making provocative statements to divide Assamese and Bengalis. A case also was filed in the same year in the court of chief judicial magistrate, Nagaon, against the BJP MLA for his frequent communal remarks on the National Register of Citizens (NRC) in the state. Dev had alleged that Hindu refugees were being shown as foreigners, while the names of Bangladeshi Muslims were published in the final NRC.

After unidentified gunmen killed five people in Tinsukia district in November 2018, state BJP president Ranjeet Kumar Dass had said provocative statements by some groups and individuals were to be blamed for the case. Dass had informed the media that Dev had been warned twice not to make any such statements or else the BJP would write to the parliamentary board for taking action against him.

He had also made disparaging statements against revered Assamese scholar Syed Abdul Malik in August 2020, calling him an “intellectual Jihadist”. Malik a poet and former president of the Azam Xatia Xabha (AXX) is a highly respected leader and has a huge following across Assam, especially among indigenous people.

In fact, shortly after this statement, several FIRs were filed against Dev. While the minority department chairman Salman Khan of the Assam Pradesh Congress Committee (APCC), Asom Songrami Yuva Mancha president Amir Hussain and organisational secretary Sankar Thakuria lodged an FIR against the MLA at Hatigaon police station, the All Asom Goriya Yuva-Chatra Parishad president in-charge Mokbul Hussain lodged another FIR at Jalukbari outpost. A case (388/20 u/section 153(A)/505 (ii) IPC) has been registered at Hatigaon Police Station stating these facts.

Members of the Sadou Asom Goriya-Moriya Deshi Jatiya Parishad had also staged a sit-in at Dighalipukhuripar demanding immediate arrest of the MLA. The Sadou Asom Goria-Moria-Deshi Jatiya Parishad had filed complaints at different police stations in Barpeta, Dhubri and Morigaon districts, while the Sadou Asom Goria Yuva-Chatra Parishad filed a report at Jalukbari police station in Guwahati.

Dev’s comment against Malik was denounced by his own party men. BJP leader and Assam Minority Development Board Chairman Muminul Aowal condemned the statement and demanded a public apology from his party colleague. “What Shiladitya said, I oppose it and strongly condemned it,” he had said at that time, adding, “If he does not apologise publicly, then I will always take a strong stand against him.”

It appears, even the BJP found his blatant communalism a liability during the election season, and jettisoned him from their candidate list to avoid embarrassment.
 

Related:

Multiple FIRs against BJP MLA Shiladitya Dev’s Hate Speech: Assam

BJP MLA’s communal Facebook posts finally removed

The post Assam elections: Denied ticket, Shiladitya Dev threatens to quit BJP appeared first on SabrangIndia.

In what appears to be a deliberate attempt to spark a communal conflagration and polarise the electorate in poll-bound Assam, a video of All India United Democratic Front (AIUDF) chief Badruddin Ajmal, was circulated online claiming he wanted to turn Assam into an Islamic state.

The video was tweeted by Legal Rights Observatory, an NGO headed by Vinay Joshi, a former member of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), an organisation closely associated with the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). Meanwhile, it is noteworthy that the AIUDF is an ally of the Congress in the grand alliance dubbed “Mahajot” in the state.

The video of an old speech appears to have been edited in such a manner that his words appear out of context and communally charged. In the edited video, Ajmal appears to be saying in Assamese, “In this country Mughals have ruled for 800 years. God willing, we will make this an Islamic country with our alliance partners from the UPA. Our lock and key (symbol) will be part of this alliance.” That the video was doctored was first revealed by fake-news busting website Alt News that discovered that the original speech is from 2019 and that Ajmal had made no such claims even back then. But major media houses including News Live and DY365 had already shared the video by then.

At a press conference shortly afterwards, Ajmal, who is the Lok Sabha Member of Parliament (MP) from Dhubri, released the video of the original speech that was made in Barpeta in 2019. In the original video, it is evident that Ajmal actually said, “Despite ruling over India for 800 years, the Mughals never dared to even dream of turning it into an Islamic country. If they had done that, not one single Hindu would have remained in India. But did that happen?” To this the audience responds with a loud “No.” He then goes on to say the same thing about British rulers failing to turn India into a Christian nation. “There after during 70 years of independence when Congress was in power none of its leaders, from Jawaharlal Nehru to Rajiv Gandhi to Narasimha Rao, dared to turn India into a Hindu Rashtra!” He then goes on to address Prime Minister Modi in Hindi, saying, “Modi ji… yeh sapna mat dekhiye,” meaning, “Mr. Modi don’t dream of it.”

Speaking at the press conference where he laid bare the origins of the video Ajmal said, “Parts of the video have been doctored by merging speeches from other videos to make this, and project that if the Congress-AIUDF alliance comes to power, it will make Assam an Islamic state.”

But what is even more shocking is that the tweet is still visible, though Twitter has tagged it as “Manipulated Media”. Moreover, neither the Election Commission, nor the police, appear to have taken any action in the case. This is disturbing given how it is clear that the purpose of sharing such a communally polarising video, is to create communal tension in a state that is all set to go to polls soon. Assembly elections are due to take place in three phases in Assam from March 27, 2021. It is noteworthy that during the press conference to announce poll dates, the EC had emphasised its stand against fake news.

It is also noteworthy that this is not the first time Ajmal has been targeted. On December 4, 2020, BJP leader Satya Ranjan Bohra filed a First Information Report (FIR) against his charity Ajmal Foundation, accusing it of getting foreign funding from terror groups. The FIR was filed under Sections 120B (criminal conspiracy), 1204A (sedition) and 420 (cheating) read with Section 13 of the Foreign Exchange Management Act (FEMA). It is also noteworthy that even that FIR was filed after a series of tweets by LRO.

*With inputs from Habibul Bepari.

Related:

Assam charity slapped with ‘sedition’ charges!

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