Following the bloody assassination of Gauri Lankesh on September 5, 2017, in the lead up to state elections in Karnataka, the right-wing rumour-mill began circulating “information” about 24 murders of so-called members of the supremacist Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), claiming a moral equivalence to the deaths of four slain rationalists. Romig’s investigations into these claims, evident in this excerpt, not just unravelled the truth but also speaks of the de-humanisation that such equivalence ensures. That was the first list. The second list is more chilling, it was unearthed during the investigations into Gauri’s murder by the Special Investigation Team (SIT) that found two lists of names—the thirty-four people whom the conspirators ostensibly planned or hoped to kill! This included the veteran theatre director and public intellectual, Girish Karnad, the professor and translator, K.S. Bhagawan, Nataraj Huliyar, and CS Dwarkanath both regular contributor to Lankesh Patrike. This excerpt elaborates on this second list too.

The editors are thankful to the author and to Westland Books for permission to publish this excerpt.

CHAPTER 17

The Lists

Vish’s words troubled me. I knew that I could never fully understand all the complex forces at work in a place where I was just a visitor, no matter how much I interviewed and studied and commissioned translations of texts whose languages I couldn’t read. I worried, for one, about the complaint that so many BJP members had thrown at me on my last visit to Bangalore when I asked them about Gauri’s murder: that some two dozen Hindu activists have been murdered in Karnataka in recent years by Muslim fanatics, but that neither the press nor the police care—they care only about Gauri Lankesh. I worried that they were right and that my own obvious biases had blinded me.

During the 2018 state election campaign, the complaints about the twenty- four murders only grew. “Condemn the killing of BJP and RSS workers under Congress rule,” Amit Shah, the president of the BJP, said on an election-season visit to Karnataka. “More than 24 workers have died and the police hasn’t taken any action against the killers. They are roaming around free.” Modi said that the BJP is about “ease of doing business,” while the Congress in Karnataka is about “ease of doing murders.” Many BJP leaders said that all twenty-four were murdered by “terrorists.”

I followed up repeatedly with two BJP leaders who’d told me about the murders when I visited party headquarters in January, asking them to provide me with a list of names so that I could learn more, but neither responded. As far as I could find, an actual list had circulated only once: in July 2017, the legislator Shobha Karandlaje submitted a complaint to the central government with a list of twenty-three men who she said were “Hindu activists” who had been murdered by “jihadi elements.” “IT IS A BLOOD BATH IN KARNATAKA,” the letter begins. Fortunately for me, in February and March 2018, a superb and intrepid reporter for the website Scroll named Sruthisagar Yamunan spent weeks traveling around Karnataka to investigate each of the twenty-three names first-hand. One of the names on Karandlaje’s list, he noted, was ambiguous, and could refer to two different victims, so he investigated both, bringing the total number of cases up to twenty-four. He met with the families of all but one of the men on the list, talked to as many investigating officers as possible, and studied every police report.

Yamunan discovered that the very first man on the list is not, in fact, dead. (To her credit, Karandlaje called the man to apologize for including him after his aliveness came to light.) Two committed suicide. Two were apparently murdered by their sisters. According to police and families, the motives for a majority of the murders were real estate, political, or romantic rivalries. Three of the victims could in no way be described as Hindu activists. Among those who were, some were apparently killed by fellow Hindutva activists or BJP members. Several of the victims’ families made a point of telling Yamunan that they have no problem with Muslims and live in peace with their Muslim neighbours. And several were shocked and unhappy to learn that their loved ones’ names appeared on such a list. “I request people to not join any political party,” one widow told Yamunan; her husband, she said, was a BJP politician whose rival had hired a hit man to kill him. “They will use you and then throw you away.” Many of these non-jihad motives, Yamunan found, were clearly reported in local newspapers long before Karandlaje compiled her list.

In ten cases, Yamunan found, the accused perpetrators were indeed Muslim. All of these perpetrators were linked specifically to a hard-line Islamist organization called the People’s Front of India, or PFI, that operates in Kerala and Karnataka. And most of these ten murders occurred in coastal Karnataka, the region of the state where religious tensions run deepest, especially in Mangalore, a diverse city of around half a million people that’s known as a banking and university centre.

Kavitha told me that in coastal Karnataka the political climate is so fraught that news vendors kept Gauri’s paper hidden, offering it for sale only when asked. “If they kept it out in the stall, the owner would be beaten up,” she said. It wasn’t always this way. Mangalore used to be famous as a cosmopolitan, progressive city. Gauri had a particular admiration for Mangalore’s history of social reform, including an early school for Dalits. The novelist Vivek Shanbhag, who grew up in coastal Karnataka, wrote that decades ago there was a shared sense of community among Hindus, Muslims, and Christians “that words like secularism and tolerance cannot capture.” More apt, he suggested, was the Kannada word “sahabalve,” which literally means “life together.” “Mangalore was a very, very forward looking, very educated place,” he told me. “I can’t believe that it has deteriorated to this level.”

Now Mangalore is perhaps the most religiously segregated corner of the state. A senior police officer who’s served for years in coastal Karnataka spoke to me about the situation on condition of anonymity, given its political sensitivity. In Mangalore, he said, the Muslim population is wealthier and better educated than in most places in India. This actually makes tensions worse, he said, because both Hindus and Muslims feel they are competing directly from positions of strength, and ostentatious consumption on the part of young men from both sides—nice cars, flashy motorcycles—tends to fan resentments. Another source of tension is that the Muslim prosperity is often new wealth, earned at lucrative jobs in the Gulf by Muslim men who in previous generations would likely have been farm laborers for Hindu landowners. And in recent years, both sides have become markedly more religiously conservative. As the Kannada novelist Sara Aboobacker put it, “There is Hindu Talibanisation and there is Muslim Talibanisation.”

In recent decades, the police officer said, especially after the destruction of the Babri Masjid, Hindus and Muslims have both built up aggressive religious organizations in coastal Karnataka, each egged on by the growth of the other side. But their memberships consist “mainly of these riffraff boys who had nothing else to do, who had a lot of money, and who didn’t hesitate to commit small crimes or revengeful crimes.” In particular, the PFI on the Muslim side and the Bajrang Dal on the Hindu side would provoke each other: the PFI stealing Hindu cows, the Bajrang Dal attacking Muslim cow transports. The Hindu side became very active with what’s known as “moral policing,” with a special focus on attacking Muslim boys who talked to or merely sat next to Hindu girls. The PFI reciprocated, attacking Hindu boys seen with Muslim girls (although much less often, he said). Often the two sides function simply as gangs, using religion as a cover for turf-based criminal operations, such as land grabbing and illegal sand mining. As they always do, the political parties treat the rival gangs opportunistically: the Congress Party patronizes the Muslim groups just as surely as the BJP patronizes the Hindutva groups. In its early years, Gauri’s Communal Harmony Forum often shared the stage with the PFI and its precursor, the Karnataka Forum for Dignity, naively accepting them as a Muslim rights organization. When the PFI’s culpability in communal disharmony became obvious, the Communal Harmony Forum cut ties with them.

The two sides clash often in street fights, the police officer told me, especially in election seasons. Some of these fights result in murders, and the murders have spun into an endless cycle of revenge killings, “always tit for tat.” A murder that happens in Mangalore today, he said, can usually be traced back in a chain to a murder that happened in 1999. In recent years there have been so many prison murders in Mangalore that the wardens have been forced to segregate Hindus and Muslims into separate barracks. In Mangalore, he noted, these retaliatory murders are never committed with guns, because a gun wound “doesn’t create that violent scene that is required to drive a message. So it is a policy that you actually commit these murders with sharp weapons and make many cuts on the body. The message should be very, very strong, so the brutality should be visible.”

He said it’s certainly true that Muslim fundamentalists committed some of the murders on Karandlaje’s list, and also that those victims have gotten far less attention than Gauri, but the context is completely different. Here, he said, it’s “rowdies trying to eliminate each other.” In 2022, the journalist Johnson T. A. did a study of communal murders in coastal Karnataka and found that most were retaliatory, with an equal number on each “side”; the murdered Muslim activists have gotten just as little popular attention as the Hindutva activists.

Yamunan reported that two of the ten murders committed by Muslims on Karandlaje’s list happened in street fights between Muslim and Hindu toughs at official celebrations of Tipu Sultan, which had become a flash point. Two others were reportedly murdered in revenge for aggressive cow-protection vigilantism (one of whose killers was later stabbed to death in prison with a serving spoon). Some cases blurred the line between religious conflict and gang war. In one case of a Hindu activist murdered by a Muslim activist, police told Yamunan that drug turf was a factor: the victim and perpetrator were both marijuana dealers. In the face of this rowdy, macho, endlessly retributive political violence, the RSS and BJP loudly play the victim without acknowledging that their side commits the same violence, racking up a comparable body count among their opponents. The murders on both sides are outrageous and intolerable. But they are not lynchings, nor are they assassinations of elderly writers on their doorsteps.

When the discrepancies in Karandlaje’s list were brought to her attention, she called it an “oversight” and said that she would release a revised list. She never did, and she was clearly unchastened. A few months later, she raised an even more inflammatory charge. In coastal Karnataka, an eighteen- year-old Hindutva activist named Paresh Mesta was found dead in a lake, and Karandlaje loudly and repeatedly insisted that “jihadi elements” had split his head open, poured boiling oil on his body, cut off his tattoos of Hindu symbols, and castrated him. The post-mortem report showed no signs of assault and concluded that he had slipped into the lake and drowned, most likely because he was drunk.

I feel that I now have the facts about the twenty-three or twenty-four murders that BJP leaders kept insisting that I examine. They were lying about those murders, and they knew they were lying. By constantly arguing in bad faith in this way, they make it impossible to engage seriously with their position. It’s an appalling thing to do.

But I’m also appalled with myself—I just spent sixteen hundred words arguing, essentially, that I should care less about those murders than the BJP thinks I should. I think often of a passage from an essay by T. M. Krishna, the renowned South Indian Carnatic singer. “The BJP and company have not only poisoned the minds of their own supporters, they have achieved a larger goal,” Krishna wrote. “They have made the rest of us crass and inhuman to the extent that we are unable to empathise when an RSS member is killed. Of course, this only makes their case for a monolithic Hindu Rashtra stronger and, hence, politically convenient. I know we need to stop this cycle, rediscover empathy, the ethical and sublime, but I do not know how.”

• • •

After the arrests of the first suspects for Gauri’s murder, a very different list came to light. On my previous visit to Bangalore, I’d learned that Indian progressives had developed a habit of talking, often with gallows humour, about the List: an imagined ranking of who was most likely to die next. It turned out that the List was real. In the diaries that the SIT recovered from the arrested men, they found two lists of names—the thirty-four people whom the conspirators ostensibly planned or hoped to kill. The first name on one list was Girish Karnad. The first on the other was K. S. Bhagawan, aged seventy-three, a highly outspoken professor and translator, whom the Sanatan Sanstha often denounced on their websites. devout hindu oruanizations demand immediate arrest of heretic prof. bhauayan! ran one of their headlines in 2015, after Bhagawan declared publicly that Rama is not a god. Two months after Gauri’s murder, police had to escort Bhagawan to safety after a fiery speech he delivered in his hometown of Mysore, a couple hours from Bangalore.

According to the SIT, the conspirators, after killing Gauri, had decided Bhagawan would be their next target. In early 2018, the SIT had been eavesdropping on the phone calls of the first arrestee, K. T. Naveen Kumar, and had at first planned to wait and keep listening in to gain more information on his co-conspirators. But when they realized from his conversations that an assassination attempt on Bhagawan was imminent, they swept in and arrested him.

One afternoon when I was in Mysore, I arranged to meet Bhagawan in the café of my hotel. A cheerful man with a shock of thick white hair, he entered briskly along with a large man in a shiny grey suit. “This is my gunman!” he explained. The bodyguard joined him, he said, in 2015. “I gave a lecture on the Bhagavad Gita, which is said to be a very important document of Hinduism,” he recalled. “Certain portions of the Gita must be burnt, I said. I did not burn them, but I said they should be.” Some people “didn’t like it,” he said, chuckling with delight at the memory. “They attacked my house, pelting stones and all that. Immediately the Karnataka government provided me security. There are three policemen in our house, and one gunman will be always with me.”

“It seems that this group that killed Gauri Lankesh also intended to go after you,” I said.

“But they will not,” he said blithely.

He seemed indifferent to my questions about threats and assassinations; he was more eager to discuss literature and philosophy, which he did with relish. He told me he “developed a critical attitude toward the so-called Hinduism” after reading Kuvempu, the greatest of Kannada poets, who wrote a version of the Ramayana that “removed all these Brahminical values.” The thing we call Hinduism, he said, is nothing more than Brahminism. “I don’t believe in religion,” he said. “I believe in spirituality.”

He talked in detail about his work translating English literature into Kannada, including a number of Shakespeare’s plays; more than once he sent the gunman to his car to see if he could find a copy of one or another of his books. He said that he’s now writing a new analysis of the Ramayana. “Nowhere is Rama an ideal person,” he said. “He was only a killer, killing person after person and branding them as demons.” I told him I didn’t think the stone throwers were going to like that one, either.

M. Kalburgi, he said, “was an intimate friend of mine. Great man. Great scholar. And a true follower of Basavanna.” Gauri, he said, published many of his articles in her paper, and also a book he wrote denouncing the

proposed Rama temple in Ayodhya. “The pity is, those who killed them, they’re all Shudras, non-Brahmins. They all belong to the lower strata of society. You see how Brahminism has brainwashed them. The ideology is given by the Brahmin, but no Brahmin is caught so far.”

After a while we went to his apartment, which is up a flight of stairs, with a terrace outside the door, upon which two uniformed police officers had set up a sort of sniper’s nest, complete with a massive semiautomatic gun laid out on a blanket. The cops rose to their feet as we ascended the stairs, then went back to their distractions from their boring job, one looking at videos on his phone, the other leafing through a newspaper.

I asked Bhagawan if he worried much about his safety. “No, no, no, not at all,” he said. “I feel very happy.” “You seem happy,” I said. “Why don’t you worry?”

“I don’t know,” he said, uninterested in the question. “My worry is about writing only. I must write well. I must read great books. That’s my only concern.” I asked him if his wife worried about his safety.

“No, no, no, not at all, not at all, not at all,” he said. “In fact, she told me, every man is going to die, today or tomorrow. Why worry? You do whatever work you want to do, she said. So, from that day onwards I became completely free of mortal concern. I don’t think about death at all. Death comes on its own. Why should I think of it?”

Girish Karnad also seemed unbothered that he’d topped a hit list. (His son, Raghu, told me later that Karnad was sceptical of these lists.) One well- connected journalist told me that according to the SIT the killers were casing Karnad’s house right around the time I visited him there in January. In August 2018, five prominent left-wing activists and intellectuals were arrested for supposedly inciting a riot; later they were additionally accused of plotting to assassinate Modi. In protest, Karnad attended an event marking the first anniversary of Gauri’s death, oxygen tank on his lap, wearing a sign around his neck that read me too urban naxal. “If speaking up means being a Naxal, then I am an urban Naxal,” he told reporters. “I am proud to be a part of the hit list.”

Others were feeling understandably less defiant. “I want to erase it,” said Nataraj Huliyar, a long-time writer for P. Lankesh’s paper whose name appeared on a list. “I’m afraid my mother might see it.”

Another name on a hit list was that of the lawyer C. S. Dwarakanath, who also wrote regularly for P. Lankesh. An armed policeman sits in the foyer of his office to protect him. A thoughtful, gentle man, Dwarakanath told me that as a student he was actually an RSS member, but Lankesh transformed him. Now his hero was Ambedkar, the author of the Indian Constitution and the prophet of Dalit liberation. He suspected that he was being targeted for a lecture he delivered in Mangalore that was critical of the proposed Rama temple in Ayodhya. There was an uproar when he said that nobody knows where Rama was born or his date of birth—but he was merely quoting the text of a Supreme Court ruling. His point, he said, was that “Rama is in the heart of the people. Don’t impose any Rama on them.” He cited the great mystic poet Kabir, who wrote that there were four Ramas: the first is on the throne of Ayodhya, the second is in the heart of every human, the third is in every particle, and the fourth is beyond human comprehension. “That was my argument,” he said. “They never understood it, because their minds are blocked.” (Bhagawan, he thought, spoke too harshly. “Some people have a very good opinion of Rama and Sita,” he said. “We should not hurt their feelings.”) He used to appear regularly on TV debates, but now that he’s on the hit list, his family won’t let him.

The police told Kavitha that Gauri was “a great soul” because her death had prevented all those people on the hit lists from being killed. “That makes you feel her death didn’t go in vain,” she said.

Note: The book which has been widely reviewed including by the New York Times, Publisher’s Weekly, Kirkus and Tribune India was also a 2025 Pulitzer Prize Finalist for General Nonfiction. The. The Pulitzer Board called it “a captivating account of a crusading South Indian’s murder, a mystery rich in local culture and politics that also connects to such global themes as authoritarianism, fundamentalism and other threats to free expression. Sabrangindia is grateful for permission from the authors and publishers to publish four excerpts, at intervals of the book. 

(The first excerpt was published some days ago and may be read here. Parts two, three and four of more excerpts from the book to be also published at intervals)

Note from the Editors: We would like to express our heartfelt solidarity with the family of Gauri Lankesh, Indira Lankesh, Kavitha and Esha Laneksh, who have with pathos and determination built on the gaping vacuum created by Gauri Lankesh’s assassination. Gauri was also a close a dear activist friend of Sabrangindia’s co-editor, Teesta Setalvad.

Related:

Storms battered her from outside, but she stood, an unwavering flame: Gauri Lankesh

Honour for killers of Gauri Lankesh and MM Kalburgi in Karnataka, public felicitation and terms like “Hindu tigers” for accused Amit Baddi and Ganesh…

Protest in Karnataka as activists condemns felicitation of Gauri Lankesh murder accused by right-wing groups

Murderers or Martyrs? The dangerous glorification of murdered Gauri Lankesh’s accused by Hindutva groups

Gauri Lankesh assassination: 6 years down, no closure for family and friends, justice elusive

The post Contrasting two lists: one with “facts” on right-wing deaths, the second, targeting other writers after Gauri Lankesh appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Anjum’s recent YouTube series since Sunday, July 13, containing detailed ground reports from the interiors of Bihar suggested that in some blocks electoral forms were being accepted without photographs and documents or that forms in duplicate were not being supplies by the ECI to voters.

The ongoing ‘special revision’ of the electoral roll has come in for widespread criticism because of the ECI’s self-assumed “demand” that people prove their right to vote and, by implication, their right to citizenship by providing documents which the majority do not possess. The short timeline given for the entire exercise –given that the state assembly elections are due in a few months–is bound to lead to administrative irregularities, something that both journalists like Anjum and some newspapers have exposed through their reportage.

The DUJ statement says that “the fact is that the Bihar government has not cared to issue birth certificates to most of its citizens, few people have caste certificates or domicile documents, the majority do not own property or have documents to prove ownership of land, many are denied schooling and migration is the major survival strategy.” In these circumstances people anxious to stay on the electoral roll are providing whatever they possess. The Election Commission initially refused to accept the basic documents that the majority do have: Aadhar cards and voter identity cards.  It was only after the Supreme Court hearing last week on July 10, that the ECI was compelled to now accept the Aadhar card, or EPIC card or Ration Card. Receipts are not always being provided. The haste of the exercise means that many voters in all likelihood, be denied voting rights.

The DUJ statement asserts that it is evident that (ECI) officials were rattled by the reports of irregularities in the entire process and have, therefore resorted to the FIR against Anjum to deter other journalists from similar coverage. The statement ends by stating that the DUJ “salutes” Ajit Anjum for his bold reporting and demands that the FIR for criminal trespass, obstructing a public servant on duty and other grounds be immediately withdrawn and journalists be permitted to report freely from the state.

Related:

Bihar:  SC signals that ECI should consider Aadhaar, EPIC (Voter ID card) & Ration card for electoral roll revision 

Bihar:  SC signals that ECI should consider Aadhaar, EPIC (Voter ID card) & Ration card for electoral roll revision 

SC: ECI’s ‘wisdom’ on revision of electoral rolls challenged, does a disenfranchisement crisis loom over Bihar, with thousands being declared ‘‘D’ (doubtful) voters?

Bihar: Sinister move by ECI as ‘intensive’ revision of electoral roles set to exclude vast majority of legitimate voters

Bihar 2025 Election: EC drops parental birth document requirement for 4.96 crore electors and their children in Bihar

The post DUJ stands by journalist Ajit Anjum after Bihar government lodges an FIR against him for ground reportage on ECI’s SIR process appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Local journalists, those best positioned to tell the truth, face displacement and starvation. To date, nearly 200 journalists have been killed by the Israeli military. Many more have been injured and face constant threats to their lives for doing their jobs: bearing witness. This is a direct attack on press freedom and the right to information.

The entire text of the Open letter released on June 5 may be read here:

We, the undersigned, call for immediate, independent, and unrestricted international media access to Gaza and for full protection of journalists who continue to report under siege.

For 20 months, the Israeli authorities have refused to grant journalists outside of Gaza independent access to the Palestinian territory – a situation that is without precedent in modern warfare. Local journalists, those best positioned to tell the truth, face displacement and starvation. To date, nearly 200 journalists have been killed by the Israeli military. Many more have been injured and face constant threats to their lives for doing their jobs: bearing witness. This is a direct attack on press freedom and the right to information.

We understand the inherent risks in reporting from war zones. These are risks that many of our organisations have taken over decades in order to investigate, document developments as they occur, and understand the impacts of war.

At this pivotal moment, with renewed military action and efforts to resume the flow of humanitarian aid into Gaza, it is vital that Israel open Gaza’s borders for international journalists to be able to report freely and that Israel abides by its international obligations to protect journalists as civilians.

We call on world leaders, governments, and international institutions to act immediately to ensure this.

Signed by:

1. cd, Patient Ligodi, Founder (Democratic Republic of Congo)
2. Agence France-Presse, Phil Chetwynd, Global News Director (France)
3. Agência Pública, Natália Viana, Executive Director (Brazil)
4. Al Araby Al Jadeed, Hussam Kanafani, Director of Media Sector
5. Al Jazeera Center of Public Liberties & Human Rights, Sami Alhaj, Director (Qatar)
6. Al-Masdar Online, Ali al-Faqih, CEO (Yemen)
7. Alternative Press Syndicate (Lebanon)
8. Amazônia Real, Kátia Brasil, Director (Brazil)
9. Arab Reporters for Investigative Journalism (ARIJ), Rawan Daman, Director General

10. ARTICLE 19
11. Asia Pacific Report, David Robie, Editor (New Zealand)
12. Associated Press, Julie Pace, Executive Editor and Senior Vice President (USA)
13. Association of Foreign Press Correspondents, Nancy Prager-Kamel, Chair (USA)
14. Bahrain Press Association (Bahrain)
15. Bianet, Murat İnceoglu, Editor in Chief (Turkey)
16. BirGun Daily, Yasar Aydin, News Coordinator (Turkey)
17. Brecha, Betania Núñez, Journalistic Director (Uruguay)
18. British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC), Deborah Turness, CEO, BBC News (UK)
19. Bulatlat, Ronalyn Olea, Editor-in-Chief (Philippines)
20. CamboJA, Nop Vy, Executive Director (Cambodia)
21. Casbah Tribune, Khaled Drareni, Editorial Director (Algeria)
22. Cedar Centre for Legal Studies (CCLS) (Lebanon)
23. Center for Investigative Journalism of Montenegro (CIN-CG), Milka Tadić Mijović, Editor-in-Chief
24. Churchill Otieno, Executive Director, Eastern Africa Editors Society & President, Africa Editors Forum (Kenya)
25. CNN, Mike McCarthy, EVP & Managing Editor (USA)
26. Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ), Jodie Ginsberg, CEO
27. Community Peacemaker Teams (CPT) (Iraqi Kurdistan)
28. digital, Carlos F. Chamorro, Director (Nicaragua, in exile)
29. Connectas, Carlos Eduardo Huertas, Director (The Americas)
30. Daraj Media, Hazem al Amin, Editor-in-Chief, Alia Ibrahim, CEO and Diana Moukalled, Managing Editor (Lebanon)
31. Dawn newspaper, Zaffar Abbas, Editor (Pakistan)
32. De Último Minuto, Hector Romero, Director (Dominican Republic)
33. CR, Diego Delfino Machín, Director (Costa Rica)
34. Deník Referendum, Jakub Patocka, Editor in chief and publisher
35. Digital Radio-télévision DRTV, William Mouko Zinika Toung-Hou, Assistant Director of Information (Congo-Brazzaville)
36. Droub, Murtada Ahmed Mahmoud Koko, General Director (Sudan)
37. Efecto Cocuyo, Luz Mely Reyes, Director (Venezuela)
38. Egyptian Initiative for Personal Rights (EIPR) (Egypt)
39. El Ciudadano, Javier Pineda, Director (Chile)
40. El Diario de Hoy, Óscar Picardo Joao, Editorial Director (Salvador)
41. El Espectador, Fidel Cano Correa, Director (Colombia)
42. El Faro, Carlos Dada, Co-founder and Director (El Salvador)
43. El Mostrador, Héctor Cossio, Director (Chile)
44. El Sol de México, Martha Citlali Ramos, National Editorial Director (Mexico)
45. El Universal, David Aponte, Directeur général éditorial (Mexico)
46. elDiarioAR, Delfina Torres Cabreros, Journalistic Director (Argentina)

47. ENASS, Salaheddine Lemaizi, Director (Morocco)
48. Équipe Média, Mohamed Mayara, General Coordinator (Western Sahara)
49. European Federation of Journalists (EFJ), Ricardo Gutiérrez, General Secretary
50. European Broadcasting Union, Liz Corbin, Director of News
51. European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF), Ena Bavčić, EU Advocacy Officer (Germany)
52. Eyewitness Media Group, Patrick Mayoyo, Director Editorial Innovations
53. Financial Times, Roula Khalaf, Editor (UK)
54. Forbidden Stories, Laurent Richard, Founder (France)
55. Foreign Press Association, Deborah Bonetti, Director (London)
56. Foreign Press Association, the board (Israel and the Palestinian Territories)
57. Foundation for Investigative Journalism (FIJ), Fisayo Soyombo, Founder and Editor (Nigeria)
58. France 24, Vanessa Burggraf, Director (France)
59. Free Press Unlimited, Ruth Kronenburg, Executive Director
60. Front Page Africa, Rodney Sieh, Editor in Chief and Editor (Liberia)
61. info, Randy Karl Louba, Director, (Gabon)
62. Geneva Health Files, Priti Patnaik, Founder
63. Geo News, Azhar Abbas, Managing Editor (Pakistan)
64. Global Investigative Journalism Network (GIJN), Emilia Diaz-Struck, Executive Director
65. Global Reporting Centre, Sharon Nadeem, Producer and Head of Partnerships
66. com, Nouhou Baldé, Founder and administrator, (Guinea)
67. Haaretz, Aluf Benn, Editor in Chief (Israel)
68. 7amleh, The Arab Center for the Advancement of Social Media, Nadim Nashif, Executive Director (Palestine/Israel)
69. Hildebrandt en sus trece, César Hildebrandt, Director, (Peru)
70. HuMENA for Human Rights and Civic Engagement, Mostafa Fouad, Executive Director
71. Independent Television News, Rachel Corp, Chief Executive (UK)
72. Inkyfada, Malek Khadhraoui, Director of publication (Tunisia)
73. International News Safety Institute (INSI), Elena Cosentino, Director (UK)
74. International Press Institute (IPI), Scott Griffen, Executive Director
75. iPolitics, Marco Vigliotti, Editor-in-Chief (Canada)
76. IWACU, Abbas Mbazumutima, Editor in Chief (Burundi)
77. Joliba, Birama Konaré, Director General (Mali)
78. ba, Semir Hambo, Editor in Chief (Bosnia-Herzegovina)
79. L’Alternative, Ferdinand Ayité, Publishing Director (Togo)
80. L’Événement, Moussa Aksar, Publishing Director (Niger)
81. L’Humanité, Maud Vergnol, Publishing Director (France)
82. La Voix de Djibouti, Mahamoud Djama, Publishing Director (Djibouti)
83. Le Jour, Haman Mana, Publication Director, (Cameroun)
84. Le Monde, Jérôme Fenoglio, Director (France)

85. Le Reporter, Aimé Kobo Nabaloum, Publishing Director (Burkina Faso)
86. Le Temps, Madeleine von Holzen, Editor-in-Chief ((Switzerland)
87. Lebanese Center for Human Rights (CLDH) (Lebanon)
88. Luat Khoa, Trinh Huu Long, Editor-in-Chief (Vietnam)
89. Mada Masr, Lina Atallah, CEO (Egypt)
90. Magnum Photos, Giulietta Palumbo, Global editor director (France)
91. Mail & Guardian, Luke Feltham, Acting Editor-in-Chief (South Africa)
92. Malaysiakini, RK Anand, Executive Editor (Malaysia)
93. Mediapart, Carine Fouteau, Publishing Director (France)
94. MediaTown, Ashraf Mashrawi, Director (Palestine)
95. Media Entertainment and Arts Alliance, Erin Madeley, Chief Executive (Australia)
96. Mekong Review, Kirsten Han, Managing Editor (Singapore)
97. MENA Rights Group (Switzerland)
98. Mizzima Media, Soe Myint, Managing Director and Editor-in-Chief (Myanmar)
99. Mullithivu Press Club – Kanapathipillai Kumanan, Photojournalist and Convener (Sri Lanka)
100. Muwatin Media Network, Mohammed Al-Fazari, CEO & Editor in Chief (UK)
101. Monte Carlo Doualiya (MCD), Souad Al-Tayeb, Director (France)
102. National Public Radio (NPR) Edith Chapin, SVP & Editor in Chief (USA)
103. New Bloom Magazine, Brian Hioe, Founding Editor (Taïwan)
104. Nord Sud Quotidien, Raoul Hounsounou, Publishing Director (Benin)
105. OC Media, Mariam Nikuradze, Co-founder and Co-director (Georgia)
106. Organización Editorial Mexicana, Martha C. Ramos Sosa, Directora General Editorial (Mexico)
107. Ouestaf, Hamadou Tidiane Sy, Director (Sengal)
108. People Daily, Emeka Mayaka Gekara, Managing Editor (Kenya)
109. Photon Media, Shirley Ka Lai Leung, CEO (Hong Kong)
110. Plan V, Juan Carlos Calderón, Director (Equador)
111. Prachatai, Mutita Chuachang, Executive Editor (Thailand)
112. Premium Times, Musikilu Mojeed, Editor-in-Chief/Chief Operating Officer (Nigeria)
113. Pressafrik, Ibrahima Lissa Faye, Publishing Director (Senegal)
114. Prospect Magazine, Alan Rusbridger, Editor (UK)
115. Public Media Alliance, Kristian Porter, CEO (UK)
116. Pulitzer Center, Marina Walker Guevara, Executive Editor (USA)
117. Radio Bullets and war reporter, Barbara Schiavulli Director (Italy)
118. Rádio Ecclesia, Gaudêncio Yakuleingue, Directeur (Angola)
119. Radio Universidad de Chile, Patricio López, Director, (Chile)
120. Radio France Internationale (RFI), Jean-Marc Four, Director (France)
121. Radio France, Céline Pigalle, Director of Information (France)
122. Reporters Without Borders (RSF), Thibaut Bruttin, Director General
123. RETE #NOBAVAGLIO, Marino Bisso, coordinator (Italy)

124. Reuters, Alessandra Galloni, Editor-in-chief
125. Rory Peck Trust, Jon Williams, Executive Director (UK)
126. Sikha Mekomit (Israel)
127. SMEX (Lebanon)
128. SMN24MEDIA, Kamal Siriwardana, Director News (Sri Lanka)
129. Society of Professional Journalists, Caroline Hendrie, Executive Director (USA)
130. Stabroek News, Anand Persaud, Director (Guyana)
131. Syrian Center for Media and Freedom of Expression, SCM (Syria)
132. Taz – die tageszeitung, Barbara Junge, Editor in Chief (Germany)
133. Tempo Digital, Wahyu Dhyatmika, Chief Executive Officer (Indonesia)
134. The Arab and Middle Eastern Journalists Association (AMEJA), Aymann Ismail, President, (USA)
135. The Globe and Mail & President, World Editors Forum (WAN-IFRA), David Walmsley, Editor-in-Chief, (Canada)
136. The Independent, Geordie Greig, Editor-in-Chief (UK)
137. The Intercept Brasil, Andrew Fishman, President & Co-Founder (Brazil)
138. The Legal Agenda (Lebanon)
139. The Magnet, Larry Moonze, Editor (Zambia)
140. The Nairobi Law Monthly, Mbugua Ng’ang’a, Editor-in-Chief (Kenya)
141. The New Arab, Hussam Kanafani, Director of Media Sector
142. The Point, Pap Saine, Publishing Director, (Gambia)
143. The Reckoning Project, Janine di Giovanni, CEO
144. The Samir Kassir Foundation, Ayman Mhanna, Executive Director (Lebanon)
145. The Shift, Caroline Muscat, Founder (Malta)
146. The Wire, Seema Chishti, Editor (India)
147. The World Association of News Publishers (WAN-IFRA), Vincent Peyrègne, CEO, Andrew Heslop, Executive Director Press Freedom
148. TV Slovenia, Ksenija Horvat, Director (Slovenia)
149. info, Lyas Hallas, Publication Director (Algeria)
150. news, Lkhagvatseren Batbayar, Editor-in-Chief (Mongolia)
151. Vikalpa – Sampath Samarakoon, Editor (Sri Lanka)
152. VRT NWS, Griet De Craen, Journalistic Director (Belgium)
153. Wattan Media Network, Muamar Orabi, Director General (Palestine)
154. Woz – die Wochenzeitung, Florian Keller, Daniela Janser, Kaspar Surber, Editorial Board (Switzerland)
155. +972 Magazine, Ghousoon Bisharat, Editor-in-chief (Israel/Palestine)

The post Free unrestricted access to Gaza: Reporters without Borders & CPJ issue open letter appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Siddharth Varadarajan, founder of The Wire, has condemned the actions against his platform and Bhasin’s account. He called the blocking of the website and account a clear violation of press freedom in India. Varadarajan’s statement read:

“Dear readers of The Wire, in a clear violation of the Constitutional guarantee of freedom of the press, the Government of India has blocked access to thewire.in across India.”

Dear Readers of The Wire In a clear violation of the Constitutional guarantee of freedom of the press, the Government of India has blocked access to https://t.co/BCdnZhucBj across India. + pic.twitter.com/YO0TlQkVVL

— Siddharth (@svaradarajan) May 9, 2025

The Chennai Press Club has, in a strong statement condemned the blocking of both The Wire and Maktoob Media

The statement of the Chennai press club may be read below

Chief Minister Tamil Nadu, MK Stalin, in strong words, condemned the action. “Silencing the media at a critical juncture undermines the spirit of democracy. I hope the Union government reconsiders and lifts the ban on @thewire_inLet not press freedom be strangled in the world’s largest democracy.

Silencing the media at a critical juncture undermines the spirit of democracy. I hope the Union government reconsiders and lifts the ban on @thewire_in.

Let not press freedom be strangled in the world’s largest democracy. https://t.co/qf1NyAyYTg

— M.K.Stalin (@mkstalin) May 9, 2025

Comrade MA Baby, newly elected general secretary of the CPI (M) has strongly condemned the act of censorship in a tweet. “When media outlets that are continuously peddling fake news on #OperationSindoor are being allowed to run uninterrupted, credible news portals are being blocked. Such attacks on the freedom of the press are not acceptable, Baby wrote.

Strongly condemn the censorship of The Wire. When media outlets that are continuously peddling fake news on #OperationSindoor are being allowed to run uninterrupted, credible news portals are being blocked. Such attacks on the freedom of the press are not acceptable.@thewire_in https://t.co/hFc4MAqRUT

— M A Baby (@MABABYCPIM) May 9, 2025

Seema Chisty, editor at The Wire tweeted, “Why freedom of the Press matters to non-press janta is an essay. But briefly – because voices of the Press are canaries in the coalmine. What protects the Press in India is what protects the average citizen. Your allowing it to get gagged is allowing yourself to go down”

Why freedom of the Press matters to non-press janta is an essay.

But briefly – because voices of the Press are canaries in the coalmine.

What protects the Press in India is what protects the average citizen. Your allowing it to get gagged is allowing yourself to go down

— Seema Chishti (@seemay) May 9, 2025

Digipub Condemns Blocking of The Wire’s Website, CPI’s D. Raja Writes to Ashwini Vaishnaw

‘We urge the Ministry to act decisively against channels and platforms that promote communal hatred and spread falsehoods. Access must be restored to platforms which are responsible and act to maintain national unity.’

Following the government blocking users’ access to the website of The Wire, Communist Party of India general secretary D. Raja has written to Union minister of information and broadcasting while digital news body Digipub has condemned the move.

The Wire has learnt that the block on its website is according to the orders of the Ministry of Information and Broadcasting. Various internet service providers are saying multiple things.

Raja’s letter

In his letter to minister Ashwini Vaishnaw, D. Raja has highlighted how misinformation was allowed to run rampant during ‘Operation Sindoor’.

I, on behalf of the Communist Party of India, register my deep concern over the inflammatory and misleading content being aired by several television news channels following Operation Sindoor. While the nation stands united against terrorism, we are witnessing a dangerous trend where certain channels are communalising the issue, spreading unverified claims, and promoting war hysteria—without any official confirmation from the Government or Armed Forces.

Raja said that such coverage creates panic and fear. Here, he mentioned that responsible news portals like The Wire have been blocked, in contrast.

Such coverage not only undermines responsible journalism but also poses a direct threat to national cohesion. Warmongering and targeting of communities erode trust, create fear among citizens, and play into the hands of those who seek to destabilize the country. Public anxiety is being inflamed, not addressed. Even public broadcasters have echoed this irresponsible tone, failing the basic duty of informing people with accuracy and dignity. The Armed Forces themselves had to counter claims made by such news channels on many occasions. At the same time, access to responsible news portals like TheWire.in has been blocked.

Raja noted that the CPI rejected attempts to turn the tragedy of Pahalgam into a spectacle of hate and division. “Conflict must not become a tool to distract from facts or delegitimize fellow citizens. The cost of such narratives is paid by ordinary people in the form of insecurity, polarization, and long-term damage to the democratic fabric,” he wrote.

He urged for decisive communication from the government.

We urge the Ministry to act decisively against channels and platforms that promote communal hatred and spread falsehoods. Access must be restored to platforms which are responsible and act to maintain national unity. We also call for coordinated and periodic, fact-based briefings from your Ministry, in consultation with the ministries of Defence, Home Affairs, and External Affairs, to counter misinformation and provide the public with credible updates.

Raja added that it is rightly said that truth is the first casualty of war, but “today, truth is being sacrificed even before a war exists—buried under noise, prejudice, and sensationalism.”

The airwaves must not become battlegrounds of distortion when the nation needs calm and clarity. We hope this urgent and pressing matter concerning national unity in challenging times will find your immediate attention.

Digipub statement

DIGIPUB, a group of digital news websites of which The Wire is a member, said that it strongly condemns the blocking of The Wire’s website. It said:

DIGIPUB’s founding member The Wire has released a statement on Friday, May 9 stating that the access to their website has been blocked by some Internet Service Providers following government orders. One of the ISPs says the block has been done by the Ministry of Information and Broadcasting under the IT Act, 2000.

If the Indian government has indeed blocked access to The Wire, then it is a blatant attack on press freedom. Silencing independent media doesn’t protect democracy-it weakens it.

The statement noted that this “is a critical time for the nation and such actions impede rational thinking. The urgency and horrors of battle cannot be used as an excuse to silence independent journalism.”

It added that a free media is the best antidote to misinformation and fake news and said:

“We demand the immediate reversal of such censorship, the orders for which have not even been made public. The Indian Government must uphold constitutional values of free speech and restore unrestricted access to independent media democracy cannot survive in silence.”

Related:

Targeting Press Freedom: The unexplained censorship of Vikatan and the erosion of free speech

EXCLUSIVE: Three independent Tamil channels win battle against censorship by MeitY-YouTube after 6 months of a gritty battle

India’s Censorship Hypocrisy: Ban on Santosh and promotion of Chhaava

The post Censorship: The Wire, India’s credible news and analysis portal blocked, widespread condemnation appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Arbitrary detention and arrest

As per multiple media reports, Mozumdar was covering a protest organised by the youth wing of the Assam Jatiya Parishad (AJP), which was demonstrating against an alleged recruitment scam at the Assam Co-operative Apex Bank (ACAB). The protest was directed at the involvement of key political figures, including Assam Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma, who serves as the bank’s director, and BJP MLA Biswajit Phukan, the bank’s chairman.

While carrying out his journalistic duties, Mozumdar questioned the bank’s managing director, Dambaru Saikia, about the allegations. A video clip later released by The CrossCurrent shows Mozumdar attempting to engage Saikia, who then invited him to his office. However, once inside, Saikia allegedly asked him to convince the protesters to leave—a demand Mozumdar rightfully refused, asserting his role as an independent journalist. Shortly after exiting the bank premises, he received a call from the Pan Bazar police station, instructing him to report immediately. Upon arrival, he was detained without any explanation for nearly half a day.

During his detention, Mozumdar’s family had alleged that they were denied access to him, and his diabetic medication, along with iftar provisions during Ramadan, was initially withheld. It was only after repeated insistence from fellow journalists that his wife was allowed to meet him late at night. At around midnight, as per Hindustan Times, the police finally revealed that he had been arrested under the SC/ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Act based on an unspecified complaint. The arrest slip, given to his wife, lacked the complainant’s name and specific details of the alleged offence, further fuelling suspicions of a politically motivated crackdown.

Manufactured charges to suppress journalism

The police later claimed that a security guard at the bank, a member of the Bodo community, had lodged a complaint against Mozumdar for allegedly making derogatory remarks. The FIR reportedly cited a single sentence attributed to Mozumdar: “Boro jati hoi tumi besi kora” (being from the Bodo tribe, you do too much). This claim has been widely ridiculed as an excuse to criminalise a journalist for asking uncomfortable questions about alleged financial mismanagement at the bank.

The flimsy nature of the allegations, combined with the prolonged detention without justification, indicates that this is not about protecting any community but about intimidating the press. The selective application of the SC/ST Act in this case is particularly disturbing, as it appears to be a tool for silencing a journalist rather than ensuring justice for marginalised communities. This kind of misuse only serves to delegitimise important legal protections meant to safeguard oppressed groups.

Widespread condemnation and protests

Mozumdar’s arrest has sparked widespread outrage among journalists, civil society groups, and opposition political parties. The Guwahati Press Club held an emergency meeting condemning the arrest, with members wearing black badges in solidarity. Prominent journalists and activists have decried the Assam government’s actions as an egregious assault on press freedom.

Senior journalist Sushanta Talukdar pointed out that Mozumdar’s “biggest crime” was attempting to present a balanced report by seeking answers from the bank’s management. The Editors’ Guild of India issued a strong statement condemning the arrest, highlighting that such actions reinforce the growing perception that press freedom is under siege in India. The Press Club of India (PCI) also denounced the police’s refusal to inform Mozumdar’s family and colleagues about the reasons for his detention, calling it a grave infringement of constitutional rights under Article 19(1)(a).

Political leaders have also spoken out against the arrest. AJP president Lurinjyoti Gogoi called it an attempt to establish “Jungle Raj” in Assam, while the Assam Pradesh Congress Committee described it as a direct attack on press freedom. The North East Media Forum urged Chief Minister Sarma to intervene and prevent the misuse of the SC/ST Act to settle political scores.

A pattern of media suppression

Press freedom is not a privilege—it is a cornerstone of democracy, and its systematic erosion threatens the very foundation of civil liberties in India. The detention and arrest of Dilwar Hussain Mozumdar is a dangerous escalation in the Assam government’s hostility towards independent journalism. It sends a chilling message to other reporters: question the state at your own peril. If Mozumdar is not released unconditionally, it will set a troubling precedent where fabricated charges can be used to silence journalists, ultimately eroding democratic accountability.

The fact that Mozumdar had previously reported on irregularities at ACAB raises serious questions about whether this was a pre-planned action to silence a journalist who had become inconvenient for the government. Notably, earlier this month, the Assam Cooperation Department had ordered an inquiry into the bank’s alleged financial mismanagement following a complaint sent to the Central Vigilance Commission. Instead of addressing these allegations transparently, the government appears to be prioritising retribution against those who expose them.

Related:

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Comedian Kunal Kamra faces state-sponsored intimidation over satirical remarks on Deputy CM Eknath Shinde

KIIT Suicide Case: Nepalese student’s harassment complaint ignored for 11 months before tragic suicide

The post Assam: Journalist Dilwar Hussain Mozumdar detained for 12 hours, arrested after covering protest against an alleged recruitment scam involving key BJP leaders appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The case against them stems from a video posted on their X (formerly Twitter) account, in which a man, who was a farmer, allegedly made derogatory remarks about the Telangana Chief Minister. The complaint, filed by the chief of the Congress’ state social media unit, alleged that the video was intended to incite unrest and was part of a deliberate attempt by Pulse News to defame the CM. The police claimed that the video was shot at the Bharat Rashtra Samithi (BRS) headquarters and suspected a political conspiracy behind its release. A third individual, the user of an X account named “NippuKodi”, is also under police scrutiny and detention.

Despite the court rejecting the organised crime charge, it upheld other provisions under the Information Technology Act and the BNS related to creating and circulating false information. However, the manner in which the Telangana Police acted—conducting pre-dawn raids and arresting the journalists in a way that reeks of political vendetta—has drawn sharp criticism from various quarters.

Arrest under questionable circumstances

The Telangana Police’s handling of this case has raised serious concerns about the misuse of power. Revathi was arrested from her home at 5 AM on March 12, a move reminiscent of the authoritarian crackdowns of the Emergency era. In a video posted before her arrest, she warned, “Cops at my doorstep! They want to arrest me. They may pick me up and take me. One thing is clear: Revanth Reddy wants to put pressure on me and my family and threaten me.”

DON’T SHARE THIS VIDEO PLEASE!!!
CASES WILL BE FILED

Here is a video of my team @pulsenewsbreak speaking to an old man.
He expresses his frustration about various issues, in his own language.

NOW! The Telangana Congress is busy filing cases and Telangana police are… pic.twitter.com/gQYWhmseG5

— Revathi (@revathitweets) March 11, 2025

According to the police, the arrests were justified because the journalists’ conduct was highly provocative and could have disturbed law and order. The public prosecutor opposed their bail, arguing that the police required more time for investigation. However, Jakkula Ramesh, the lawyer representing Revathi and Thanvi, dismissed the allegations, claiming that the police had acted under political pressure. He pointed out that none of the other charges carried a punishment exceeding seven years, making the immediate arrests unwarranted and disproportionate. The court appeared to agree, striking down Section 111, ruling that it was unjustified at this stage.

Revanth Reddy’s threats against criticism and the press

What makes this case even more troubling is the response from Chief Minister Revanth Reddy himself. Days after the arrests, he lashed out at social media criticism in the Assembly, warning that strict action would be taken against those engaging in “defamatory propaganda under the guise of journalism.” He went even further, making an openly threatening remark, stating that those who crossed the line would be stripped and paraded.

His words reveal a deep hostility towards independent journalism and suggest that his government is willing to weaponise the law to silence critics. As per Hindustan Times, CM Reddy stated: “We will respond to such criminals as required. If they hide behind a facade, that veil will be removed, and they will be exposed. Don’t create a spectacle. I am also a human being… We will act strictly according to the law and will not exceed any limits.”

Such statements, coming from a sitting Chief Minister, indicate a dangerous shift towards authoritarianism, where journalists who criticise the government risk being treated as criminals.

Widespread condemnation of the arrests

The arrests have provoked a massive backlash, particularly from the Bharat Rashtra Samithi (BRS), which accused the Congress government of being intolerant of dissent. K.T. Rama Rao, former minister and senior BRS leader, compared the situation to the Emergency, calling the arrests a “blatant attack on press freedom”. In a post on X, he wrote:

“It feels like a state of Emergency has returned in Telangana… Is this the democracy you talk about, Rahul Gandhi? Arresting two women journalists in the wee hours of the morning! What is their crime? Giving voice to public opinion on the incompetent and corrupt Congress government?”

In the “Mohabbat Ki Dukaan” land where @RahulGandhi Ji’s nominated CM himself is the Abuser in Chief !! https://t.co/KpNtiSBs8L

— KTR (@KTRBRS) March 16, 2025

Other BRS leaders, including T Harish Rao and Kalvakuntla Kavitha, also condemned the Telangana government’s actions. Harish Rao questioned whether Telangana was turning into a dictatorship, stating, “Revanth Reddy’s government responds to questions with arrests.”

Beyond political figures, civil society groups and journalist organisations have also condemned the arrests. The Editors Guild of India (EGI) issued a strongly worded statement, criticising the police’s pre-dawn operation and calling it a serious attack on press freedom. Rajya Sabha MP Kapil Sibal, a former Congress leader, also denounced the move, saying:

“Arrest is not the solution. It is the result of a contagious disease called intolerance.”

Telangana

Arrests two journalists for criticising CM for spreading falsehood inciting divisions to disturb law and order

Really ?

Arrest is not the solution

It is the result of a contagious disease called :

Intolerance !

— Kapil Sibal (@KapilSibal) March 13, 2025

Police seizures and allegations of misconduct

Adding to concerns about police excesses, the Hyderabad Police raided the Pulse News office in Madhapur, seizing:

• Two laptops
• Two hard disks
• Seven CPUs
• Other digital equipment

Revathi’s lawyer alleged that the police misbehaved with the two journalists and that the judge had taken note of these police excesses. Such actions suggest that the police were not merely conducting an investigation but sending a message—a warning to other journalists to fall in line or face similar treatment.

Congress’ hypocrisy on press freedom

The Telangana Congress, which has long positioned itself as a defender of democracy and free speech, has now exposed its own hypocrisy. The same party that has often accused the BJP of suppressing journalists is now following the same playbook—using state power to silence criticism.

Congress leaders have tried to defend the police, claiming that the journalists had links with the BRS and had been spreading propaganda against the government for the past two months. However, this justification falls flat in the face of the arbitrary nature of the arrests, the timing before the Assembly session, and the pre-dawn raids—all hallmarks of a politically motivated crackdown.

Conclusion: A dangerous precedent being set in Telangana

The arrest of Revathi and Thanvi Yadav is not an isolated case; it is a frightening signal of what may become a pattern of repression under the Revanth Reddy-led Telangana government. By allowing the police to act in such a brazenly authoritarian manner, the Congress government has shown that it is willing to undermine press freedom to protect its own image.

This incident sets a dangerous precedent. If journalists can be arrested simply for sharing an opinion or amplifying public grievances, then no critical media outlet is safe. The Telangana government must be held accountable for this unjustifiable attack on press freedom, and civil society must push back against this increasingly repressive environment.

If this trend continues, Telangana risks becoming another state where journalists must operate under fear, where the government dictates what can and cannot be said, and where the basic tenets of democracy are trampled in the name of political survival.

Related:

Delhi High Court’s takedown order against Shyam Meera Singh’s video on Isha Foundation raises free speech concerns

The murder of Raghvendra Bajpai: A chilling reminder of the dangers faced by journalists in India

SC’s denial of bail to journalist Rupesh Singh once again showcases how the Court looks at bail under UAPA, with varying consistency

Indian Newspaper Day: Journalists’ Groups Demand Independent Media Commission

Baster Journalist killing: UNESCO condemned the killing of Mukesh Chandrakar 

The post Telangana journalists granted bail after court strikes down ‘Organised Crime’ charge appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The circumstances leading to his murder

Bajpai’s murder is suspected to be linked to his investigative reporting on alleged irregularities in paddy procurement and stamp duty evasion in land transactions. His recent reports had exposed corruption in government dealings, leading to the suspension of four local administrative officials. His family firmly believes that these exposés made him a target, though the police have not ruled out a personal enmity angle. Bajpai had been working as a journalist for nearly a decade and was known for his fearless reporting on corruption in land and agricultural transactions.

Despite the clear suspicions regarding his reporting, police initially downplayed the possibility of threats against him. The Sitapur police suggested that his murder might be related to a land dispute, as Bajpai had reportedly raised concerns over the improper formalities in a recent land transaction. However, his wife, Rashmi Bajpai, lodged an FIR against unidentified persons, alleging that her husband’s movements had been closely monitored before the attack. She suspects that those angered by his journalism orchestrated the killing and has demanded a high-level investigation.

The FIR also highlights that Bajpai had been investigating multiple cases of corruption in land records and procurement scams, which had angered several influential figures in the district.

Rashmi Bajpai, speaking to reporters, accused the authorities of negligence in ensuring her husband’s safety despite his repeated concerns. She demanded immediate arrests and called for a CBI probe into the case. “My husband was killed because he exposed the truth. He was fearless, and that made him a threat to those in power. If justice is not delivered, it will only embolden those who want to silence journalists,” she stated. 

Investigation and arrests

Following the murder, police launched a probe, forming multiple teams to track down the assailants. CCTV footage from the crime scene showed the attackers following Bajpai before executing the attack. His phone has been sent for forensic analysis, and police are scrutinising his recent call records to identify potential leads.

As of now, at least 12 people have been detained for questioning, including three lekhpals (local revenue officers) and one retired army personnel. Among those questioned is Anish Dwivedi, president of the Lekhpal Sangh, hinting at a possible link between Bajpai’s reporting and his murder. While some of those detained were in touch with Bajpai in the weeks leading up to his death, no concrete arrests have been made yet.

Political reactions and public outrage

Bajpai’s murder has ignited political controversy, with opposition parties criticising the Uttar Pradesh government for failing to protect journalists. State Congress chief Ajay Rai condemned the killing, calling it a “shameful act” and a glaring example of lawlessness under the BJP-led state government. He accused the government of suppressing press freedom and demanded a compensation of ₹1 crore for Bajpai’s family, along with a government job for his wife. Rai also warned of state-wide protests if justice was not swiftly delivered.

Apna Dal (Kamerawadi) MLA Pallavi Patel also slammed the government, stating that Bajpai was “silenced” for exposing corruption. She demanded a fair and transparent probe into the murder, warning that her party would take to the streets if the family’s demands were not met. The BJP, on the other hand, has promised strict action against the perpetrators. Uttar Pradesh Deputy Chief Minister Brajesh Pathak assured that all those involved would be arrested and tried in a fast-track court. BJP national vice-president Rekha Verma visited Bajpai’s family, vowing justice and financial aid.

Tensions flared between the journalist’s family and local police on March 9 when his relatives initially refused to perform the last rites until the killers were arrested and a job was provided to a family member. In protest, the family placed Bajpai’s body on the highway, leading to a confrontation with police officers. Eventually, district officials persuaded them to proceed with the cremation by assuring them that their demands would be forwarded to the state government. His father, Mahendra Nath Bajpai, performed the last rites as Bajpai’s 10-year-old son was unable to do so due to the trauma.

The broader issue of press freedom and journalist safety

Bajpai’s assassination has sparked widespread outrage among journalist associations across India. The International Federation of Journalists (IFJ), the Indian Journalists Union (IJU), and the National Union of Journalists – India (NUJ-I) have strongly condemned the killing, calling for an urgent and thorough investigation. The IJU described the murder as a direct attack on press freedom and expressed concerns over the rising threats faced by journalists in Uttar Pradesh. NUJ-I President Ras Bihari reiterated the demand for financial assistance of ₹1 crore for Bajpai’s family and warned that his murder highlighted the increasing dangers faced by reporters exposing government irregularities. IFJ General Secretary Anthony Bellanger stated that Bajpai’s death was a tragedy and called on the authorities to ensure the perpetrators were brought to justice without impunity.

Bajpai’s killing is a chilling reminder of the perils faced by journalists who dare to expose corruption. India has witnessed a worrying trend of journalists being attacked, threatened, or even killed for their work, particularly in states where government accountability is weak. Uttar Pradesh, in particular, has seen several such incidents in recent years, raising concerns over media rights violations and the safety of independent reporters. If the murder of Bajpai is not met with swift and decisive action, it will further embolden those who seek to silence the press through violence. Even as Bajpai’s family, colleagues, and supporters continue to demand justice, the present case not only highlights the vulnerability of journalists in India but also raises critical questions about the government’s commitment to press freedom and the rule of law. If journalists are not safe, the very foundation of democracy is at risk.

Related:

SC’s denial of bail to journalist Rupesh Singh once again showcases how the Court looks at bail under UAPA, with varying consistency

Baster Journalist killing: UNESCO condemned the killing of Mukesh Chandrakar

Investigative Journalist Mukesh Chandrakar killed for exposing corruption

Supreme Court eases bail conditions for Kerala Journalist Siddique Kappan

The post The murder of Raghvendra Bajpai: A chilling reminder of the dangers faced by journalists in India appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Azoulay called for a “thorough and transparent investigation” into Chandrakar’s death, urging authorities to ensure that those responsible are held accountable. “Investigative journalists take great risks to inform society of wrongdoing, and their safety is therefore crucial in empowering populations to safeguard the public good,” she stated.

“I condemn the killing of Mukesh Chandrakar and call for a thorough and transparent investigation to ensure that the perpetrators are brought to justice. Investigative journalists take great risks to inform society of wrongdoing, and their safety is therefore crucial in empowering populations to safeguard the public good.”

• Audrey Azoulay, UNESCO Director-General

Who is Mukesh Chandrakar?

Mukesh Chandrakar, a 32-year-old investigative journalist from Chhattisgarh, was found dead in a septic tank on January 3, 2025, in Bijapur, after being missing since New Year’s Day. Known for his fearless reporting on corruption in road construction projects and the Maoist conflict in the Bastar region, Mukesh’s tragic death is suspected to be linked to his exposure of a corruption scandal. His body was discovered in the compound of Suresh Chandrakar, a contractor involved in road projects, under fresh concrete slabs.

Mukesh’s rise to prominence was marked by his unique path to journalism, transitioning from selling mahua liquor and working as a mechanic to creating the popular YouTube channel Bastar Junction, which gained 1.66 lakh subscribers. His reports on poorly maintained roads, particularly in Bijapur, led to official inquiries. His cousin, contractor Suresh Chandrakar, allegedly orchestrated the murder after being angered by Mukesh’s reporting. Mukesh’s brother, Yukesh, revealed in a heartfelt video on the channel that Mukesh had been receiving threats prior to his death.

Days after a Chhattisgarh-based journalist was found murdered, the key suspect in the murder of Bastar journalist and YouTuber Mukesh Chandrakar, Suresh Chandrakar, was arrested by a Special Investigation Team (SIT) of the Bijapur police from Hyderabad on the night of January 5, 2025. Police confirmed the arrest after the body of Mukesh was discovered on January 3, hidden in a septic tank at a property owned by Suresh in Chattanpara Basti, Bijapur. Three others involved in the crime—Ritesh Chandrakar, Dinesh Chandrakar, and supervisor Mahendra Ramteke—have already been arrested in connection with the case and remanded to police custody by the Court.

The incident sparked widespread protests and seeking justice for Chandrakar. The Editors Guild and the Press Club of India also condemned the murder, concerning the dangers faced by journalists in conflict zones.

Chandrakar’s Postmortem: fractures to head, heart ripped out, broken neck

The Postpartum report of Mukesh Chandrakar revealed the shocking details in the killing of journalist. Chandrakar had 15 fractures to his head and his heart being ripped out. Chandrakar’s neck was also broken, reported the Free Press Journal. As per report, doctors also found pieces of liver and five broken ribs. After the postmortem, the doctors believed that there must have been two people involved in killing the 28-year-old journalist.

Prime suspect in Chandrakar’s murder withdraws ‘big amount’ from bank, SIT reveals

The SIT, in its statement, said that during the investigation and based on information from the banks, the prime accused, Suresh Chandrakar, had withdrawn a large sum of money from his account on December 27, four days before the incident. This matter is currently under investigation, SIT said.

However, when asked about the amount of money withdrawn from Suresh’s bank account, a senior police officer stated that it was a subject of investigation. ““Revealing the amount would hamper our investigation at this stage but money trail is being investigated,” he said, according to the Indian Express.

Asthi Kalash (urn with ashes) shattered and lying spread on the ground

In a disturbing turn of events, the disintegrated ‘Asthi Kalash’ (urn containing ashes) of journalist Mukesh Chandrakar was found scattered near the cremation ground in Bijapur district, Chhattisgarh, about 50 meters from its original location.

On January 19, when Chandrakar’s family arrived at Muktidham, they discovered that the ‘Asthi Kalash’ had gone missing from its designated spot. A subsequent search in the vicinity led them to the shattered urn, with ashes scattered across the ground. Police confirmed the discovery, though no immediate explanation has been given for the urn’s disintegration, reported Indian Express.

Mukesh Chandrakar’s cousin, Yukesh Chandrakar, took to his X handle @youareYukesh to express his anguish. He said that, “We had kept Mukesh’s ashes, someone broke the urn and scattered the ashes. Today the ritual of immersion of Mukesh’s ashes is to be completed. I came to know from somewhere that my brother was beaten to death and a bulldozer was used on him.

Are we human?”

मुकेश की अस्थियां उठाकर रखी थीं हमने, किसी ने अस्थि कलश को फोड़कर अस्थियां बिखेर डालीं ! आज मुकेश के अस्थि विसर्जन की रस्म पूरी की जानी है । मुझे कहीं से पता चला था कि भाई को अधमरा होने तक मारकर उस पर बुलडोजर चलाई गई थी !
हम इंसान हैं ?@PMOIndia @ChhattisgarhCMO@vijaysharmacg… pic.twitter.com/sbkVuBcMAN

— Yukesh Chandrakar (@youareYukesh) January 13, 2025

The urn was intended for the sacred Asthi Visarjan ritual in Kaleshwaram, Telangana, where the ashes of the deceased are immersed in holy waters.

Chhattisgarh CM announces Rs 10 Lakh aid to Chandrakar’s family

On January 14, Chhattisgarh Chief Minister Vishnu Deo Sai announced an aid of Rs 10 lakh to the kin of murdered journalist Mukesh Chandrakar. Speaking to reporters at the helipad in Police Lines, Sai said, “The family of the deceased journalist will be given ₹10 lakh assistance. A building will be constructed for journalists, and it will be named after him” as Hindustan Times reported

The CM’s announcement that the construction of a dedicated building for journalists in Chandrakar’s name is seen as a tribute to his work and legacy.

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Investigative Journalist Mukesh Chandrakar killed for exposing corruption

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The post Baster Journalist killing: UNESCO condemned the killing of Mukesh Chandrakar appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The other warnings are few employment opportunities, the presence of powerful mining corporations, corruption in infrastructure projects, and issues of journalists’ safety and security. Here, red lines are drawn by many other resourceful forces. The corruption shifting its base in Bastar is nothing new where freelance journalist and YouTuber Mukesh Chandrakar was born and murdered. The early life of the journalist has been punishing. Having lost his father when he was two years old, his mother, Kaushalya decided to step out of the home and became an Anganwadi worker.

Mukesh and Yunkesh, his elder brother often joined their mother in the jungle in collecting mahua and tamarind. The more money the family gathered, the better their chances of surviving in Basaguda village. But life took a different turn. With the rise of the Salwa Judum movement in the year 2005 in Chhattisgarh, the Chandrakar family shifted to a makeshift camp. They became a part of the odd 50,000 villagers who have been displaced from their homes and deprived of livelihoods. In these makeshift camps, human rights abuses were rampant, and the movement became increasingly violent and uncontrollable.

According to the Forum for Fact-finding Documentation and Advocacy survey, a huge chunk of the “officially recruited 4200 Special Police Officers (SPOs)” were minors. One another report published in The Times of India dated March 20, 2010, in a Salwa Judum elaborates further. The report says the camp in Konta, Dantewada, “Skinny, impoverished young men dressed in battle fatigues greet you at the camp”.  It says that uneducated young boys are given training to be SPOs and are paid Rs 2,150 a month. “The government gives the ‘loyal’ inmates rice at Rs 2 per kg, free oil and onions.” The report also says that Judum members cut off the supply of provisions to villages if they refuse cooperation or resist relocation. In this period of militarisation of a local movement that worked well for the government but pushed thousands of youth being used as human shields by the CRPF in the Naxal-infested region in the state, The brothers found ways to avoid being caught up in the violence. However, due to rising conflict, they deserted the makeshift camp in Basaguda and shifted to a camp in Awapalli.

Hardship and tragedy knocked on the doors of the Chandrakar family again. The hard-earned earnings slipped after their mother was detected carrying cancer. A few years later, Kaushalya succumbed to cancer in 2009. Mukesh was 17 then.

The brothers took odd jobs in the Bastar region where employment opportunities are very few. Mukesh worked in a garage. This was likely the time when the brothers decided to shift their focus toward a new career path.

After Yukesh became a journalist, Mukesh started learning tips from him and accompanied him on assignments. A quick learner, he became a stringer for outlets like Sahara Samay, Bansal News and News 18. In 2021, Mukesh launched his YouTube channel, Bastar Junction. The issue-based authentic ground reports helped the channel to grow in a backward region where Android mobiles are still out of reach for the majority of the population, electricity supply is uneven and mobile networks are rather rare. Despite all odds, the channel grew steadily. At the time of his death, the channel had around 165,000 subscribers, a number that has since grown by about 10,000.

But the 33-year-old freelance journalist was murdered a week after a news report highlighting alleged corruption in a road construction work in Bijapur was shown. The report titled Jahan shaheed huye jawan wahan kyun ho raha hai ghatiya sadak nirman? -Why is the road quality poor where martyrs died?) Aired on NDTV on December 25, 2024, first drew local public attention and later of Government officials. Incidentally, after the news aired, an inquiry was ordered by the Government that had earlier approved the road construction project and payments were made by them.

Upset with the developments, the road construction contractor Suresh Chandrakar, hatched a conspiracy to eliminate the journalist. So a plan was made along with his brothers. 

Suresh had hatched a conspiracy four to five days before the incident (January 1) along with his brothers, says the investigation done by the Special Investigation Team.

As Mukesh and Suresh were relatives, the road contractor used Ritesh, his younger brother’s friendly connection, to invite journalists to Suresh’s campsite. Both Mukesh and Ritesh have gone to Uttarakhand on a trip in 2019, says a news report, adding that they used to play badminton and spend time at the campsite located in the Chattan Para area of Bijapur. The camp site belonged to Suresh Chandrakar, the road contractor.

It was on Ritesh’s invitation over the telephone, the journalist went to have dinner at Suresh Chandrakar’s property in the Chattan Para area of Bijapur on January 1, 2025, Bijapur Police had said earlier. During the dinner, they landed in an argument with Ritesh reportedly arguing with the journalist that being a friend and a relative he should not report negatively about their road construction project. In the meanwhile, Mahendra Ramteke, who worked for Suresh as a supervisor joined Ritesh, according to the investigation.

When Mukesh did not return home in the morning and his mobile was switched off, Unkesh Chandrakar, elder brother of Mukesh lodged a missing complaint with the Bijapur Police. In his complaint, Unkesh, also a journalist, raised suspicion on Suresh Chandrakar, the road contractor.

Preliminary investigation and call details were able to connect the dots between the sudden disappearance of the journalist. His last location was found in the Chattan Para area of Bijapur where the camp site of the road contractor Suresh Chandrakar is located. Upon visiting the contractor’s premises, the police discovered freshly laid concrete over an old septic tank, Jitendra Yadav, Superintendent of Police in Bijapur told media persons.

When the fresh concrete was opened, Mukesh’s body was found in submerged water. The Police have arrested the three Chandrakar brothers, Suresh, Ritesh and Dinesh, and Mahendra Ramteke, a supervisor who works for the road contractor. The post-mortem report revealed the journalist’s skull with 15 fractures, broken five ribs, a liver split into four parts, a broken neck and damage to his heart.

Coincidentally, except for Mahendra Ramteke, the supervisor who works for the road contractor, the three brothers and Mukesh were relatives.

While many journalists operate in the region, few can act as shields to protect lives. This is possible only when you are ready to wade rivers that have bridges on record but not on the ground that has schools in villages but no teachers around and of course the villages that have all-weather roads connecting them but with no sign of roads in the ground in this part of India’s ‘red corridor’. Mukesh was of such a kind, who waded river water, reached the villages with no sign of roads settled in dense forests, and developed an understanding with security forces and Maoists in the conflict zone. In this backdrop, it reminds me of the Takalguda Naxal ambush in Bijapur in which 22 security personnel were killed. The Maoists took revenge by abducting a Commando Battalion for Resolute Action (CoBRA) commando.

The slain journalist played a crucial role in the release of CoBRA commando Rakeshwar Singh Manhas from Maoist captivity in April 2021. CoBRA is a specialised jungle warfare unit of the Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF).

Mukesh was prepared to navigate the conflict zone in search of bitter truths, ignoring the harsh reality that it might one day cost him his life. And that was the cost freelance journalist and YouTuber, Mukesh Chandrakar had to pay. A cost for digging for the truth.

Courtesy: ENewsroom

The post Where Roads End and Courage Begins: The Life and Death of Mukesh Chandrakar appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The body of a 28-year-old journalist was found in a septic tank on the premises of a contractor whom he had recently exposed for corruption in #Chhattisgarh. #MukeshChandrakar, who worked with a local news channel, was found dead on January 3 in #Bijapur district.

Mukesh, who… pic.twitter.com/tPl7LLFAJO

— Hate Detector (@HateDetectors) January 4, 2025

Chandrakar, known for his in-depth reports on alleged corruption in public construction projects, was also the host of a popular YouTube channel. His family claims he had been receiving threats for exposing a scam related to a road project, suggesting his tragic death may have been a targeted attack. Hours before his body was found, his brother posted a heartfelt video on the channel, appealing for help and revealing the emotional devastation of losing his brother.

Goodbye @MukeshChandrak9 Your reporting for his soil, for society, and for humanity always be remembered. My humble requests to the politicians is that they should not play politics on his death.#MukeshChandrakar #Bastar pic.twitter.com/u99EsLOhPd

— Aarav Gautam (@IAmAarav8) January 4, 2025

Who is Mukesh Chandrakar?

Mukesh Chandrakar, a fearless investigative journalist known for his ground reporting in Chhattisgarh’s conflict-ridden Bastar region, had a remarkable trajectory. From his humble beginnings of selling mahua liquor and working as a mechanic, he transitioned to journalism by renting an office and eventually starting his YouTube channel, Bastar Junction, which garnered 1.66 lakh subscribers. At just 32, Mukesh had carved a niche for himself, bringing attention to crucial issues, especially in a region plagued by Maoist violence and corruption.

Born in Basaguda, a village severely impacted by the armed conflict of the mid-2000s, Mukesh’s early life was marked by hardship. His family, displaced by the violence, sought refuge in a government shelter in Bijapur. After the death of his father when Mukesh was a child and his mother’s untimely death in 2013, Mukesh, along with his brother Yukesh, persevered through the challenges.

Mukesh’s reporting on the dire state of a road in Bijapur, which was tied to his cousin’s construction contract, led to an official inquiry. Angered by the story, Mukesh’s cousin, contractor Suresh Chandrakar, allegedly orchestrated his murder, with his brother Ritesh carrying out the act. Mukesh’s death reflects the risks faced by journalists exposing corruption in volatile regions, as Indian Express reported.

Press Club and Editors Guild express concern over journalist’s safety

On January 4, the Press Club of India expressed its shock and condemnation over the brutal murder of Mukesh Chandrakar. The Club strongly condemned the killing, calling for swift, time-bound action against the perpetrators. In a statement, the club said, “We strongly condemn the killing and demand time-bound action against the perpetrators.”

The Press Club also requests the Press Council of India to take cognisance of the matter and demand that the state government take appropriate action. The Club urged that, “The state government should immediately look into the long-standing demand of local journalists to enact a law to protect journalists.’

The Press Club of India is shocked to learn about the murder of Bijapur (Chhattisgarh)
based young freelance journalist Mukesh Chandrakar.

We strongly condemn the killing and demand
time-bound action against the perpetrators.

The club also requests the @PressCouncil_IN to… pic.twitter.com/cwD1tbYEBj

— Press Club of India (@PCITweets) January 4, 2025

On January 4, the Editors Guild of India issued a strong statement expressing deep concern over the brutal murder of Mukesh Chandrakar. The Guild condemned the suspected killing and raised alarm over the apparent foul play behind his death and said that, “The young journalist’s death is a matter of grave concern as it raises suspicion of foul play.” The Guild, urging the Chhattisgarh government to expedite the investigation and ensure those responsible are swiftly brought to justice, expressed that, “The Editors Guild calls on the government of Chhattisgarh to spare no efforts in investigating the case speedily and bringing the guilty to book.”

The Editors Guild highlighted the broader issue of journalist safety, particularly for those working in smaller towns and rural areas. “The safety of journalists, especially those working in smaller towns and rural areas, is of paramount importance,” the statement continued. “Authorities across the country must ensure that no harm or hindrance is caused to journalists in the course of their professional duties.”

EGI statement on the death of journalist Mr. Mukesh Chandrakar pic.twitter.com/LtOI7oYw3T

— Editors Guild of India (@IndEditorsGuild) January 4, 2025

The Guild further mentioned the essential role of a free press in a functioning democracy. “A free press that is allowed to work without fear is important for any democracy. While the Editors Guild grieves Mr. Chandrakar’s death, it hopes that his passing under unnatural circumstances will serve as a wake-up call and prompt better measures for journalist protection. The country must not let Mr. Chandrakar’s death go entirely in vain.”

Press Council seeks report from Chhattisgarh Government over killing, takes suo moto action

On January 4, the Press Council of India took suo moto cognizance of the suspected brutal killing of journalist Mukesh Chandrakar. It has requested a report on the case from the Chhattisgarh government. Justice Ranjana Prakash Desai, Chairperson of the Press Council, also expressed deep concern over the incident.

#pressreleasepci #presscouncilofindia pic.twitter.com/GMV19fLpa3

— Press Council of India (@PressCouncil_IN) January 4, 2025

Mukesh Chandrakar’s heroic role in CoBRA mission

Mukesh Chandrakar played a heroic role in securing the release of CoBRA commando Rakeshwar Singh Manhas, who had been held captive by Maoists in April 2021. This occurred after the deadly Takalguda Naxal ambush in Bijapur, where 22 security personnel were martyred. The CoBRA Battalion, a specialized unit of the CRPF focused on jungle warfare, had been involved in the ambush. Mukesh, alongside six other journalists, helped facilitate negotiations between the security forces and the Maoists, ensuring the safe return of the captured CoBRA jawan.

Public protests demand justice, held Candle march

The brutal murder of Mukesh Chandrakar has ignited widespread protests. On Sunday, January 5, members of the Mahar community organized a candle march, demanding the death penalty for the accused. Journalists also took to the streets, staging a protest at the Raipur Press Club, calling for swift and severe action against those responsible for the journalist’s death.

The candle march began at Ambedkar Bhawan and concluded at Jaistambh Chowk. RD Jhadi, a patron of the Mahar Samaj, stated that all those involved in the murder should face the harshest punishment, as reported in The Print.

Murder of Chandrakar is a grim reminder of the danger faced by Journalists: Kejriwal

While condemning the murder of Mukesh Chandrakar and expressing concern over the safety of journalists, AAP President and former Delhi Chief Minister Arvind Kejriwal stated, “The killing of Mukesh Chandrakar is a stark reminder of the risks faced by journalists who expose corruption and speak the truth. The perpetrators of Mukesh’s murder must receive the harshest punishment.”

The murder of #MukeshChandrakar is a grim reminder of the dangers faced by journalists who dare to expose corruption and tell the truth.

The culprits behind Mukesh’s murder must face the harshest punishment. pic.twitter.com/pPmW6qlX7O

— Arvind Kejriwal (@ArvindKejriwal) January 5, 2025

Arrest of key suspect in journalist Mukesh Chandrakar’s Murder

Days after a Chhattisgarh-based journalist was found murdered, the key suspect in the murder of Bastar journalist and YouTuber Mukesh Chandrakar, Suresh Chandrakar, was arrested by a Special Investigation Team (SIT) of the Bijapur police from Hyderabad on the night of January 5, 2025. Police confirmed the arrest after the body of Mukesh was discovered on January 3, hidden in a septic tank at a property owned by Suresh in Chattanpara Basti, Bijapur. Three others involved in the crime—Ritesh Chandrakar, Dinesh Chandrakar, and supervisor Mahendra Ramteke—have already been arrested in connection with the case.

In response to the crime, authorities have moved to seize Suresh Chandrakar’s illegal properties. A construction yard that he had established after encroaching on forest land along the Bijapur-Gangaloor Road has already been demolished. Furthermore, police have initiated steps to freeze Suresh Chandrakar’s bank accounts, with three of his accounts already put on hold.

Alleged motive: corruption in road construction and alleged tide with Congress and BJP

A news report aired on NDTV on December 25, 2024, exposing alleged corruption in a road construction project in Bijapur, is believed to have triggered the murder. The project, linked to contractor Suresh Chandrakar, is seen as the possible motive for the crime. Additionally, Chhattisgarh Deputy Chief Minister Vijay Sharma claimed that Suresh Chandrakar had ties with the Congress party, while opposition parties assert that he recently joined the ruling BJP.

BJP’s Jungle Raj in Chhattisgarh, Congress condemned the killing

On January 3, Congress criticized the BJP-ruled Chhattisgarh government over the brutal killing of journalist Mukesh Chandrakar, questioning the state’s law and order. In a post on its official X handle, Congress wrote:

“BJP’s jungle raj in Chhattisgarh.

Journalist Mukesh Chandrakar exposed corruption in road construction. Enraged by his findings, the contractor responsible for the road lured Mukesh, killed him, and dumped his body in the septic tank of his own house.

In BJP’s jungle raj, no one is safe. The law-and-order situation is in complete disarray.

It’s no surprise that the media won’t highlight this issue or challenge the BJP government, as the ‘Sab Changa Si’ mode is on.

We demand swift and strict action in this case. Mukesh’s family deserves justice, and it should be delivered without delay.”

छत्तीसगढ़ में BJP का जंगलराज

पत्रकार मुकेश चंद्राकर ने सड़क में भ्रष्टाचार का खुलासा किया था. इसके बाद से सड़क बनवाने वाला ठेकेदार नाराज था.

ठेकेदार ने मुकेश को बुलाया और उन्हें मारकर लाश को अपने घर की सैप्टिक टैंक में चुनवा दिया.

BJP के जंगलराज में कोई भी सुरक्षित नहीं है.… pic.twitter.com/vyoiCWIw0O

— Congress (@INCIndia) January 3, 2025

Chhattisgarh government formed SIT probe; alleged accused tied with Congress

Following the incident, the Chhattisgarh government’s orders SIT probe over the incident. BJP alleged a strong connection between the prime accused, Suresh Chandrakar, and the Congress party. Chhattisgarh’s Deputy Chief Minister and senior BJP leader Arun Rao took to his X handle

 “A lie does not turn into truth by shouting loudly, dear Bhupesh ji!

This is the basic mantra of Congressmen.

Anyone who comes in contact with their corruption will be crushed to pieces.

And the Congress contractor did the same with brave journalist Mukesh of Bijapur!

Those defending the contractor accused of murder raised concerns about morality.”

जोर-जोर से चिल्लाने से झूठ सच में नहीं बदल जाता प्रिय भूपेश जी!

कांग्रेसियों का मूल मंत्र है..
जो उनके भ्रष्टाचार से टकराएगा चूर-चूर हो जाएगा।

और वही किया कांग्रेसी ठेकेदार ने बीजापुर के जांबाज पत्रकार मुकेश के साथ!

हत्या के आरोपी ठेकेदार की पैरवी करने वालों ने नैतिकता..(१/४) https://t.co/WFj6XrrIIg pic.twitter.com/20M1Q7iJbU

— Arun Sao (@ArunSao3) January 4, 2025

Letter of boycott of Mukesh Chandrakar by Congress viral on social media

Amidst allegations linking the accused contractor, Suresh Chandrakar, to the Congress party, a letter dated April 29, 2024, from the District Bijapur Congress Committee has gone viral on social media. The letter reveals that journalist Mukesh Chandrakar, along with his colleagues Ishwar Soni, Ranjan Das, and Chetan, was officially boycotted by the district Congress committee. This action was taken after the journalists were accused of publishing and reporting false news about Bijapur MLA Vikram Mandavi. The controversy surrounding this letter has fuelled further speculation and debate, with critics questioning the motives behind the boycott.

Wayanad MP Priyanka Gandhi also condemned the killing, demand strict action

Congress leader and Lok Sabha MP Priyanka Gandhi Vadra condemned the killing of Mukesh Chandrakar. She expressed her condolences through her X handle and wrote that, “The news of the murder of Bastar, Chhattisgarh journalist Mukesh Chandrakar is shocking. According to reports, Mukesh was brutally murdered after he exposed corruption in his report. I demand from the state government that strict and immediate action should be taken in this case, the culprits should be given severe punishment and proper compensation and job should be considered for the family of the deceased.

Humble tribute!”

बस्तर, छत्तीसगढ़ के पत्रकार मुकेश चंद्राकर जी की हत्या का समाचार स्तब्ध करने वाला है। खबरों के मुताबिक, मुकेश जी ने अपनी रिपोर्ट में भ्रष्टाचार का खुलासा किया था जिसके बाद उनकी बेरहमी से हत्या कर दी गई।

मेरी राज्य सरकार से मांग है कि इस मामले में सख्त और त्वरित कार्रवाई हो,… pic.twitter.com/I1TwRJXOFW

— Priyanka Gandhi Vadra (@priyankagandhi) January 4, 2025

The tragic death of Mukesh Chandrakar, a courageous 32-year-old freelance journalist from Chhattisgarh, has not only shocked the nation but also highlighted the grave risks faced by journalists in volatile regions. Chandrakar, known for his investigative reporting on corruption within public construction projects, was discovered murdered in a septic tank, raising suspicions that his death was directly linked to his work exposing illegal activities. His death underscores the vulnerability of journalists who dare to challenge powerful figures in corrupt systems. Mukesh’s fearless reporting and his YouTube channel, “Bastar Junction,” gave voice to the marginalized and shed light on corruption and violence in Chhattisgarh’s conflict-ridden Bastar region.

This incident has sparked widespread outrage and concern from press organizations like the Press Club of India and the Editors Guild, who have demanded swift justice and stronger protections for journalists. The brutal killing is a stark reminder of the critical need for legal safeguards and enhanced security for those who report the truth. The ongoing investigation into Mukesh’s murder, with arrests made, is an important step, but it also highlights the urgent need to address the broader issue of journalist safety. Mukesh Chandrakar’s death must serve as a catalyst for stronger measures to protect journalists and ensure that such atrocities do not go unpunished.

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Gauri Lankesh assassination: 6 years down, no closure for family and friends, justice elusive

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The post Investigative Journalist Mukesh Chandrakar killed for exposing corruption appeared first on SabrangIndia.