Huge protest erupts over namaz: Roorkee, Uttarakhand

In Roorkee, students at Quantum University ignited protests by chanting “Jai Shri Ram” in response to a video that had gone viral, showing a woman offering namaz on campus. This incident has become a flashpoint, epitomising the rising anti-Muslim hatred within the state. In the video, a large crowd of students can be seen vocally expressing their disagreement, chanting the slogan “Jai Shri Ram” as they gather in opposition to the woman’s act of offering namaz.

Reports indicate that the protesting students were in contact with the right-wing outfit Rashtriya Bajrang Dal, raising concerns about the influence of extremist groups on educational institutes. This connection highlights how external pressures can exacerbate divisions within educational institutions, turning a place of learning into a battleground for ideological conflicts, fueled by right-wing outfits across the state.

In Roorkee, Uttarakhand, a protest erupted against a woman offering Namaz at Quantum University after a video of the incident went viral. Students responded by chanting “Jai Shri Ram,” while members of Bajrang Dal claimed it was related to love jihad and conversion. pic.twitter.com/tkaz9mCJUS

— The Observer Post (@TheObserverPost) October 29, 2024

While reacting to the incident of Quantum University, senior advocate Sanjay Hegde wrote on social media platform X, that “These students have effectively devalued the employability quotient of the alumini of this university.”

These students have effectively devalued the employability quotient of the alumini of this university. https://t.co/9PCR3YNuuh

— SANJAY HEGDE (@sanjayuvacha) October 30, 2024

Right-wing leader distributed sign board: Ramnagar, Uttarakhand

Simultaneously, in Ramnagar, far-right leader Raju Rawat initiated a campaign to distribute signboards stating “Garv Se Kaho, Hum Hindu Hain” (say proudly! We are Hindus) to Hindu vendors, so that people can identify the stalls based on their religion, urging shoppers to buy only from stalls marked for “purity.”

Notably, these divisive and anti-Muslim signboards featuring “Santani Sabjiwala” have been also distributed among vegetable vendors within the Hindu community across Himachal Pradesh. By encouraging shoppers to identify vendors based on religious affiliation, these signs promote a harmful atmosphere of discrimination and segregation of Muslims on religious grounds. These signboards have been distributed in gross violation of Articles 14, 15, 19, and 21 of the Constitution and seem to go unaddressed, with no punitive actions taken by the concerned state governments.

In Ramnagar, Nainital, on October 28, far-right leader Raju Rawat again intensified communal tensions by checking the Aadhar cards of Muslim vendors, claiming that they were outsiders responsible for disrupting local businesses. His claims reflect a broader narrative that seeks to paint Muslims, particularly those labeled as “outsiders” or “Bangladeshi infiltrators,” as a threat to the local economy and community cohesion.

By framing these vendors as unwelcome intruders, Rawat is not only spreading hate but also inciting fear among the local population against the Muslims.

Srinagar, Uttarakhand

On October 27 in Srinagar, far-right leader Lakhpat Singh Bhandari led a protest rally against what he termed “love jihad,” a controversial term used to describe alleged efforts by Muslim men to convert Hindu women through marriage. During the rally, Bhandari propagated conspiracy theories surrounding this issue, making the unfounded claim that a significant number of these cases involved barbers.

Bhandari’s assertions reflect a problematic trend where unfounded accusations are used to stoke communal tensions. By specifically targeting a profession, he seeks to generalize and vilify an entire community based on the actions of a few, thereby exacerbating divisions within society.

The rise of communal and anti-Muslim protests in Uttarakhand has become increasingly evident, with rising incidents of abuse and discrimination against Muslims. The state government has failed to take preventive measures against these events, and in some cases, has seemingly promoted the distribution of discriminatory signboards, as seen during the recent Kanwar Yatra. This escalation of hate is a direct result of divisive and hateful propaganda propagated by right-wing groups.

These incidents highlight the alarming influence of extremist narratives that fuel anti-Muslim sentiments in the region. This growing hostility not only undermines the rights and dignity of individuals but also poses a serious threat to social cohesion in Uttarakhand and impact to the Muslim population of Uttarakhand.

Related:

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Tensions escalate in Himachal and Uttarakhand, multiple protest and rallies against mosques

Tide of hatred against Muslims continues: Payment denied for Muslim server

The post Uttarakhand: Students chant ‘Jai Shri Ram’ in response to a video showing women offering namaz appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The distinction between the themes of thumbnails and the actual content of video is stark, often serving merely as a trigger to provoke viewers into clicking on sensational videos. This tactic exploits ongoing, contentious issues that evoke curiosity and generate excitement among audiences. Thumbnails designed to capture attention ask questions like, “What will happen next?” This psychological appeal plays into a fundamental human tendency to seek out information about impending developments (and often, accompanied by a sense of apprehension, or doom).

Media channels compete fiercely to deliver the latest updates, often prioritizing sensationalism over accuracy.

For example, when gangster Atiq Ahmad was transferred from Gujarat to Uttar Pradesh in Umesh Pal murder case, media outlets sensationalised the event with dramatic thumbnails reading “Encounter” or “Accident,” creating an atmosphere of anticipation.

Link: https://www.youtube.com/live/zCIOkJVgJBk?si=afQvPRSXq-eq9bgQ

From “Ab Hoga Khel” to “Kuch Bada Hone Wala Hai,” the pursuit of engagement in Indian media has increasingly prioritised sensationalism, leveraging eye-catching punctuation like exclamation marks and question marks. This strategy aims to captivate viewers, often at the expense of truth. As headlines grow more dramatic, they foster an environment ripe for misleading news and toxic narratives. Thumbnails designed to grab attention can misrepresent the actual content, leading to a cycle of misinformation. In this race for views, media outlets often harvest hate and divisive content, exacerbating communal and social tensions.

The lure of sensationalism

The YouTube media environment is a bustling arena where competition for viewer attention is fierce. In this race, headlines have transformed into clickbait, carefully crafted to provoke emotional responses rather than inform. The use of punctuation marks like exclamation points and question marks has become a hallmark of this sensationalism. A simple headline can shift from informative to inflammatory with just a few strategic characters.

Take, for instance, the phrase “Kuch Bada Hone Wala Hai” (Something Big Is Going to Happen), this phrase evokes curiosity and anticipation, especially for J&K reporting and the issue involves communal agenda. It draws viewers in, promising excitement or drama. When paired with an exclamation mark, the urgency escalates, making it almost impossible for viewers to scroll past without clicking. But what lies behind these headlines often falls short of the promises made, leaving viewers with distorted narratives that can shape their beliefs and attitudes in harmful ways.

Reporting of Bahraich violence

Pertinently, during the recent Bahraich violence, YouTube news channels of several media houses resorted to inflammatory and provocative thumbnails, effectively sensationalising the events to create a dramatic climax. Phrases like “100 Ghanto Main… Encounter Ke Baad, Force Ne Ghera Pura Bahraich! Bhage Musalman! Bhayankar Action Shuru” dominated their narratives, casting the incident in a sensational light that fueled fear and division. Further inflammatory headlines, such as “Bahraich Hinsa par Yogi ka tagda aylaan, sunte hi kamp uthe ‘Musalman’!”, served to criminalize a particular community, reinforcing harmful Islamic stereotypes and framing the narrative as a government versus Muslim conflict.

This approach not only misrepresents the complexity of the situation but also positions UP Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath as a savior figure in the face of alleged threats. Media coverage linked various incidents—from the Durga Puja pandal dispute to the murder of Ram Gopal Mishra and the arrests of suspects—using hate-filled thumbnails to garner mass viewership through sensationalism. By prioritising provocative imagery and sensational headlines, these channels contribute to a divisive atmosphere that undermines community cohesion.

Thumbnails:

Link: https://www.youtube.com/live/JFt7lrJU6dw?si=5eHeBS6XNlT7MRil

Link: https://www.youtube.com/live/80TIOrOTCcQ?si=0KL8V6fIJlc40spw

Link: https://www.youtube.com/live/r5_AysKMOZY?si=0-CRcTP6uTqqADoq

How the Waqf board law was analysed

YouTube news channels have manipulated the Waqf Amendment Bill, framing it as a communal battle that amplifies Muslim concerns about its potential consequences. Major media houses have exploited this sensitive issue by using provocative thumbnails featuring banners of the Waqf Board and images of Muslims protesting, effectively narrating a narrative of government versus Muslims. This sensational approach oversimplifies a complex legal issue, overshadowing the genuine concerns of the community with a polarized view.

The subsequent introduction of thumbnails promoting the “Santan Board” as a competing entity further blurs the importance of the amendment in its legal and contextual sense. By reducing a nuanced discussion to a sensationalised spectacle, these channels contribute to an atmosphere of division and fear, undermining the constructive dialogue needed to address the implications of the Waqf Amendment Bill. This manipulation detracts from the real stakes involved, distorting public perception and perpetuating communal tensions.

Thumbnails:

Link: https://youtu.be/cVkeEdN6xnI?si=s7Iv49EKFCGKjtBn

Link: https://www.youtube.com/live/rwh_wE8TQ6w?si=TwutaSpz_9C_4wbn

Link: https://www.youtube.com/live/akyznFPS9Qo?si=hvUldxA5BSUmqKzL

Link: https://youtu.be/VyK6nQ_hSUw?si=1IMMU3KLmtNdks_g

Insensitivity in reporting J&K news

The use of thumbnails for reporting, particularly concerning Jammu and Kashmir, has become increasingly insensitive and sensationalised, exploiting the region’s struggles with terrorism and other basic necessities in rural areas, for ratings and viewership. As Jammu and Kashmir grapples with ongoing terror attacks that significantly impact the lives of its residents, it is disheartening to see journalists and anchors using these life and death issues as mere fodder for TRP-driven programming.

Many reports on the situation in J&K lack factual context and credible sources, further contributing to a distorted narrative. Sensational thumbnails on platforms like YouTube—such as “Kashmir Main Kuch Bada Bone Wala Hain,” “High alert,” and “Bada Khatra”—illustrate this troubling trend. These phrases not only exaggerate the situation but also foster unnecessary fear and anxiety among viewers.

Moreover, the inclusion of unrelated figures, such as UP Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath in headlines about Kashmir, adds to both the confusion and sensationalism. A thumbnail proclaiming “Kashmir Main Yogi-Shah! Kuch Bada Hone Wala Hain” exemplifies how media channels prioritise clicks over responsible reporting.

This relentless pursuit of sensationalism often features alarming visuals, such as bombs and gunfire, to evoke dramatic imagery in viewers’ minds, disregarding the sensitivity required when discussing the real lives affected by such terror activities. By sensationalising these issues, media houses not only undermine their credibility but also show a blatant disregard for the lives and struggles of the people in Jammu and Kashmir.

Thumbnails:

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Link: https://youtu.be/BJgx6hAb_yo?si=WoIDqUaofYdccoA3

Link: https://youtu.be/jpbnR-_A_lM?si=g6QD4MTgaYKdEjET

Link: https://youtu.be/FGbSBnqk6Xc?si=RwR0V8sE4Wf2Bv9T

Link: https://youtu.be/X8gCL-ns6v0?si=d1z4qXBgWucItHYf

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Link: https://youtu.be/1DaCKrQydY0?si=VBEbnb1taEzcfXoH

Baba Siddiqui murder and sensational thumbnails

In the current media landscape, misleading thumbnails have proliferated, particularly surrounding the tensions circulated on media between Bollywood actor Salman Khan and gangster Lawrence Bishnoi.

Headlines like “Salman Khan Apologizes to Lawrence Bishnoi” and “Salman Met Lawrence in Jail” attempt to create a dramatic climax to their ongoing saga, often sensationalizing the narrative without factual basis. Other thumbnails suggest absurd scenarios, such as Lawrence “catching” Salman or claiming Yogi Adityanath has launched 5,000 commandos to apprehend him.

Further sensationalism includes claims that Bishnoi will donate a gold crown to the Ram Mandir to garner sympathy from devotees, or that Salman is fleeing to Dubai to evade Bishnoi’s wrath. There are also wild suggestions of a settlement happening in Sabarmati or that Bishnoi is poised to win an election in Mumbai. In an even darker twist, thumbnails hint at Lawrence being killed, adding to the sensational nature of these narratives.

Such thumbnails, used by multiple prominent media houses, are often devoid of substance and context. They prioritise clicks over accuracy, fueling misinformation and contributing to a climate of fear and confusion among viewers.

Thumbnails:

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Link: https://www.youtube.com/live/Qj5iK16ejfE?si=BIGEENXeJ8m9wkM-

Link: https://www.youtube.com/live/vYGaYxEXvRo?si=N-Vf40yVhKrHqc1b

Link: https://www.youtube.com/live/4AVy_3hMNGE?si=j_e2sSrqMbAbRF7S

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Link: https://www.youtube.com/live/V815BHS_7Kc?si=Out0I3VhQXKzwea0

Link: https://youtube.com/post/UgkxDWyRlittS8DXonMvJWOiDrXkqEWUrTBK?si=ioCxML7OVQ0HpWbu

Link: https://youtube.com/post/UgkxDWyRlittS8DXonMvJWOiDrXkqEWUrTBK?si=ioCxML7OVQ0HpWbu

Link: https://www.youtube.com/live/niSOYgZedCg?si=1VG2e7blB9VYb_Dj

Himachal Pradesh and Uttarakhand Mosques Dispute

In September 2024, Himachal Pradesh and Uttarakhand experienced unexpected communal tensions stemming from disputes and protests over the alleged construction of mosques in Sanjauli (Shimla), Mandi, Kullu, and Uttarkashi. During this volatile period, YouTube channels largely chose to emphasise agenda-driven and communal hate thumbnails like “Land Jihad” “Hindu Jag Gaya”, again “Kuch Bada Hone Wala hai”, which tainted the factual context of these sensitive issues. Instead of advocating for peace and harmony in the affected areas, these channels leveraged sensationalism to attract views, disregarding their responsibility as major news platforms.

With millions of viewers relying on these channels for information, the decision to use inflammatory thumbnails has the potential to escalate tensions further, breeding misinformation and hatred among interfaith communities. Rather than fostering understanding and dialogue, the focus on sensational headlines exacerbates divisions. As media outlets have a crucial role in shaping public perception, it is imperative that they exercise caution and sensitivity in their reporting. Responsible journalism should prioritize factual accuracy and promote community harmony, especially in times of heightened conflict of communal issues.

Thumbnails:

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Link: https://youtu.be/o2nYfBiECcM?si=YlMC0fHzMWuaAKKJ

Link: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=fWwCBHWHQO8&pp=ygUTSU5ESUEgVFYgbGFuZCBqaWhhZA%3D%3D

Link: https://youtu.be/JMqNnlwo610?si=hStAi93bPO8bnEwL

Link: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=zaJpJF7knTA

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Link: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ttXrRxGot_w

Thumbnails for Uniform Civil Code

While the implementation of Uniform Civil Code (UCC) affects every religious denomination, the issue is often singularly focussed on the ‘Muslim reaction.’ For example, a Times Now anchor focused an entire program on what Muslims would supposedly lose with a UCC enforcement. The introduction and thumbnail prominently featured religious symbols and imagery, framing the narrative to suggest that the UCC is designed to curtail the special rights of Muslims compared to other citizens. This portrayal implies that the justification for implementing the UCC hinges solely on limiting the rights of a particular community, rather than discussing the issue in general perspective. Such a skewed representation not only misleads viewers but also fosters division by creating an atmosphere of fear and misunderstanding around the UCC’s intentions. In this context, sensationalism overshadows the broader discussions around the UCC, ultimately distorting public perception and dialogue around a crucial legislative issue.

Thumbnails:

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Link: https://youtu.be/bl30OoFtK58?si=L72k0TBvJ1gk9a42

Link: https://youtu.be/VeYGGdPveSU?si=8PCQ7faKFUxJ7rx7

Link: https://youtu.be/2371gEjEyig?si=gN4z6Oy2dYITtSBE

Link: https://www.youtube.com/live/h-gZzZ-fkSQ?si=lySZ7GfvrnhdAhD4

Link: https://youtu.be/BpYKKWeOb54?si=6HsCuDltN6CooKGb

YouTube’s Thumbnail policy

Under YouTube’s “Thumbnail Policy,” it is explicitly stated that thumbnails and other images violating the platform’s Community Guidelines are prohibited. This policy encompasses all visual elements, including those used in banners, avatars, community posts, and other features.

YouTube has made it clear that users can report thumbnails or images that breach these guidelines through established reporting procedures. By encouraging active user participation in monitoring content, YouTube empowers its community to help maintain a safer online environment.

However, the responsibility doesn’t solely lie with users; YouTube must also enhance its moderation efforts and algorithms to proactively identify and remove misleading and harmful thumbnails before they reach a wider audience. By prioritising the enforcement of its policies and promoting responsible content creation, YouTube can significantly reduce the impact of sensationalism and misinformation on its platform, fostering a more informed and respectful discourse.

YouTube’s Thumbnail Policy provides that;

Don’t post a thumbnail or other image on YouTube if it shows:

• Pornographic imagery
• Sexual acts, the use of sex toys, fetishes, or other sexually gratifying imagery
• Nudity, including genitals
• Imagery that depicts unwanted sexualization
• Violent imagery that intends to shock or disgust
• Graphic or disturbing imagery with blood or gore
• Vulgar or lewd language
• A thumbnail that misleads viewers to think they’re about to view something that’s not in the video

Although, the above list isn’t complete.

Despite these stated guidelines, sensationalism bordering on targeted hate, persists. The quest for clicks on YouTube channels has transformed the media landscape into one where sensationalism reigns supreme, often at the expense of truth and integrity. Thumbnails designed to provoke curiosity and generate excitement frequently misrepresent actual content, leading viewers down a path of misleading narratives and hate-driven rhetoric. Phrases like “Kuch Bada Hone Wala Hai” capture attention but fail to deliver on their negative promises, distorting perceptions around critical issues such as communal tensions and social unrest. This relentless pursuit of engagement encourages the consumption of inflammatory content, exacerbating divisions within society.

Therefore, it is imperative for YouTube and media channels to take a stand against provocative and harmful digital content. They must prioritise the removal of insensitive thumbnails, especially concerning sensitive issues, and commit to responsible journalism that fosters informed discourse rather than sensationalism. By doing so, media outlets can help restore trust, promote social harmony, and contribute to a healthier public dialogue—one that values truth over clicks.

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The post From ‘Ab Hoga Khel’ to ‘Kuch Bada Hone Wala Hai’: the trap set by thumbnails appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The United Christian Forum (UCF), which monitors hate crimes against Christians, noted that violence against the community has seen an alarming rise. In 2023, as per their report, over 687 incidents of violence were documented against Christians, depicting that an average of two Christians is attacked every day in India. The UCF report had contained incidents ranging from vandalism of churches to outright harassment and detention of Christians for holding prayer meetings. The issue has taken a political turn, with laws such as the anti-conversion legislation—present in several states—being used as tools to silence and intimidate Christian communities, despite the fact that religious conversions, particularly forced ones, are a rare phenomenon in India.

Furthermore, another recent report by the UCF documented 161 incidents in the first 75 days of 2024, with January 2024 witnessing 70 reported cases, followed by 62 in February, and 29 in the first half of March alone. The report highlighted that burial rights denied to families even as fabricated cases have seen over 100 Indian Christians arrested. Furthermore, according to the report, 122 pastors and other Christians from the community have been arrested so far on charges of religious conversion.

As per the said report, Chhattisgarh emerges as the state with the highest number of reported assaults against Christians and has recorded a shocking number 47 incidents. Sabrang India had also reported on March 14 how Chhattisgarh has witnessed rising attacks against Christians. Following closely behind was Uttar Pradesh which has, according to the press release, seen 36 incidents of violence against Christians.

Between October 13 and October 20, 2024, five distinct incidents across various states painted a grim picture of the escalating persecution of Christians in India. Each incident unfolded in a similar pattern: a peaceful Christian gathering was disrupted, claims of religious conversions were made, local Hindu nationalist groups intervened, and the police either failed to act impartially or were complicit in the harassment.

Details about the incidents:

October 13, Sultanpur, Uttar Pradesh

On October 13, an incident unfolded in Sultanpur, Uttar Pradesh, where police disrupted a Christian prayer meeting after a complaint was filed by Sarvesh Singh, the president of the National Gau Raksha Vahini. Singh, who is associated with a group notorious for its vigilante actions under the pretext of cow protection, accused the Christian gathering of engaging in conversions. In response, the police arrested a couple and detained several attendees, showing an immediate bias towards the complainant’s accusations without any prior investigation. This event follows a broader trend of Christians being targeted during religious gatherings in Uttar Pradesh, a state governed by a leadership known for its alignment with Hindutva ideology. In this charged environment, accusations of conversions are enough to disrupt lives, regardless of their veracity.

October 13, Jagatsinghpur, Odisha

Odisha, a state with a long history of communal tensions against Christians, has seen growing incidents of anti-Christian violence in recent years. In the district of Jagatsinghpur, members of the Bajrang Dal raided a Christian prayer meeting, accusing the attendees of engaging in religious conversions. The attackers threatened extreme violence, including beating the Christians to death, and even went as far as to threaten to strip the participants—a brutal attempt to humiliate them for practicing their faith. Though the attackers were handed over to the police, their boldness reflects a belief in their immunity from legal consequences, especially since incidents of this nature are rarely followed by strong action from law enforcement. Instead of protecting the victims, the focus often shifts to investigating baseless claims of conversion, leaving Christians vulnerable to repeated attacks.

October 17, Dhamtari, Chhattisgarh

The hostility against Christians in rural India often comes in subtle but persistent forms, making it clear that they are considered outsiders. In Dhamtari, a Christian family seeking to perform a burial ceremony for a deceased loved one was met with resistance from members of the Vishwa Hindu Parishad and Bajrang Dal. The two groups protested against the burial, arguing that Christians should not have the right to use the village cemetery, despite the fact that Christians have lived in the village for generations. The extremists demanded that the body be buried outside the village limits, and it was only after the local administration intervened that the burial was allowed to proceed. However, the family had to concede to the extremists’ demands and bury the deceased outside the village. This denial of basic rights like burial underscores the deep prejudice faced by Christians in rural communities, where far-right groups operate with impunity, enforcing their own social codes.

October 17, Saharsa, Bihar

The anti-Christian sentiment in Bihar has been on the rise, and the events in Saharsa further reflect this disturbing trend. VHP activists, accompanied by the local police, disrupted a Christian prayer meeting, confiscating religious items including Bibles and other Christian literature. A pastor was detained as well. This incident is a striking example of how local law enforcement often acts in tandem with Hindu nationalist groups, carrying out raids that target peaceful religious gatherings. By confiscating religious texts and arresting leaders of the Christian community, the state not only violates the constitutional right to religious freedom but also sends a chilling message that Christians are not welcome to worship freely in their own country.

October 20, Amethi, Uttar Pradesh

In Amethi, a district known for its political significance, the police raided the home of a Christian family after local villagers complained about alleged religious conversions taking place under the guise of prayer meetings. The raid, based on unverified allegations, resulted in the detention of three members of the family. It is worth noting that Uttar Pradesh has become a hotbed for incidents where far-right groups, emboldened by the anti-conversion laws in the state, accuse Christians of coercing others into adopting their faith. These accusations rarely hold up under scrutiny, but the damage is already done, as families are subjected to raids, public humiliation, and legal battles. The arrest of individuals based on unsubstantiated claims points to a broader strategy to intimidate and weaken religious minorities, using the state apparatus to facilitate harassment.

Widespread implications: A threat to India’s secular fabric

These incidents are not isolated; they are part of a broader narrative of rising religious intolerance and shrinking space for minorities, particularly religious minorities such as Christians. The concerted efforts of Hindu nationalist groups to monitor, disrupt, and attack Christian gatherings are indicative of a larger strategy to suppress religious diversity. The central issue in all these cases is the allegation of religious conversions, a charge frequently used to justify violence. However, this claim often lacks evidence, and in most instances, peaceful prayer meetings are falsely accused of being conversion drives.

The complicity of local police and the tacit support of political figures associated with right-wing ideologies fuel this atmosphere of fear. State governments, particularly those led by the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), have emboldened these groups by either remaining silent or actively pushing anti-conversion laws that disproportionately target Christians and other religious minorities. Anti-conversion laws, present in over eight Indian states, provide the legal cover for extremists to launch attacks under the pretence of protecting Hinduism from external threats.

This state-backed aggression threatens not just Christians but the constitutional values of religious freedom and secularism, which India has long prided itself on. The sheer frequency of these incidents—at least five in just one week—points to a deeply rooted problem, where vigilante justice has become normalised, and religious persecution is institutionalised. This dangerous escalation threatens to tear apart India’s pluralistic social fabric, as the line between religion and politics continues to blur, with minorities paying the heaviest price.

The week spanning mid-October 2024 serves as a grim reminder of the growing intolerance faced by Christians in India. As far-right Hindu groups intensify their campaign of harassment and violence, the state’s silence, and in some cases, its participation, further emboldens these actors. The police’s involvement in these attacks is particularly alarming, as it reflects a breakdown of legal protections for religious minorities. If India is to preserve its democratic and secular identity, it must hold these groups accountable and ensure that law enforcement acts in the interest of justice, not ideology. Religious freedom is a cornerstone of India’s Constitution, and its erosion threatens the very foundations of the nation’s democracy. The international community and civil society must urgently address this rising tide of religious persecution before it escalates further, pushing India into deeper religious conflict.

Related:

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The post Christians face escalating attacks as far-right Hindu groups intensify persecution appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The report documents a worrying trend of anti-minority violence both during and after the elections, with a spate of anti-Muslim mob lynchings occurring soon after Modi’s third term began. Structural violence also persisted, including punitive demolitions, discriminatory policies, arbitrary detentions, online censorship, and unchecked police brutality. The state has failed to curb rising cow vigilantism and routine violence against minorities, which continues to fuel communal tensions. IAMC’s report calls for immediate action to address these grave human rights violations, emphasising the urgent need to protect India’s religious minorities from further persecution and uphold the country’s constitutional commitment to secularism.

Brief details of the report

1. Persecution and discrimination against Muslims

The report provides that between May and August 2024, incidents of persecution and violence against Muslims in India continued to rise, driven by both police brutality and vigilante attacks by Hindu extremist groups. Muslims across various states faced brutal assaults at the hands of law enforcement, often for minor or fabricated offenses. For instance, on May 2 in Gujarat, a 28-year-old Muslim vendor was violently attacked by police, leading to his paralysis and eventual death. In other incidents, Muslims were targeted over accusations of cattle transportation or minor infractions, such as a man in Delhi who was tortured by police on May 30 simply for riding a motorcycle without a license plate. These incidents reflect an alarming trend of police forces acting with impunity, often accompanied by hate speech and anti-Muslim slurs.

Hostility towards Muslims extended beyond police actions, with Hindu extremist mobs frequently engaging in violence. These attacks were often fuelled by accusations of “love jihad” – a conspiracy theory alleging Muslim men are attempting to convert Hindu women through marriage. In June, a Muslim man in Uttar Pradesh was stripped and beaten by a mob for speaking to a Hindu girl, while in Uttarakhand, two men were falsely accused of abducting a Hindu girl, leading to the forced exodus of 41 Muslim families from their town. These incidents demonstrate how hate-filled rhetoric and false accusations are used as tools to justify violence and drive communal tensions.

In addition to physical assaults, Muslims also faced economic and social discrimination, as Hindu supremacist groups continued to push for their exclusion from housing and public spaces. In Vadodara, Gujarat, residents protested against a Muslim family renting an apartment, and in Rajasthan and Uttar Pradesh, posters and protests urged Hindus not to sell property to non-Hindus. Similarly, Muslim labourers and professionals were attacked for their religious identity, such as the case of a Muslim lawyer in Uttarakhand who faced harassment for representing interfaith couples.

The targeting of Muslims was further amplified by far-right propaganda outlets like OpIndia, which launched smear campaigns against Muslim journalists and critics of Hindu nationalism. These media outlets play a significant role in inciting harassment and violence, as seen in the case of journalist Meer Faisal, who was falsely accused of spreading anti-Hindu hate, triggering a barrage of threats. This pattern of violence and discrimination illustrates the deeply entrenched Islamophobia in both institutional structures and community actions, resulting in a widespread environment of fear and exclusion for India’s Muslim population.

Violence and discrimination in schools: Anti-Muslim violence and discrimination have deeply infiltrated India’s educational system, where Muslim students, teachers, and administrators face widespread abuse and harassment. This prejudice often stems from Hindu supremacist ideologies, with incidents of discrimination becoming increasingly frequent. One such example occurred on May 7, when Parveen Shaikh, the principal of a Mumbai school, was fired for sharing pro-Palestinian views online. Her dismissal followed an aggressive harassment campaign led by the Hindu extremist website OpIndia, which labelled her as “pro-terror” and “pro-Islamist.” Such targeted campaigns have become tools for silencing dissenting voices, especially those opposing Hindu supremacy.

Beyond individual cases, systemic anti-Muslim practices are evident across multiple institutions. In Maharashtra, a college banned students from wearing hijabs, and the Bombay High Court upheld this discriminatory rule. Similarly, Muslim students in Karnataka and Rajasthan have been harassed, denied entry to exams, or expelled from schools for wearing traditional religious attire, such as hijabs or beards. Muslim educators are not immune either; a West Bengal professor was forced to resign due to pressure from colleagues for wearing a hijab. These actions reflect a broader agenda to erase Muslim identity within the academic space.

The violence is not limited to harassment but also includes brutal physical attacks, particularly in Hindu-majority regions. In Uttar Pradesh, Hindu extremists have attacked Muslim students for associating with Hindu classmates, while mobs have also targeted madrasas, disrupting religious activities. In Telangana, Muslim girls were assaulted for offering prayers at school, and in Uttar Pradesh, a Muslim teacher was suspended due to unproven allegations of bias against Hindu students. These incidents illustrate a concerted effort by Hindu supremacist groups to intimidate and marginalise Muslims in the educational environment, reflecting growing communal tensions in society at large.

Overall, these examples show a consistent pattern of exclusion, harassment, and violence targeting Muslims in India’s education system. Whether through discriminatory dress codes, physical attacks, or media-fuelled campaigns, Muslims are increasingly being pushed to the margins of Indian society. The involvement of Hindu extremist groups, alongside passive or complicit authorities, has only exacerbated this trend, creating a hostile environment for Muslim students and educators alike.

Violence and harassment on Eid: On Eid-al-Adha, an Islamic holiday marked by animal sacrifice and distribution of meat to the needy, Hindu supremacist violence against Muslims escalated across India. On June 15, militants from the Bajrang Dal harassed Muslim families in Mumbai’s Mira Road for bringing home sacrificial lambs, and a mob of over 100 extremists attacked Muslim residents in Telangana’s Medak, injuring several and targeting Muslim-owned establishments. Similar incidents occurred on June 17, when a Muslim teen in West Bengal’s Birbhum was brutally beaten by a mob after being falsely accused of throwing meat near a Hindu temple. In Uttar Pradesh, police arrested 11 Muslims, including minors, for offering Eid prayers in an open space, while two Muslim clerics in Gujarat were detained for posting about the religious significance of animal sacrifice. Communal violence also erupted in Odisha, where Hindu mobs attacked Muslim homes over allegations of cow slaughter, and in Himachal Pradesh’s Nahan, where Hindu extremists looted a Muslim shop, forcing several Muslim businessmen to flee the town.

Mob lynchings and murder of Clerics: As per the report, throughout the three months, Hindu supremacist mobs have engaged in a series of mob lynchings targeting Muslim men, often fabricating accusations of theft to justify these brutal murders. The first lynching under Prime Minister Modi’s third term occurred on June 6 in Odisha, where cow vigilantes followed a truck carrying three Muslim men—23-year-old Chand Miyan, 35-year-old Guddu Khan, and 23-year-old Saddam Qureshi—before causing a fatal accident. Their bodies were later discovered beneath a bridge, indicating they may have been thrown or jumped. By the end of June, police arrested a BJP leader and four others for their involvement in the mob lynching of three Muslim men in Chhattisgarh, further inciting Hindu extremists who rallied in support of the perpetrators. West Bengal also witnessed a surge in lynchings starting June 19, with four individuals from marginalised communities killed and ten others injured across twelve incidents, all labelled as thieves by their attackers.

In addition to these incidents, several Muslim clerics were murdered during this period. On June 9, 70-year-old Maulana Mohammad Farooque was beaten to death in Uttar Pradesh over a land dispute, and on June 11, the imam of a mosque in Moradabad, Maulana Akram, was shot dead. In another tragic case, on June 30, a mob in Jharkhand lynched Maulana Sahabuddin after a minor bike accident involving a Hindu woman escalated into fatal violence. The violence continued in August when cow vigilantes lynched 22-year-old Sabir Malik in Haryana, accusing him of cooking beef in his home. Malik, a migrant worker from West Bengal, was attacked and abducted before being killed, leaving behind his wife and young daughter.

Cow vigilantism: During Prime Minister Modi’s third term, violent incidents of cow vigilantism surged, with perpetrators often escaping legal consequences for their assaults on Muslims involved in cattle-related activities. Despite India being the world’s third-largest beef exporter, a combination of government backing and extremist groups fostered an environment where Muslims were frequently targeted on mere suspicions of cattle transportation or consumption. In May, the report depicted the violence to be particularly rampant, with numerous incidents reported across states. For instance, Bande Nawaz, a Muslim cattle trader in Karnataka, was viciously attacked by Bajrang Dal members, leaving him severely injured. Similar assaults occurred in Chhattisgarh and Rajasthan, where victims were brutally beaten for alleged cattle transportation, highlighting the increasing impunity with which cow vigilantes operated.

The report shows how the violence persisted into June and July, with multiple incidents of cow vigilantes attacking individuals accused of cattle smuggling or slaughter. In Rajasthan, Hindu extremists tied up a suspected cattle trader and assaulted him, while in Haryana, a group forced men to kneel and filmed their humiliation. In another disturbing incident, cow vigilantes set fire to a vehicle transporting cattle in Jharkhand. The situation escalated with state authorities invoking the National Security Act against Muslims over unfounded allegations of cow slaughter, and vigilante groups raiding businesses accused of selling beef. Instances of mob violence culminated in the tragic beating of a 72-year-old Muslim man on a train, illustrating the pervasive culture of fear and violence directed at religious minorities under the guise of cow protection.

Violence and hate speech after political upheaval in Bangladesh: Following the political upheaval in Bangladesh that led to the ousting of Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina on August 5, 2024, Indian Hindu extremists exploited social media to spread false claims regarding attacks on the Hindu minority in Bangladesh. The report states that while there were indeed violent incidents against Hindus, the disinformation incited violent retaliation against Indian Muslims throughout the month. BJP leader Nitesh Rane threatened retribution against Bangladeshi Muslims, asserting, “We will kill them one by one,” which sparked attacks on scrap collectors in Delhi who were wrongfully labelled as Bangladeshi immigrants. The atmosphere of hatred intensified, with Hindu extremists in Uttar Pradesh attacking slum dwellers, setting their homes ablaze under the pretext of retaliating for violence against Hindus in Bangladesh. In multiple states, extremist leaders called for boycotts and expulsions of Muslims, targeting Bengali-speaking communities and demanding their eviction from homes, contributing to a climate of fear and escalating anti-Muslim sentiment across India.

Hate speech and calls for violence: Hindu extremist leaders and BJP officials have consistently promoted hate speech against Muslims, often accompanied by explicit calls for violence. During a Hindu extremist event in Solapur, Maharashtra, a militant leader threatened to “kill many Afzals, Akbars,” referring to common Muslim names, and urged Hindus to take up arms to protect their sisters from interfaith relationships. In another incident in Mumbai, extremist group leader Dhananjay Desai described non-Hindus in India as a “disease,” and referred to Rohingya refugees as “termites.” Furthermore, leaders from groups like the Vishwa Hindu Parishad vowed to reconvert those who convert away from Hinduism, while threats of violence against Muslims became increasingly pronounced, with one leader stating that if one Hindu were attacked, hundreds of Muslims should face retaliation.

As the climate of hate escalated, calls for violence proliferated across various states. A prominent BJP leader suggested that India’s biggest mistake was allowing Muslims to reside in the country, echoing sentiments from Assam’s Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma who claimed that the “changing demography” of Assam was a “matter of life and death.” Extremists called for the targeting of Palestinians, with one leader urging followers to “hunt down” their supporters. Additionally, the term “love jihad” emerged as a rallying cry to justify violence against Muslims, with threats to inflict physical harm and intimidation echoing through speeches by several leaders. This pattern of hate speech and incitement to violence against Muslims reflects a disturbing trend in contemporary Indian politics.

Minority representation in general election: Although the BJP did not secure an absolute majority in the elections and had to form a coalition government, minority representation significantly declined. Notably, for the first time in India’s history, the ruling party established a government without any Muslim cabinet members. Muslims, who constitute nearly 20% of the population, saw their representation in elected legislatures drop to just 4.42%, with only twenty-four Muslim lawmakers in the 543-seat Parliament. At the state level, Muslims hold approximately 6% of the 4,000 legislative seats across twenty-eight states. The report provided that activists attribute this sharp decrease in political representation to the BJP’s anti-Muslim policies and inflammatory rhetoric.

Election-related violence and voter intimidation: Between April and June, during India’s general elections, reports emerged of violence and intimidation directed at Muslim voters and other marginalised groups at polling stations. Many Muslims found their names inexplicably removed from electoral rolls, raising suspicions that the BJP was deliberately suppressing their votes. In one case, the names of 700 Muslim voters were deleted after their homes were demolished the previous year, while in Uttar Pradesh’s Sitapur, over a hundred Muslim voters were similarly missing from the list. Additionally, on May 7, police in Sambhal, Uttar Pradesh, beat Muslims attempting to vote, and reports indicated more than 500 Muslim names were removed from the voter list in Gujarat’s Devbhoomi Dwarka, with those affected stating they had voted in previous elections.

The intimidation continued as BJP candidates reportedly harassed Muslim voters at polling booths. On May 13, Dharmapuri Arvind, a BJP electoral candidate, confronted Muslim women wearing burkas in Telangana, demanding they reveal their faces for identification. A similar incident occurred in Hyderabad, where another BJP candidate insisted that Muslim women lift their veils. Reports also indicated that Dalit voters faced violence for not supporting the BJP, while police used force to prevent Muslims in Amethi, Uttar Pradesh, from voting. After the elections, BJP supporters celebrated by targeting Muslim establishments, including an attack on a Muslim-owned news channel in Kerala and chanting slogans outside mosques in Karnataka.

Throughout the election campaign, the report depicts that hate speech against Muslims surged, despite legal prohibitions against communal rhetoric. High-profile BJP leaders, including Prime Minister Modi, made numerous inflammatory remarks designed to demonise Muslims and the opposition. Campaign speeches contained a notable prevalence of Islamophobic statements, with claims that voting for Congress would benefit Muslims at the expense of Hindus. Additionally, BJP leaders encouraged violence and espoused anti-Muslim conspiracy theories, threatening the safety and rights of Muslims in India. The atmosphere of fear and hostility created by these tactics reflects a broader strategy of voter intimidation and suppression, particularly against minority communities.

Hate speech during elections: The 2024 general election campaigns in India were marred by a surge of anti-Muslim hate speech, particularly from BJP leaders, including Prime Minister Narendra Modi. Despite laws prohibiting communal rhetoric during elections, Modi and his party repeatedly employed Islamophobic language to undermine the opposition. According to Human Rights Watch, over 110 of Modi’s campaign speeches contained Islamophobic remarks. Similarly, the report emphasised that as per the documentation of Hindutva Watch, hundreds of rallies where BJP leaders targeted Muslims. On May 1, the BJP’s official Instagram account shared a campaign video demonising Muslims, falsely claiming that if the Congress Party were to win, it would seize the wealth of non-Muslims. BJP leaders, including Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath, made incendiary statements, accusing the opposition of attempting to “Islamize” India and threatening to seize Muslim property. Federal Minister Amit Shah further fuelled communal tensions, referring to the opposition as a “government of Mullas, Madrassas, and Mafia” that would favour Muslims. Modi continued to spread anti-Muslim propaganda, calling for the removal of Muslims from affirmative action benefits and propagating conspiracy theories like “love jihad” and “land jihad.”

Throughout the election season, BJP leaders across India amplified hate speech, often inciting violence against Muslims. In May, BJP leader Sakshi Maharaj warned of an alleged Muslim invasion of India, while candidate Navneet Rana told crowds that anyone refusing to chant “Jai Shri Ram” should move to Pakistan. Several BJP officials, including T. Raja Singh, called for direct violence against Muslims, with Singh urging Hindus to boycott halal products and use bulldozers as punishment. Meanwhile, Modi stoked fears by claiming that infiltrators with a “jihadi mind-set” endangered Hindu woman, and he accused the opposition of engaging in “vote jihad.” Other leaders, like Yogi Adityanath, boasted about curbing religious freedoms for Muslims in Uttar Pradesh and framed the elections as a battle between Hindus and “anti-nationals.” At a rally, BJP leader Kapil Mishra threatened mass violence, likening Muslims to termites and diseases, while T. Raja Singh openly encouraged Hindu youth to shoot Muslims. These statements underscore how hate speech was central to the BJP’s election strategy, fostering an environment of hostility and violence against Muslims.

Anti-Muslim laws and policies: The report highlights that at both the state and union levels, the Indian government has introduced policies that specifically target the safety and property of Muslims, exacerbating their vulnerability to Hindu supremacist violence. On July 9, the BJP-led union government lifted a long-standing ban that prevented government employees from associating with the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), India’s oldest Hindu supremacist paramilitary organisation, which has been banned twice due to its fascist ideology and involvement in mass violence. Following suit, the BJP-led government in Rajasthan also lifted similar restrictions for its employees. On July 30, the Uttar Pradesh government announced plans to impose harsher penalties under its stringent “anti-conversion” or “love jihad” laws, including life imprisonment for those converting away from Hinduism for marriage. Assam’s BJP-led government later followed with its own announcements of stricter enforcement of anti-conversion laws, which criminalise conversions to Islam and Christianity and are often used to target Muslim men in consensual relationships with Hindu women. Concurrently, Assam proposed a requirement for the Chief Minister’s consent for land transactions between Hindus and Muslims, aiming to limit land sales to Muslims. On August 8, the federal government introduced the Waqf (Amendment) Bill, which seeks to diminish Muslim control over their own lands by mandating non-Muslim members on boards managing Muslim religious properties, thereby enabling significant interference from the Hindu nationalist government. The bill is currently under review by a Joint Parliament Committee. Additionally, on August 13, the Madhya Pradesh government mandated the inclusion of works by prominent RSS leaders, known for their advocacy of fascism and visions of a Hindu ethno-state, into college curricula across the state.

Economic apartheid: On July 13, in BJP-ruled Uttar Pradesh, police issued an unconstitutional mandate requiring vendors and business owners in Muzaffarnagar and other cities to publicly display their religious identity by placing their names in front of their establishments ahead of a Hindu religious procession. Authorities claimed that the move aimed to avoid confusion among the kanwariyas (Hindu devotees) during the procession. However, legal experts criticised the mandate, warning that it could pave the way for an economic boycott of Muslims. Critics, including Muslim politician Asaduddin Owaisi, labelled the mandate as a form of “apartheid,” raising concerns that it would further marginalise Muslims and increase the likelihood of hate crimes and mob violence. Although the Supreme Court eventually stayed the order following protests from opposition leaders, Muslim groups, and rights experts, Hindu extremists continued to harass Muslim vendors who had not displayed their names and religious identities.

This discriminatory practice spread to other states, with officials in Madhya Pradesh issuing similar orders for businesses to display their owners’ names, effectively forcing religious identification. Civil society leaders drew parallels to apartheid and Nazism, condemning the targeting of Muslim vendors. In Sitapur, Uttar Pradesh, Hindu supremacists took matters further by placing nameplates on all Hindu-owned shops, distinguishing them from Muslim vendors. This growing trend reflects a troubling pattern of economic and social exclusion of Muslims in India under the guise of maintaining order during religious processions, heightening communal tensions and fostering an atmosphere of discrimination and fear.

Illegal demolitions and evictions: According to this report, throughout this quarter, numerous demolitions targeted Muslim-owned properties, including homes, shops, mosques, and shrines, in BJP-ruled states. Amnesty International has condemned these actions, widely referred to as “bulldozer justice,” as violations of international law. For instance, in May, a Hindu extremist mob demolished Muslim graves and installed Hindu idols in a centuries-old shrine in Ahmedabad, Gujarat, exacerbating communal tensions. In Uttar Pradesh, authorities began a militarised demolition drive in Lucknow’s Akbar Nagar, a predominantly Muslim locality, leading to a suicide after a resident lost his livelihood. Similarly, homes and mosques were demolished in Madhya Pradesh, often without proper investigation, following pressures from Hindu supremacist groups over incidents like alleged cow slaughter or interfaith relationships.

The demolition spree also spread to Assam and Delhi, where Muslim homes and places of worship were destroyed under the guise of illegal encroachments. In Assam’s Morigaon, around 8,000 Muslims were left homeless after their homes were bulldozed, while Hindu-owned structures on the same land remained untouched. In Delhi, two mosques were razed after claims of illegal construction, despite protests from local communities. The trend of demolishing Muslim homes in response to communal tensions, such as accusations of involvement in cattle trade or interfaith relationships, persisted, highlighting systemic targeting of minorities through illegal evictions and demolitions.

2. Suppression of dissent

Dissent against the policies and ideology of the current far-right government, whether through protests or academic criticism, was systematically repressed by the union. In particular, police across India cracked down on expressions of solidarity with Palestine, reflecting the Indian government’s staunch support for Israel’s actions in Gaza. Such incidents of suppression were reported in both BJP ruled as well as Congress run states. In June, Karnataka police detained 15 activists at a pro-Palestine protest, with some alleging they were assaulted. Similarly, in Uttar Pradesh’s Bhadohi and Bihar’s Nawada, Muslim men were arrested for raising the Palestinian flag during religious processions, with more arrests following in Madhya Pradesh and Kashmir. This suppression extended to academic spaces as well. In Kerala, five students at the National Institute of Technology (NIT) were fined over $4,000 for protesting the suspension of their peers who had opposed the Ram Temple consecration, which was built on the site of the demolished Babri Mosque. In Delhi, a scholar faced disciplinary action for citing Noam Chomsky’s critique of Prime Minister Modi in his research proposal, leading to an inquiry into his supervisor, who subsequently resigned.

Online censorship: In addition to its physical repression of dissent, the IAMC report also provides data on the intense crackdown of the Indian government on critics online. As per the report, a cumulation by the Free Speech Collective revealed 134 violations of free speech in 2024, highlighting how disinformation and hate speech dominate, leaving little room for verified information or debate. In June, police in Uttar Pradesh filed charges against the YouTube channel Hindustani Media for reporting on a mob lynching, while two Muslim journalists and others were detained for sharing details on social media. In August, the government introduced the Broadcasting Services (Regulation) Bill, 2024, aiming to classify online content creators discussing current affairs as broadcasters, sparking criticism for tightening government control over digital content. Additionally, Uttar Pradesh implemented a digital media policy threatening legal action against platforms that post content critical of the government, while incentivising those who promote government achievements.

Arrest and ongoing detention of prisoners of conscience: In the months provided in the report, the Indian government continued its crackdown on political opponents, activists, and prisoners of conscience, with many remaining imprisoned long after their arrests. In August, the Campaign for Judicial Accountability and Reforms (CJAR) raised concerns about prolonged delays in bail hearings for Muslim activists arrested for protesting the discriminatory Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA). CJAR highlighted the cases of Gulfisha Fatima and Khalid Saifi, who were detained under the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act (UAPA) in 2020. Rights activist Umar Khalid, jailed since the 2020 Delhi pogrom on fabricated charges, has been denied bail, spending over 1,300 days in prison. Similarly, 72-year-old E. Abubacker, former chairman of the banned Popular Front of India (PFI), continues to be denied bail despite his deteriorating health, including cancer and Parkinson’s disease.

Political retaliation against opposition leaders has also been rampant since the announcement of the general election of 2024. Delhi Chief Minister Arvind Kejriwal remained in judicial custody throughout the said quarter after his March arrest, which critics allege was motivated by his party’s opposition to the ruling BJP. Jharkhand Chief Minister Hemant Soren similarly faced imprisonment for five months before his release in June, in what many view as BJP-led political retaliation. In June, tribal human rights defender Sunita Pottam, known for protesting police and paramilitary violence against tribals, was arrested by the BJP-led Chhattisgarh government over alleged Maoist ties.

3. Persecution and discrimination against Christians

As per the IAMC report, Christians in India continued to face routine attacks from both state and non-state actors associated with the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). Accusations of “forcible conversion” were frequently weaponised to justify violence and legal persecution. In states like Chhattisgarh, Uttar Pradesh, and Madhya Pradesh, Hindu supremacist groups, particularly the RSS-affiliated Bajrang Dal, disrupted Christian prayer meetings, assaulted worshippers, and accused them of converting Hindus to Christianity. In May, Hindu extremists in Chhattisgarh disrupted a Christian prayer gathering and, later in the month, six Christians were arrested on conversion allegations. Similar disruptions occurred in Uttar Pradesh and Madhya Pradesh, where a mob attacked a prayer service, injuring several people, including women and children. In Maharashtra, three Christians were assaulted by Bajrang Dal members on suspicions of conversion.

Throughout June and July, the violence escalated. In Chhattisgarh, Hindu extremists forced Christian families to sign a pact renouncing their faith, while in Rajasthan, a mob led by the Vishwa Hindu Parishad assaulted Christians during a prayer meet, leaving several injured. Similar attacks occurred in Uttarakhand, where a mob harassed worshippers and demanded proof of their Hindu faith. In Bhopal, three Christian nurses were arrested on baseless conversion charges, while in Tamil Nadu and Uttar Pradesh, Christian events were disrupted by Hindu militants, with local police often complicit in the violence. Despite the lack of evidence supporting these conversion claims, Christians continued to endure harassment and legal action.

4. Jammu and Kashmir

The last quarter marked four years since Muslim-majority Jammu and Kashmir came under the direct control of Prime Minister Modi’s government following the revocation of its special autonomous status in August 2019. During this period, the report underscored how the Kashmiris faced heightened government surveillance, frequent arrests, and ongoing human rights violations. Journalists and human rights defenders were particularly targeted under the Unlawful Activities Prevention Act (UAPA). The Kashmir Law & Justice Project reported multiple custodial killings in May and June, with Indian forces often labelling the victims as “terrorists.” Additionally, there were numerous instances of property expropriation, and Eid prayers at the Jamia Masjid were once again banned, with prominent cleric Mirwaiz Umar Farooq placed under house arrest. A viral video in July highlighted the use of Kashmiri civilians as human shields by Indian forces, further emphasising the region’s plight. The retaliatory arrests of activists continued, including the midnight arrest of lawyer Nazir Ahmad Ronga, who was detained under the draconian Public Safety Act (PSA).

Recommendations for protecting religious minorities in India

Based on the data collated and presented by the IAMC report, the following suggestions are made with the objective of improving the situation in India:

• The Indian government must enact and enforce comprehensive legislation that protects the rights of religious minorities. This should specifically address hate speech, communal violence, and targeted attacks, while ensuring that individuals responsible for such acts are held accountable. Legal measures must also uphold the right to religious freedom, allowing individuals to practice their faith without fear of persecution.
• Independent oversight bodies should be established to monitor human rights violations, ensuring impartial investigations into abuses against religious minorities. These bodies should have the power to conduct thorough inquiries, prosecute offenders, and recommend preventive measures, helping to restore trust and demonstrate the government’s commitment to human rights.
• A national anti-lynching law must be passed to protect minorities from violence by alleged Hindu militias and cow vigilante groups. Additionally, the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA) and the National Register of Citizens (NRC) should be repealed to prevent the disenfranchisement of minorities.
• BJP-led state governments should halt the demolition of Muslim homes, businesses, and places of worship under the guise of anti-encroachment efforts, ensuring every citizen’s right to a secure home.
• The government must prevent police or civic authorities from enabling economic discrimination against minorities. Calls for economic boycotts against minorities should lead to swift and appropriate penalties for those responsible.
• The international community must actively engage with India to address concerns over the treatment of religious minorities and incidents of transnational repression. If the Indian government fails to act, sanctions or trade measures should be considered. The U.S. government should explore imposing sanctions under the Global Magnitsky Act on those responsible for severe human rights abuses, particularly targeting leaders of Hindu militant groups.
• The U.S. Department of State should also follow the recommendation of the United States Commission on International Religious Freedom (USCIRF) by designating India as a “Country of Particular Concern” for its serious violations of human rights and religious freedoms, making these issues integral to U.S.-India relations.

The complete report may be read here:

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Hence, as compared to other regions of Karnataka, the old Mysore region did not respond enthusiastically to the Sanghi agenda for these historical reasons. Thus, the BJP has not done well in this region so far.

But over the past thirty years, especially in the Modi era, the changes taking place in the socio-economic and political culture of Old Mysuru and Mandya district in particular, have begun to change this balance that has been shaped over a period.

Besides, the agrarian crisis, migration, unemployment, the crisis of livelihood leading to insecurity and identity crisis, personal and social anxieties generated by the neoliberal economy over the last three decades, coupled with the Brahminisation of the upper strata of the dominant castes, namely Vokkaligas and the Sanskritisation of the Nathapanthic Vokkaliga monasteries, the inertia and slow inaction of the progressive movements, and the zeal, resources and destructive zeal of the right-wing forces have brought about many fundamental changes in the politics of Mandya region which have become glaringly visible in the past few years.

Some Examples:

During the 2018 assembly elections, the upper strata of the dominant Vokkaliga caste declared their priorities as “Kumaraswamy for the state, Narendra Modi for the country,” the mobilisation of the dominant castes to defeat AHINDA (the acronym for Minorities (Alpasankhyata), Backwards (Hindulida) and Dalits) politics of Siddharamiah lead Congress. For the last 10 years, the Sanghis have kept Tipu’s capital Srirangapatna in a constant state of planned communal tension, with the BJP candidate who lost in that constituency in the 2023 elections getting four times more votes than the previous election.

They have tried unsuccessfully to change Tipu history during elections by fielding Uri Gowda and Nanje Gowda (the mythical characters created by the Sanghis to propagate their vicious narrative that these two Vokkaliga heroes assassinated Tipu and that he did not die a martyr in the battle field), the JD (S), which lost badly in the 2023 elections, not only aligned with the BJP in the 2024 Lok Sabha elections, but also ideologically aligned with the Sanghi fascist Muslim-hating Brahmanical Hindutva.

The inauguration of the regional office of the RSS at Pandavapura, which was the main centre of the farmers’ union (Karnataka Rajya Raitha Sangha), the hoisting of the saffron flag at Keregodu and the manufactured communal tension in the area, which has been otherwise in the sphere of influence of the progressive movements like Dalit Sangharsha Samiti (DSS) and the farmers’ unions, soon after the elections, etc. are examples of the social and political changes that demonstrate that the Mandya-Mysuru region is increasingly turning towards Hindutva.

The communal violence in Nagamangala is a continuation of this phenomenon and not an exception. No matter from where the instant spark or stone fell to provoke communal riots on the day of Ganesh Utsav this year, the rest of the script was already planned as decided by the Sanghis. This is because this is part of the well-planned strategy of the Sangh Parivar to achieve its organisational and political hold over society.

In fact, thirty years ago in the coastal regions of the state—where polarisation has reached its peak today, there also existed communal co-existence like the Mandya-Mysuru of today. The Coastal Lab has provided the Sanghis a blueprint to root their politics of hate in society. They are now implementing the same experiment in Mandya in a phased manner, employing a strategic approach.

It is, therefore, imperative to understand the history of the growth of the Sanghis and its political arm, the BJP (Bharatiya Jana Sangh before 1980), and the strategies adopted by them at various levels, and move forward to build the political and grassroots organisations needed to defeat them.

The path treaded by the BJP and its growth in Karnataka

The Bharatiya Jana Sangh, the original form of the BJP in Karnataka, has been contesting elections in Karnataka since 1952. In the first two decades, the Jana Sangh, which contested in tens of constituencies in Hubli, Bidar, Bangalore, Kolar and coastal regions, had garnered an average 2-5 % of votes placing itself at a distant second or third place in some constituencies. In the 1967 elections, it won four seats in the Legislative Assembly for the first time. For comparison, except for the 1957 elections (in which the Jana Sangh got 1.34 per cent of the votes and the undivided CPI got 1.92 per cent of the votes) the left parties have never got more votes than the BJP in any of the elections until now.

In any case, after Emergency, the Jan Sangh, emerged as the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) following the demise of the Janata Era in 1980. In 1983 it won 18 seats with a vote share of 7.83 percent. Its vote share fell in the 1985 election. But since the 1989 elections when the BJP won four seats with four per cent of the vote, continued to expand its vote base over the following decades as part of a several stages of Hindutva expansion projects across the state and country.

For example, in 1994, BJP got 17 percent of the vote and 40 seats. In 1999, 20.69 percent of the vote and 44 seats in 2004, 28.33 per cent of the vote and 79 seats, becoming the single largest party. In the year 2008, it received 33.86 percent of the vote and 110 seats. In 2013, though it splintered into three factions, the BJP’s total vote share remained the same if you include the vote share of the factions since all of them returned to the fold of BJP, subsequently.

In the 2018 assembly elections BJP secured 36.2 per cent of the vote and 104 seats. In 2023, although it got 36 percent of the votes, the number of seats fell to 66. However, in 2024 Lok Sabha elections it gained 46 percent votes and 17 out of 28 parliamentary seats well beyond the expectations of all pundits.

Therefore it can be concluded, in general that after 1989, the Sangh Parivar and the BJP have grown in Karnataka and the country in three stages, without major setbacks to their political and ideological agenda.

The first stage -hidden agendas, high dramas

In the first phase, in the new territories it enters, this combine will project itself as a cultured, honest, god-fearing, anti-corruption, patriotic party to enhance its image and influence. In this regard, it strengthens its image by bringing into its fold the elite of other parties and the elite of society, film actors, retired army officers-bureaucrats etc. And, also lures those castes and communities ignored by the mainstream party, i.e., the Congress, with party positions and other allurements.

In 1989, when the Congress made Bangarappa the chief minister after removing the Lingayat leader Veerendra Patil from the chief minister’s post, the BJP realised that the dissatisfaction of the Lingayats with the Congress was at its peak and immediately made Yeddyurappa, the Lingayat leader of the party, as the president of the BJP and thereby captured the support of Lingayat Mutts.

At the same time, LG Havanur, who was known as the harbinger of social justice in the state, economist Venkatagiri Gowda and other renowned people joined the BJP. At that time, they were only promoting pro-people, pro-farmer issues on the face of it while the combine was secretly carrying out its Hindutva campaign through other organs of the Sangh Parivar.

That’s the first phase.

In this first phase, it behaves such that its communal agendas go unnoticed in the region. Those who join the BJP are also at first joining only on the basis of caste, personal prestige etc. But while all parties do the same, the BJP is different because of its RSS structure and approach system and ideological agenda.

The second stage is consensual Hindutvaisation

Once the Lingayats migrated to the BJP for anti-Congress reasons in a significant way, the Sangh Parivar’s affiliate organisations began to organise the community on a number of issues, keeping in constant touch with the Lingayat mutts and its social elites and also the masses. For example, the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) unifies all Lingayat-Veerashaiva seers as Hindus and brings them on a single platform for ‘Hindu protection’. Gradually, the anti-Brahminism among the Lingayats is vanquished and converted into Hindutva. The “Vachan Darshana’, the Sanghi  interpretation of 12^th century verses of the founders of Lingayatism, brought out by the Sanghis recently is a continuation of this project. Although the entrepreneurs and upper classes of the community have built up empires in the educational and other service sectors and are dependent on the support and cooperation of the state, these sections within the community have become Brahmanised, forgetting the Kayaka culture and pursuing their coveted business interests.

It is as a result of all this that it becomes an acceptable spokesperson for the Hindutva agenda.

This is the second stage.

The same trend is now prevalent in South Karnataka, especially among Vokkaligas. The erstwhile senior seer of the Adi Chunchanagiri Mutt, worshipped by the Vokkaligas, was made the vice-president of the Vishwa Hindu Parishad. Their mutts are not only Sanskritising and Brahmanising, but also socially and culturally complementing Hindutva, without taking a politically overt stand. While the Adi Chunchanagiri Mutt took a clear stand on the Uregowda-Nanjegowda issue as senior Vokkaliga leaders of the Congress and the JD (S) were influential, the Mutt and the Vokkaliga community continue to have a soft spot for Modi on Hindutva. During the course of the text revision initiated by the VHP to undo secular texts and introduce Hindutva lessons, Lingayat mutts talked about only Basavanna, Vokkaliga mutts talked about Kuvempu, a great writer incidentally hailing from the community and after it was revised with minimal changes, there was silence. Moreover, none of them condemned the BJP’s removal of the text about Tipu Sultan. Neither did they stand in opposition when the name of a popular train bearing the name Tipu Express was changed by the then BJP government.

This is another example of the second phase of Hindutvaisation. It is not a coincidence that the Vokkaligas in South Karnataka voted for the BJP more than ever in the last elections. After the official alliance of BJP-JD (S) for the 2024 Lok Sabha elections, the Hindutva mobilisation of the Vokkaliga community has gained momentum. It is also fuelled by the latent intolerance and suspicion towards Dalits and Muslims harboured by Vokkaligas

The third stage is militant Hindutva

The third phase is the phenomenon we are seeing in the coastal region and in Uttar Pradesh. At this juncture, the victims of Hindutva’s politics of hate are blinded to the extent that any amount of corruption, injustice, problems of life and the startling cruelty that shakes humanity are unable to wake them up.

The relative reduction of votes for the BJP in the coastal belt in 2023 and 2024 is rather a sign of dissatisfaction that the BJP is not as militant Hindutva as they would like it to be not the sign of coastal belt getting secular. The BJP’s vote share is also steadily increasing as it is moving smoothly from phase one to phase two and phase two to phase three.

And except for the usual sporadic protests by democrats and resistance by Dalits and Muslims to communalism there is no effective opposition to communalism in Karnataka.

Sanghi politics in Karnataka is in the second phase in Kittur and Central Karnataka and is speedily moving towards third phase. The coastal region is already in the third phase.
The Bengaluru, Kalyana Karnataka and South Karnataka where Mandya district and Nagamanagla is situated is moving towards the second phase with great speed.

The incidents in Srirangapatna, Keregodu, and now Nagamangala are examples of that.

In the first stage, it expands its base by using caste, prestige, defection. Soon the second phase begins. So even though ostensibly communal polarisation is not as visible in south Karnataka as in the coastal belt, it should not be forgotten that it is the first step in the same process. Therefore, the increase in the vote share of the BJP in all the constituencies of South Karnataka, even where the BJP has lost its deposits, and the visible characteristics of the second phase of Hinduisation in all these places, should be a cause for concern among the democrats and not a consolation.

At least the occurrences of planned communal riots in the Mandya region should shatter that false sense of relief.

Sanghi fascism is not invincible – but there is no alternative to people’s organisation

This does not however mean the BJP is unbeatable.

However, the last year-and-a-half of Congress rule has made it clear that the party’s politics, ideology, and organisation – even in the Rahul Gandhi era – have no intention of defeating or countering the Sangh’s Hindutva. It is, thus, a historical fact that it is the Congress’s compromising, soft Hindutva politics that has contributed to the growth of Sanghi politics.

Fascism is not just a cultural phenomenon as many liberals of Karnataka make it out to be. Even though Fascism as an ideology can be found in the society and the polity for a long time, it finds its social base and grows feeding on the growing social and economic crisis in society, fuelled by the failure of existing forces to resolve it.

The corporate crony, neo-liberal economic policies, Brahminical social policies, which the Congress and the BJP have all unanimously implemented, are exacerbating the crises and anxieties of the majority of the people and opening the highway to the fascists and fascism The growth of fascists cannot be stopped unless these are radically transformed into pro-people and socialistic policies. In the meanwhile its speed can only be controlled occasionally and temporarily but unless a formidable, credible ideological, political and organisational alternative is provided, fascism thrives.

Thus, Hindutva fascism can be defeated only through a popular democratic movement rooted in the oppressed people who can change both the capitalist and Brahminical system.

But unfortunately, the Left parties, which had previously built such movements, are now gasping. Today, the BJP is getting ten times more votes than the Left parties in their own strongholds.

On the other hand, no mass movement in Karnataka is today left with the capacity to mobilise people in great numbers to challenge both the government and Sangh fascism. Not only during the BJP government, but also during the present Congress government, protests have been reduced to tokenisms. The blockade at Freedom Park (a designated place in the Bangalore city for the protests) needs to be broken, people’s power resoundingly displayed as resistance power to jolt the government. This is not meant as a criticism of anybody but is meant as a collective self-criticism.

Therefore, until the time that we are able to build a strong mass movement and eradicate Hindutva from the minds of the people, until we are able to build true democratic aspirations among all peoples, neither will Hindutva be defeated nor the BJP could be unseated in the country.

The recent Nagamangala communal riots also sends out the same warning for those who can see and hear.

Related:

Nationwide surge in Anti-Muslim violence: September 15-17 sees unprecedented attacks and discrimination

Tensions escalate in Himachal and Uttarakhand, multiple protest and rallies against mosques

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The post Is Mandya becoming the new right wing capital of Karnataka? appeared first on SabrangIndia.

In Jharkhand, inflammatory rhetoric by Prime Minister Narendra Modi fuelled fears and divisions, while Rajasthan witnessed intense communal violence and retaliatory demolitions. In Maharashtra, exclusionary measures against Muslim voters signalled a disturbing trend of marginalisation. The violence continued on September 16, with attacks on a mosque in Mangaluru and the cancellation of Eid Miladun Nabi celebrations in Chhatarpur due to fears of government crackdowns. Meanwhile, Himachal Pradesh experienced a surge in Islamophobic protests and violence against Muslim businesses, highlighting a growing trend of religious intolerance and state complicity. This series of events underscores a broader and alarming pattern of communal discord and systemic discrimination against Muslims in India.

September 15, 2024:

September 15, 2024, saw a disturbing escalation of communal targeting across India, with multiple incidents highlighting the growing hostility toward the Muslim community. From inflammatory speeches by Prime Minister Modi in Jharkhand, to violent clashes and bulldozer demolitions in Rajasthan, and exclusionary measures against Muslim voters in Maharashtra, the day was marked by a series of actions that deepened communal divisions. These events, occurring in different parts of the country, reflect a broader pattern of marginalisation and state-sanctioned discrimination against Muslims, further polarising the socio-political landscape.

Incident 1: Communal Rhetoric from Prime Minister Modi

On September 15, 2024, Prime Minister Narendra Modi, during a campaign speech in the Santhal Pargana region of Jharkhand, issued a pointed attack against alleged “infiltrators”—a term often used by BJP leaders to refer to Muslims from Bangladesh and Rohingya refugees. He accused them of occupying key positions in panchayats and other local governance structures, specifically naming Bangladeshis and Rohingya Muslims. PM Modi’s speech focused on the claim that these groups were manipulating local tribal populations, particularly by marrying Adivasi women to gain access to land and power. Notably, this claim has been debunked many a times by independent media.

PM Modi also directly accused the Jharkhand Mukti Morcha (JMM) of supporting these “infiltrators” to build a vote bank, framing the JMM as betraying the interests of the indigenous Adivasi community. He went further on to blaming the Congress party for corrupting the JMM, implying that the opposition’s alleged support for Muslims was a form of “appeasement politics.”

The speech was seen as an effort to stoke communal fears in a region historically inhabited by the Santal Adivasi community, where communal tensions had been less pronounced. BJP leaders in the region have been increasingly using this narrative of “Muslim infiltration” to deepen religious divisions and gather political support ahead of elections, with inflammatory rhetoric and baseless claims adding to the existing tensions.

Incident 2: Jahazpur Clashes and Bulldozer Action

The Jahazpur area in Rajasthan’s Bhilwara district saw intense communal violence on September 15, after alleged clashes broke out during a local Hindu religious procession. According to reports, some members of the procession alleged that stones were thrown at them as they passed through a Muslim-majority neighbourhood, though local Muslims claimed that the procession had deliberately provoked the incident by attempting to enter the mosque and raising inflammatory slogans.

In the aftermath, BJP MLA Gopi Chand Meena led a protest demanding immediate action, calling for the arrest of those allegedly involved in the stone-pelting. He specifically advocated for the use of bulldozers to demolish Muslim-owned properties in retaliation. Responding to the pressure, authorities quickly arrested over 20 Muslim residents and began demolishing several shops owned by the Muslim community. Videos of bulldozers razing the shops went viral on social media, along with footage of mobs looting and vandalising Muslim-owned businesses while the police appeared to be complicit.

Further, the local municipality issued a notice to the Jama Masjid committee, demanding documentation of the mosque’s land ownership within 24 hours—an indication that the mosque itself could be a target of demolition. The Jahazpur Nagar Palika issued a notice to the President of the Masjid Committee Muslim Samaj, instructing them to submit documents related to the ownership and construction of the Jama Masjid in Ward 09 within 24 hours. The notice stated, “You are informed that whatever documents there are related to the lease/construction approval of the owner in relation to Jama Masjid should be presented to the municipality within 24 hours.”

This heavy-handed response, combined with the inflammatory speeches made by Meena and other BJP leaders, has heightened communal tensions in the region. Simultaneously, several videos have surfaced on social media showing authorities demolishing shops with bulldozers. Another viral video captured BJP MLA Gopi Chand Meena addressing a crowd and demanding bulldozer action against those allegedly involved in stone-pelting during earlier clashes. Other videos depict mobs looting over 20 shops and roaming the streets armed with sticks, vandalising property and creating chaos in the area. Hindutva groups have continued their protests in front of the mosque, calling for its demolition, despite the mosque committee having already submitted the required land documents.

Multiple media reports have provided that despite the mosque committee submitting the necessary documents, Hindutva groups continue to agitate for its destruction, adding to the atmosphere of fear and uncertainty for the local Muslim population.

Jameel Khan, the state president of All India Majlis Ittehadul Muslimeen (AIMIM), condemned the bulldozer actions, stating, “Those who please their masters by driving bulldozers and those who clap when someone else’s house or shop is demolished should remember that everyone will be held accountable.” AIMIM national spokesperson Waris Pathan echoed this sentiment, saying, “Atrocities on Muslims are growing day by day. How long will Muslims have to tolerate this? Where is the so-called champion of secularism? Why is he silent? Is it because the victims are Muslims? When will the police and administration take action?”

Meanwhile, BJP MP Damodar Agarwal praised the administration for its swift response, emphasising the “anger in the Hindu community.” He noted, “The Hindu community was infuriated over this, but the police took immediate action. Additional force was deployed, and drone footage was used to identify and detain the miscreants. About 12 suspicious individuals were detained by the police. The Chief Minister and Police Administration are closely monitoring the situation from Jaipur.”

In #Rajasthan‘s #Bhilwara, bulldozers were used to demolish #Muslim shops and dhabas overnight after accusations of stone-pelting at a temple procession at #Jahazpur.#BJP MLA #GopichandMeena endorsed the action, and the municipality has now ordered the mosque to produce… pic.twitter.com/NFFCBEhFYd

— Hate Detector (@HateDetectors) September 15, 2024

Incident 3: “Purifying” the Taj Mahal

On the same day, a Hindu activist attempted to “purify” the Taj Mahal by pouring cow dung and Ganga water on the monument, claiming that it was a Hindu temple. The incident came on the heels of a viral video showing a tourist urinating inside the Taj Mahal premises, which the activist claimed had desecrated the iconic structure. Identified as Gopal Chahar, the convener of the Akhil Bharat Hindu Mahasabha, the activist was stopped by security before he could carry out his plan.

In #UttarPradesh‘s #Agra, a #Hindutva activist attempted to purify the #TajMahal with cow dung and Ganga water, claiming the monument is a #Hindu temple. However, he was stopped by security pic.twitter.com/8uv1YgNYZW

— Hate Detector (@HateDetectors) September 15, 2024

Agra, UP: A Hindu activist attempted to purify the Taj Mahal with cow dung and Ganga water, claiming the monument is a Hindu temple. However, he was stopped by security pic.twitter.com/sHMCr3AIwm

— IANS (@ians_india) September 15, 2024

The Taj Mahal has long been a target for Hindutva activists, who argue that it was originally a Hindu temple before being converted into a Muslim mausoleum by the Mughal emperor Shah Jahan. According to a report by the Hindi newspaper Amar Ujala, Chahar’s attempt to “purify” the monument fits into a broader narrative pushed by right-wing groups who seek to reframe India’s historical monuments as part of a pre-Islamic Hindu heritage. The activist vowed to take the matter to court, signalling that such provocations are likely to continue.

This incident not only represents an attempt to erase the Taj Mahal’s Mughal heritage but also underscores the growing trend of Hindutva forces claiming Muslim religious sites and artifacts as symbols of Hindu identity, fuelling communal discord.

Incident 4: Exclusion of Muslim Voters in Kolhapur

In Kolhapur district, Maharashtra, the Shingnapur Gram Panchayat passed a shocking resolution barring the inclusion of new Muslim voters in its electoral rolls. The resolution, passed on September 5 but widely condemned and protested on September 15, effectively sought to exclude Muslim residents who had recently arrived in the village. The panchayat ordered that any new Muslim names found in the voter registration process should be removed.

Muslim rights groups, including the Muslim Education Society of Kolhapur, condemned the resolution as unconstitutional, arguing that it represented a form of social boycott and a clear violation of Muslim citizens’ fundamental rights. They approached the District Magistrate demanding legal action against the Gram Panchayat members for attempting to disenfranchise Muslims based on their religion. Through the complaint, the group has said that “The resolution is against India’s constitution which grants voting rights to all citizens. A criminal case should be filed against the Sarpanch, panchayat members and Village Development Officers who decided to take away the right to vote on the basis of religion. The panchayat should be suspended.”

Facing intense criticism, the panchayat issued an apology on the same day, claiming that the resolution had been “misrepresented” and was aimed at addressing concerns about two Bangladeshi women who had allegedly entered the village using fake Indian identification. Despite the clarification, the incident has raised serious concerns about the increasing use of local governance mechanisms to marginalise Muslim populations under the guise of addressing “illegal immigration.”

September 16, 2024

Two recent incidents that took place on September 16 have underscored the growing climate of fear and communal tension facing the Muslim community in India. In Mangaluru, Karnataka, pro-Hindu activists associated with the Vishwa Hindu Parishad were arrested for attacking the Badriya Mosque just before the Eid-e-Milad festival, escalating tensions despite police intervention. Meanwhile, in Chhatarpur, Madhya Pradesh, the Muslim community cancelled Eid Miladun Nabi celebrations amidst fears of government retaliation following violent clashes in August. The cancellation came in response to widespread arrests, demolitions of Muslim homes, and the community’s demand for a fair investigation into inflammatory remarks by a Hindu priest, further highlighting the deepening divide and sense of vulnerability.

Incident 1: Arrest for attack on Badriya Mosque in Mangaluru

On September 16, five pro-Hindu activists associated with the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) were arrested for allegedly throwing stones at the Badriya Mosque in Katipalla, located on the outskirts of Mangaluru, Karnataka. The incident took place the night before the Eid-e-Milad festival, around 10:30 pm, when four men on two motorcycles allegedly hurled stones at the mosque, breaking its windows. This attack led to immediate tension, with local residents gathering around the mosque. The swift deployment of police forces helped contain the situation, and Mangaluru Police Commissioner Anupam Agarwal confirmed that the area remained peaceful, although investigations continued.

The arrested individuals were identified as Bharat Shetty (26), Chennappa Shivananad Chalavadi (19), Nitin Hadap (22), Sujit Shetty (23), and Anappa alias Manu (24). Additionally, a separate case was filed against VHP leader Sharan Pumpwell and Bajrang Dal’s Puneeth Attavar, following an exchange of provocative statements on social media between two groups, which contributed to the gathering of a large crowd in the area.

According to reports, a voice message from Mohammed Sharief, former president of Bantwal Town Municipal Council, was circulated, allegedly challenging Sharan Pumpwell to “face them during the Eid-e-Milad procession.” Police Commissioner Agarwal warned that those responsible for posting inflammatory content on social media would face legal consequences, emphasising that the police were closely monitoring platforms to prevent further unrest. Four separate cases have been registered in connection with the incidents, two against Mohammed Sharief and Mohammad Hasainar, a councillor in Bantwal Town, and two against Sharan Pumpwell and Puneeth Attavar.

In the backdrop of the ongoing Eid-e-Milad celebrations, the Rapid Action Force (RAF) was deployed to Mangaluru to prevent any escalation of violence. Superintendent of Police Yatish N stated that adequate security arrangements had been implemented across the district to maintain peace. A 48-hour liquor ban was also imposed to help curb potential disturbances. Tensions remained high in the area following an earlier incident in Mandya district, where a Bhagwan Ganesha procession led to violent clashes, shop vandalism, and vehicle burnings.

Local leaders, including Karnataka Congress minister MC Sudhakar, commented on the political undercurrents driving communal tensions in Mangaluru, noting, “This unrest is not surprising. Mangaluru has always been a hot spot for communal politics.”

Incident 2: Fear and Cancellation of Eid Miladun Nabi Celebrations in Chhatarpur, Madhya Pradesh

In Madhya Pradesh’s Chhatarpur district, Muslims decided to cancel Eid Miladun Nabi celebrations this year, citing fears of government retaliation following violent clashes in August with the police. The Eid Miladun Nabi, a significant festival marking the birth of Prophet Muhammad, was overshadowed by the community’s apprehension of further crackdowns. The tensions stemmed from the August 21, 2024 protests against inflammatory remarks made by Hindu priest Ramgiri Maharaj. The protest allegedly led to violent clashes between the Muslim community and police, resulting in the arrest of over two dozen people and the booking of 150 others. Subsequently, the authorities demolished Muslim homes, including the bungalow of Congress leader Haji Shahzad Ali, creating a widespread atmosphere of fear.

The crackdown on the Muslim community in Chhatarpur had also led to the naming of 46 individuals in the FIR, while 150 remained unidentified. Additionally, six Muslim residents—Nazim Chaudhry, Javed, Arman Rain, Murli, Rafat Khan, and Yusuf—were externed by the administration. The parading of the arrested individuals, with their hands tied and forced to chant slogans in praise of the police, drew widespread condemnation from political leaders, activists, and journalists. Many criticised the disproportionate targeting of Muslims and called for a fair and transparent investigation into the events leading up to and following the August clashes.

In view of this, a local religious leader had announced the decision not to celebrate Eid Miladun Nabi, stating, “All religious leaders have fled their homes. Some were beaten and jailed. They are innocent. Given these conditions, we have decided not to take out the procession for Eid Miladun Nabi.” He further emphasised that the community would refrain from celebrating any festival with fanfare until those unjustly arrested were released and the charges against the 150 individuals were dropped. The community also demanded a Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) inquiry into the events of August 21 and the arrest of Maharaj, who, despite multiple FIRs, remained free.

In a similar move, other mosques across Chhatarpur city echoed the decision not to celebrate Eid Miladun Nabi. Community leaders decried the fact that while those accused of violence against Muslims were arrested and their homes demolished, Maharaj had faced no legal consequences for his incitement.

मप्र के छतरपुर मुसलमानों ने ईद मिलादुन्नबी के मौक़े पर प्रशासन से भय की वजह से जुलूस ना निकालने का फ़ैसला किया है, उनका मानना है कि यदि जुलूस में कुछ असामाजिक तत्वों ने घुस पथराव या कोई हरक़त कर दी तो प्रशासन बेगुनाह मुसलमानों के घरों पर बुलडोज़र चला उन पर बेबुनियादी कार्रवाई… pic.twitter.com/fYTQWHWz9p

— Zakir Ali Tyagi (@ZakirAliTyagi) September 16, 2024

September 11-17, 2024

In recent weeks, Himachal Pradesh has been gripped by a disturbing wave of communal violence, primarily targeting the Muslim community. What began as protests over an allegedly illegal mosque in Shimla has spiralled into widespread attacks on Muslim businesses, calls for economic boycotts, and open hostility. The state, typically known for its serene landscapes, now finds itself embroiled in escalating Islamophobic tensions fuelled by far-right Hindutva groups.

Disturbing events followed the massive protests in Shimla’s Sanjauli area, which initially centred around the alleged illegal mosque but quickly escalated into broader Islamophobic campaigns across the state. Hindutva groups, seizing on the tensions, began organising similar protests in towns like Mandi and Palampur, demanding more demolitions of mosques and urging the government to impose stricter regulations on the Muslim community. Protesters even urged locals to refrain from renting out shops or houses to Muslims, contributing to the economic and social marginalisation of the community.

 Incident: Escalating Islamophobic Protests and Violence in Himachal Pradesh

The unrest first erupted in Himachal Pradesh’s summer capital, Shimla, on September 11, 2024, when protests over the alleged illegal construction of a mosque in the Sanjauli area turned violent. Right-wing Hindu groups, including Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) members and far-right organisations, gathered in large numbers to oppose the mosque, which they claimed had four unauthorised floors and had been standing for over a decade without action from local authorities.

During the demonstration, a mob allegedly clashed with the police, who had set up barricades near the mosque to control the crowd. Protesters broke through the second barricade, prompting law enforcement to use water cannons and resort to a lathi-charge to disperse them. Amid the chaos, agitated protesters pelted stones at the police, injuring six officers, including a female officer who sustained serious vertebrae fractures. Shimla police later released CCTV footage showing the mob violently throwing stones during the confrontation.

#WATCH | Himachal Pradesh | Shimla Police has released the stone pelting video of the Shimla protest (September 11). 8 FIRs have been registered so far. 6 policemen, including a woman Police personnel who had vertebrae fractures and is in serious condition, were injured in the… pic.twitter.com/kihTo1DzgE

— ANI (@ANI) September 13, 2024

In response, the police registered a First Information Report (FIR) against eight individuals linked to the violence. Shimla’s district administration issued prohibitory orders under Section 163 of the Bharatiya Nagarik Suraksha Sanhita (BNSS), restricting gatherings of more than five people and banning the carrying of lethal weapons. The authorities vowed to investigate the incident thoroughly, while tension continued to simmer in the area.

The unrest in Shimla acted as a catalyst, spreading Islamophobic sentiment across other parts of Himachal Pradesh. Protests soon erupted in Mandi district, where demonstrators, emboldened by the Shimla incident, voiced strong opposition to the Muslim community and the construction of mosques. At rallies organized by far-right Hindu groups, inflammatory slogans were chanted, with protesters accusing Muslims of demographic threats and linking the mosque to thefts and crime in the area.

As the protests gained momentum, the Muslim welfare committee in Shimla attempted to de-escalate the situation by urging the municipal commissioner to seal the unauthorised portion of the mosque. The committee, which included the mosque’s Imam and members of the Waqf board, even offered to demolish the illegal construction if ordered by the court. Despite these conciliatory efforts, Hindu organisations continued to demand more stringent regulations on mosque construction and called for the demolition of more mosques across the state. A legal case regarding the unauthorised floors of the mosque is currently being heard in the municipal court, with the next hearing scheduled for October 5, 2024.

In #HimachalPradesh‘s #Solan, shops owned by #Muslims were marked during the protest rally held by #Hindutva outfits over the #SanjauliMosque issue on Monday.

After minister #AnirudhSingh‘s statement, hate campaigns against Muslims were launched in #Shimla, #Mandi, #Palampur,… pic.twitter.com/lop9tLVuJ7

— Hate Detector (@HateDetectors) September 17, 2024

It is crucial to highlight here that the Islamophobic fervour soon reached Palampur, where protests on September 15, 2024 turned violent. Hindutva groups and local residents took to the streets, vandalising shops owned by Muslim traders and calling for an economic boycott against the Muslim community. During a protest march from Gandhi Maidan to the New Bus Stand, demonstrators allegedly destroyed shop billboards, attacked vendors’ carts, and chanted provocative slogans such as “Kathue Mulle Nahi Chalenge” (Muslims will not be tolerated), “Mulle Thulle Nahi Chalenge” (Muslims won’t be allowed to exist), and “Goli Maaro Saalo Ko, Mulle ke Dalalo Ko” (Shoot them all, the traitors Muslims).

In yet another incident highlighting the growing intolerance and hate against minorities, a fresh video captured a movement of #Hindu groups and residents in #HimachalPradesh’s #Palampur area vandalising shops owned by #Muslim traders, demanding the demolition of more mosques in… pic.twitter.com/VwJinL9VS0

— Hate Detector (@HateDetectors) September 17, 2024

Videos circulating on social media showed the mob violently smashing property, with one clip capturing a crowd attacking the shutter of a closed shop. The protesters also shouted derogatory remarks, referring to Muslims as “Mullahs” while inciting communal hatred. Hindutva leaders at the protest urged local residents not to engage in any form of business with Muslims and called for the removal of the mosque from the town.

The violence against Muslims in Himachal Pradesh reached a new level of brutality on September 17, when a video surfaced showing an elderly Muslim shopkeeper being violently attacked by an alleged Hindutva mob in Solan. The footage, which quickly went viral, depicted the elderly man crying and pleading for mercy with folded hands as the mob aggressively beat him. Spectators in the crowd were seen cheering and whistling, while one individual attempted to shield the man from further assault.

In #HimachalPradesh‘s #Solan, an elderly #Muslim shopkeeper was beaten by #Hindutva protesters. pic.twitter.com/RY3lnUtCnS

— Hate Detector (@HateDetectors) September 16, 2024

This attack, along with the destruction of Muslim-owned businesses, highlights the growing pattern of hostility toward Muslims in the region. Despite the Muslim community’s efforts to seek justice and demonstrate goodwill—such as offering to demolish unauthorised mosque structures—the rising tide of Islamophobic sentiment has continued to fuel violence, intimidation, and economic boycotts against them.

The ongoing violence has drawn criticism from various quarters, with local politicians, activists, and journalists condemning the state’s handling of the situation. Journalist Zakir Ali Tyagi, among others, took to social media to slam Himachal Pradesh’s Chief Minister Sukhvinder Singh Sukku for failing to curb the rising hate campaigns. Tyagi accused the Congress-led state government of bowing to pressure from Hindutva groups, allowing the economic boycotts and vandalism of Muslim businesses to go unchecked.

कांग्रेस शाषित राज्य हिमाचल के पालमपुर में हिंदुओं की भीड़ ने मुस्लिम मज़दूर की दुकान में तोड़फोड़ करते हुए दुकान का नामों निशान तक मिटा दिया, मुस्लिमों को गालियां देते हुए भड़काव बयानबाजी की जा रही है, @SukhuSukhvinder ने हाल में पार्टी आलाकमान @kharge जी व प्रभारी @ShuklaRajiv… pic.twitter.com/U3fJlP1ZMD

— Zakir Ali Tyagi (@ZakirAliTyagi) September 15, 2024

As Islamophobic campaigns spread from town to town, the unrest in Himachal Pradesh reflects a troubling reality: that the marginalisation and targeting of Muslims, driven by far-right rhetoric, is becoming alarmingly common. While protests over alleged illegal mosque constructions may have sparked the initial violence, the underlying communal animosity continues to fuel a broader campaign against Muslims in the state.

The situation in Himachal Pradesh is part of a larger, nationwide trend of rising intolerance and communal tensions, where Muslim communities increasingly find themselves at the receiving end of hate campaigns and violent actions. As the protests spread and more incidents of violence surface, the call for urgent intervention and a fair, unbiased approach to justice becomes louder. Without decisive action from the state, this cycle of violence is likely to continue, deepening the divide between communities and fostering an atmosphere of fear and insecurity for the Muslim population.

Need for reaffirming commitment to justice and equality amid rising communal tensions

As communal tensions escalate and the very fabric of Indian society faces unprecedented strain, the necessity for justice and intervention becomes increasingly urgent. The growing frequency and intensity of these incidents highlight a critical need for both state and civil society to adopt a more proactive and unbiased stance in addressing these issues. A robust and impartial response is essential to not only alleviate the immediate suffering of affected communities but also to restore faith in the rule of law. Ensuring that all citizens—regardless of their religion or background—can live without fear or discrimination is fundamental to preserving the nation’s democratic principles. By recommitting to the core values enshrined in the Constitution of India and actively safeguarding the rights of minorities, India can strive to heal the deepening divides and reaffirm its dedication to pluralism and equality. Only through such concerted efforts can the nation hope to overcome the current crisis and forge a future where justice and harmony prevail.

Related:

Truth about the Sanjauli Mosque issue: Shimla, Himachal Pradesh

Haryana Horror: Migrant worker lynched and teenager fatally shot amid rising violence

Eviction tragedy in Assam: Two killed during eviction drive as police firing sparks allegations of government bias

Tensions escalate in Himachal and Uttarakhand, multiple protest and rallies against mosques

The post Nationwide surge in Anti-Muslim violence: September 15-17 sees unprecedented attacks and discrimination appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Background

Migrant Worker Lynched in Charkhi Dadri, Haryana

On August 27, the migrant worker from West Bengal, 26-year-old Sabir Malik, working as a scrap dealer lynched by cow-vigilantes over suspicion of eating beef. While the incident took place at a village bus stand in Charkhi Dadri on August 27. It was reported that another migrant from Assam was also injured in this incident, brutally beaten by members of ‘cow vigilant groups’ in Haryana. Sabir is survived by his wife and two-year-old daughter.

On August 27, a group of young men came to Sabir’s shop, a scrap dealer living in a slum area near Badhra village, and took Sabir to the local bus stand claiming that they had some scrap to dispose. The accused also called another migrant, Assam native Aseeruddin, to the bus stand and allegedly beat up the duo there. When passers-by intervened, they took the two to some other location on their motorcycles. Sabir was later found dead near a canal in Bhandwa village. Aseeruddin was found dumped at another location and is currently under treatment in hospital, reported The Hindu.

All accused are associated with the ‘Gau Raksha Dal’. However, on September 1 (Sunday), police have arrested eight accused in this incident, associated in the murder of Sabir. The police increased security in the area to prevent unrest or any untoward incident. The arrested individuals are identified as Abhishek, Ravinder, Mohit, Kamaljeet, and Sahil and others.

According to Hindustan Times, Badhra deputy superintendent of police (DSP) Bharat Bhushan the incident occurred on August 27 when cow vigilantes received information that a group of migrant workers from Assam, residing in Hansawas village, were suspected of consuming beef. They visited the area to investigate the matter.

“Sabir was also staying in the same village. During inspection, meat was found in utensils, which was sent to a laboratory to confirm if it was beef. Hours later, these youths called Sabir and his aide Aseeruddin to a shop in Badhra on the pretext of selling empty plastic bottles and started thrashing them. While Aseeruddin managed to flee, the accused took Malik to the nearby Bhandwa village and assaulted him again, as a result of which he died,” DSP Bhushan said.

The video of the incident has gone viral on social media where a mob can be seen beating two migrants’ workers with sticks on allegation of eating beef.

People revere cows, who can stop them: Haryana CM Saini

Haryana Chief Minister, Nayab Singh Sain while reacting to the incident said that there is no compromise on it as strict law has been passed by the Haryana Assembly on cow protection. He said that “It is not the right thing to say things like mob lynching as a strict law has been passed by the Haryana Assembly for cow protection. There is no compromise on it, such incidents shouldn’t happen and these are unfortunate.”  CM Saini stated that people in Haryana revere cows and if they sense any untoward situation.

While condemning the tragic incident of lynching, Saini said that people should not to get involved in such incidents. The CM further added that it’s not right to label such incidents as ‘mob lynching’, reported The Tribune.

However, Nuh Congress MLA Aftab Ahmed criticized the BJP rule-Haryana government over the incident and said that “There is nothing called law and order in Haryana. Anti-social element, goons and criminal are moving freely under the garb of cow protection and vigilantes.”

19-yr-old shot dead by cow vigilantes after 30-km car chase in Haryana

On August 24, a Class 12th student, identified as Aryan Mishra was shot dead in Haryana’s Faridabad after being suspicious of a cattle smuggler. The Victim, Aryan Mishra was chased for around 30 kilometres by a five-member group of “Gau Raksha Dal” before being killed him. All of the accused were subsequently arrested by the Faridabad Police.

As report in the Indian Express, on the night of August 23, 19-year-old Aryan went out with his friends Harshit and Shanky in an SUV for a meal. The gang, identified as cow vigilantes, during investigation told police that they had received information about cattle smugglers and mistakenly believed Aryan and his friends were involved. Faridabad Police arrested suspects Anil Kaushik, Varun, Krishna, Adesh, and Saurav in this matter.

Aryan was killed because cow vigilante assumed he was Muslim

It was reported that Aryan Mishra was killed by the group because they believed Aryan was a Muslim, his mother has expressed sorrow and confusion. Aryan’s mother Uma Mishra while reacting on the question of the reason behind Aryan’s killing, she said “The accused mistook him as a Muslim and killed him. Why? Aren’t Muslims human?

Aryan’s mother further questioned that “Why do you need to kill Muslims?”

Link:

She is the mother of #AryanMishra, who was shot dead by #Hindutva extremists in #Faridabad, #Haryana.

She said her son was shot because he was mistaken for a #Muslim.

“Aren’t #Muslims our brothers? Why would they kill a Muslim? Who gave them the authority to kill a Muslim?” She… pic.twitter.com/eLueoN813t

— Hate Detector (@HateDetectors) September 4, 2024

Newslaundry reported that the Faridabad Police has rejected this theory of mistaken identity. ACP Aman Yadav insisted the incident merely a “claim of the media: and said that “the motive behind the murder has not yet been revealed”.

Accused Anil Kaushik said wanted a life like Monu Manesar

In a report by The Tribune, Anil Kaushik (38), the main accused in the killing of Aryan Mishra revealed during the police interrogation that he has always wanted a life like Monu Manesar (serial hate offender and accused of multiple mob lynching in Haryana and Rajasthan).

“Kaushik always wanted to be like Monu Manesar. He had tried many times to enter the core Bajrang Dal or Gau Raksha groups but was not taken seriously by them. He made his own Live for Nation Sangathan, a Faridabad cow vigilante group. Kaushik wanted social media following like Manesar and believed that if he managed to get one Bollywood-style chase and catch a cattle smuggler, he would make it. Kaushik would often get himself clicked with guns,” said one of his close associates now being probed by the Faridabad police.

However, multiple videos and photos circulated on social media revealing Kaushik’s nexus with Monu Manesar and his associates.

Rahul Gandhi criticized the BJP government over violence against Muslims

While highlighting the recent mob lynching and assault incidents, Leader of Opposition and Congress MP Rahul Gandhi has targeted the BJP government by posting on X regarding mob lynching. He said that such miscreants have been given a free hand in the BJP government.

He wrote on social media platform X that “Those who have climbed the ladder of power by using hatred as a political weapon are continuously establishing the rule of fear in the country. The hateful elements hiding in the form of the mob are openly spreading violence, challenging the rule of law. These miscreants have got a free hand from the BJP government, that is why they have developed the courage to do so.”

He further added that “there are continuous attacks on minorities, especially Muslims, and the government machinery is watching as a mute spectator. The authority of the law should be established by taking the strictest action against such anarchist elements. Any attack on the communal unity of India and the rights of Indians is an attack on the Constitution, which we will not tolerate at all. No matter how much the BJP tries – we will win this historic battle to unite India against hatred at any cost.”

नफ़रत को राजनीतिक हथियार बनाकर सत्ता की सीढ़ी चढ़ने वाले देश भर में लगातार भय का राज स्थापित कर रहे हैं।

भीड़ की शक्ल में छिपे हुए नफरती तत्व कानून के राज को चुनौती देते हुए खुलेआम हिंसा फैला रहे हैं।

भाजपा सरकार से इन उपद्रवियों को खुली छूट मिली हुई है, इसीलिए उनमें ऐसा कर… pic.twitter.com/WDadyNn1Mt

— Rahul Gandhi (@RahulGandhi) September 1, 2024

Self-claimed cow vigilante and killing of innocents in Haryana

Haryana has witnessed yet another gruesome incident of mob lynching, highlighting the state’s alarming rise in vigilantism and police inaction. The incident underscores the failure of Haryana’s law enforcement agencies to prevent such atrocities. Critics point to the police’s tardy response and alleged collusion with extortion gangs, such as the notorious Monu Manser gang, which has been linked to several lynching incidents, the Haryana Gauvansh Sanrakshan and Gausamvardhan Act, 2015, cited only as a justification for violence and cover up of the incidents in state committed by self-proclaimed ‘Gau Rakshak’.

Related:

Mob Lynching in 2020: Misleading Exception than a Norm

Remembering 15-Year-Old Junaid A Year After He Was Lynched

The Idea Of India in the times of Mob Lynchings

The post Haryana Horror: Migrant worker lynched and teenager fatally shot amid rising violence appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Since last week, Devbhoomi Himachal Pradesh and Uttarakhand have been witnessing multiple protest and rallies against the mosques situated in different areas of both the state. The situation became chaotic when in Shimla’s Sanjauli area, on September 5, Hindu right-wing called a protest rally against an alleged illegally constructed mosque and turned violent and breached the security layers around the mosque in question. The mob of protesters also chanted slogans and conducted “Hanuman Chalisha” in front of Sanjauli Mosque.

Sanjauli Mosque dispute: Shimla Himachal Pradesh

The protest started over the 14-year-old disputed four-storey mosque located in Sanjauli area of ​​Shimla. It is reported that the incident escalated and flared up from a stray incident as some people allegedly attacked a local trader with rods and sticks. FIR has been registered on 6 persons for alleged attack. It was alleged that all the accused then fled from there and hid in the Sanjauli mosque, resulting in communal tension and protests and slogans chanting against the allegedly illegal construction of the mosque in Sanjauli, claiming that the mosque was constructed illegally and without permission.

The legal dispute of the Sanjauli Mosque is still pending in the court of Municipal Commissioner, Shimla and yet to be decided.

The issue got attention and media coverage when Himachal Panchayati Raj Minister and Congress MLA Anirudh Singh raised the issue of alleged illegal construction of the Sanjauli mosque, while claiming increasing theft in area, rise love jihad concern before the State Assembly. Speaking at the Himachal Pradesh Assembly, Singh demanded an investigation into the construction of Shimla’s Sanjauli Masjid and highlighted the alleged illegal construction of the mosque had led to tensions in the area.

“It has become difficult for women to walk in the Sanjauli market, and thefts are occurring. Love Jihad is another serious issue that needs attention and is dangerous for our country and state. Fights are taking place,” he addressed in assembly.

On the 7th day of Monsoon Session of Vidhan Sabha,
discussion held over illegal construction by the people of a particular community in Shimla and concerns arising due to increasing number of illegal migrants entering #HimachalPradesh. #Shimla #Sanjauli pic.twitter.com/hAq2CGk4Xg

— Anirudh Singh (@anirudhsinghMLA) September 4, 2024

Pertinently, on September 11, after massive protest erupted against the Sanjauli Mosque on the call made by Vishva Hindu Parishad and other right-wing outfits over demand to demolish the alleged unauthorised structure. Sanjauli Mosque Committee President Mohammed Latif and Waqf Board Member Maulvi Shezaad have handed over a memorandum to the Shimla Municipal Commissioner that they have voluntarily agree to seal the entire portion of the illegal expanded structure and also ready to demolish it.

Then BJP Government “funded” the construction illegal portion: Himachal Minister

On September 12, Rural Development Minister Anirudh Singh claimed that the previous BJP government “funded” the construction of the illegal portion of the controversial mosque in Sanjauli. He added that “Himachal has always been a symbol of peace and harmony. A few were trying to give a communal colour to the entire episode for their vested interest, forgetting that it was during the Covid-19 that the structure was raised in an unauthorised manner when the BJP government was in power.”

While addressing a joint press conference with Urban Development Minister Vikramaditya Singh said that “In 2019, Rs 2 lakh was sanctioned from the planning head for the mosque. Also, I have learnt that Rs 12 lakh was given separately by the Jai Ram-led government for the construction of the mosque,”

Accusing the BJP and its associated organisations of politicising the matter, Vikramaditya Singh said the illegal construction of the mosque was done during the tenure of the BJP government. “Three floors of the mosque were built during the Covid period. Who was in power at that time? Whose Mayor and Deputy Mayor were in the Municipal Corporation? It’s easy to point fingers at others, but the BJP ignores its own deeds,” said Vikramaditya, reported The Tribune.

Welcoming move by Masjid Committee: Seeks permission to demolish illegal structure

On September 12, amid tensions over the Sanjauli mosque issue, the Muslim Welfare committee urged the Municipal Commissioner to seal the unauthorized portion and also offered the demolition of portion of mosque in controversy in accordance with a court order.

According to the Imam of the Sanjauli mosque, “There is no pressure on us, we have been living here for decades and this decision has been taken as a Himachali. We want to stay in peace and brotherhood should prevail.”

Members of the Dev Bhoomi Sangarsh Committee, which had given the protest call against the unauthorised construction in the mosque, welcomed the move. Member of the samiti Vijay Sharma said “We welcome the move of the Muslim community and would be the first to hug them for taking this initiative in the larger interest,” reported The Siasat Daily.

After the controversy erupted in Shimla over Sanjauli Mosque, the Shimla Waqf Board took control of the mosque and removed the Imam from mosque. The dispute is still pending in the court of Municipal Commissioner Shimla and next hearing scheduled in this matter in October month (2024).

FIR registered on right wing leaders, Police releases CCTV footage of stone pelting

On September 13, Shimla Police released the stone pelting video of the September 11 protest, called by Hindu right-wing in Sanjauli over the alleged illegal construction of mosque. As so far, 8 FIR have been registered against the persons who violated the imposition of Section 163 and pelted stones over police personals. Due to stone pelting 6 policemen were injured including a woman police who had vertebrae fractures and is in a serious condition.

As on September 11, protesters breached the first row of barricading and clashed with security forces. Police personnel used water cannons and resorted lathi-charge to disperse protesters heading towards the Sanjauli area of Shimla. Reported ANI

Link:

In #HimachalPradesh‘s #Shimla, #Hindutva groups have created communal tensions, broke barricades and have reached the mosque against which they are protesting.

There was a call given by #VHP today against the mosque in #Sanjauli. Situation tensed. pic.twitter.com/KgeHi8vA5H

— Hate Detector (@HateDetectors) September 11, 2024

Protests in Mandi town over illegal construction of mosque; police use water cannons

On September 13, another protest triggered in Mandi town of Himachal Pradesh on Friday over alleged illegal construction at a mosque located in the jail road area. The Hindu right-wing protesters started chanting slogans of “Jai Shri Ram, during the march at Mandi market while demanding the demolition of a portion of a mosque.

Police used water cannons to disperse protesters as turned violent. During the march protesters clashed with police as they were trying to go towards the mosque in controversy. They were stopped by barricades.

The protest also raised controversial and objectionable slogans during the protest

Link:

 

View this post on Instagram

 

A post shared by Hindutva Watch (@hindutvawatchin)

The mosque management commit has been served a notice by the Mandi municipal corporation to remove the encroachment within 30 days. According to the notice, the mosque stands on 232 square metres of land while the approval granted was just for 45 square metres.

The protesters initially called a march in the Mandi market area and sat on a dharna at Seri manch. Later, when they made attempts to proceed towards the mosque, police restraint them and used water cannons to bring the situation under control. Although, on September 12, the members of the Muslim community had demolished an unauthorised portion of the mosque by themselves.

Link:

After protests in #HimachalPradesh‘s #Mandi, the alleged illegal structure of the mosque was broken by #Muslims in presence of the administration.

There have been massive protests by #Hindutva groups in #Shimla and Mandi against alleged illegal construction in mosques.… pic.twitter.com/hAZCgelzCK

— Hate Detector (@HateDetectors) September 12, 2024

It has been alleged that the unauthorised construction was on a plot of land which belongs to the public works department. The department and the municipal corporation had earlier served notices on the mosque management committee in this connection, reported The Hindu.

Himachal CM conducts meeting with all party members over disputes

On September 13, Himachal Pradesh’s Chief Minister Sukhvinder Singh Sukhu termed the protest against the Sanjauli mosque in Shimla as a “local dispute”. CM Sukhu convened an all-party meeting at his office on Friday amid growing communal tension in Himachal Pradesh.

A joint statement issued after the meeting, where it was decided that a joint committee of leaders would be formed under the Vidhan Sabha Speaker to formulate a policy for street vendors in Himachal Pradesh.

BJP MLA Randhir Singh Sharma, who represented the BJP in the meeting, said “We demand the sealing of the entire structure until the final verdict is delivered by the municipal commissioner’s court in Shimla where the matter is listed for October 5. There is anger among the people regarding the mosque, which was constructed illegally. We agree with forming a joint committee for the registration of vendors from other states. The issue at hand concerns the illegal structure,” reported the Indian Express.

Uttarakhand mosque row: Mosque built on registered land, not illegal: Official says

In Uttarkashi also, Hindu right-wing issued warning to the district administration, threatening to demolish a mosque in Masjid Mohalla if it is not razed within three days. The organizations claim the mosque is ‘illegal’ and have given an ultimatum to the authorities to act or face the consequences.

The situation has raised concerns about potential communal clashes and law and order issues in the region, as the groups have publicly threatened to take matters into their own hands if their demands are not met.

Amit Srivastava, superintendent of police (SP), Uttarkashi, said, “Some Hindu organisations had given a memorandum to the administration, in which they stated that it is an illegal mosque. According to the district administration, it is built on registered land, and it is not illegal. It is registered in the names of four people. The administration has conveyed them the same to the Hindu organisations.” “We will not allow anybody to take law into their hands”, he said.

An umbrella group of Hindu organisations — Sanyukt Sanatan Dharam Rakshak Sangh — submitted a memorandum to Uttarkashi district magistrate Meharban Singh Bisht on September 9 demanding for the demolition as it was not registered in the official revenue records.

However, Uttarkashi DM Bisht stated that they have constituted a committee under sub divisional magistrate (SDM) Bhatwari for inspection of the land records pertaining to the mosque.

Notably, it has been also reported that the said protest triggered due to a grave mistake by the district administration of Uttarkashi, as while giving reply to an RTI application in August, 2024, the district administration’s PIO stated that “no records of free-hold or lease allotment of land in the name of the mosque were found in the office.”  The incomplete information about the mosque provided by the information officer paved the way for Hindu outfits to demand the removal of mosque in the region, claiming it illegal.

The district administration then finds out its own documents, disclosing that the land on which the mosque stands is indeed registered in the names of account holders.

Uttarkashi District Magistrate Dr Mehrban Singh Bisht stated, “The land occupied by the mosque has a legitimate registration and mutation record, listing ten account holders. Notably, the then Tehsildar of Bhatwari had also formally recognized the mosque’s presence on the same land in a 2005 order.” as reported by The Indian Express.

Related:

Temple-mosque politics: Right Wing’s communal hit list getting longer?

Rewarding Those Who Demolished the Babri Masjid: A History of the Ayodhya Dispute

The deity has survived for last 800 years: Delhi court reserves order in Qutub Minar case

The post Tensions escalate in Himachal and Uttarakhand, multiple protest and rallies against mosques appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The incidents, occurring within a span of five days, are not isolated events but rather part of a broader pattern of targeted aggression against Muslims. These attacks range from brutal lynching’s to the destruction of properties and places of worship, often incited by inflammatory rhetoric from political leaders and fuelled by a sense of impunity among the perpetrators. The alarming frequency and intensity of these incidents point to a systematic erosion of communal harmony, where violence against a particular community is increasingly normalised.

What is particularly troubling is the role of state institutions in either directly or indirectly facilitating these crimes? In some cases, law enforcement agencies have been accused of turning a blind eye to the violence, failing to protect victims, or even actively participating in the oppression of minority communities. This tacit or overt state support emboldens perpetrators, creating an environment where communal violence can thrive unchecked.

The week’s events also highlights the role of social media in spreading hate and inciting violence. Misinformation and provocative content circulate rapidly online, stoking communal tensions and leading to real-world consequences. The digital age has amplified the reach and impact of communal propaganda, making it easier for hate to spread and harder for authorities to contain the fallout.

As India grapples with these challenges, it is crucial to examine the underlying factors driving this surge in communal violence. From the politicisation of religion to the failure of law enforcement and the judiciary in upholding justice, a complex interplay of forces is at work, threatening to unravel the delicate social fabric of the nation. The incidents of this week serve as a grim reminder of the urgent need for introspection and action to prevent further communal polarization and protect the secular values enshrined in the Indian Constitution.

1. Hate Speeches and Incitement

The hate speeches in question often include inflammatory rhetoric that dehumanizes and vilifies entire communities, particularly Muslims, portraying them as enemies of the nation. Such speeches are not only delivered by fringe elements but are often echoed by influential political leaders, further legitimizing these dangerous narratives. For instance, terms like “love jihad” are used to propagate the idea that Muslim men are systematically seducing Hindu women to convert them, creating a sense of fear and mistrust among communities. Similarly, the narrative of a “population explosion” linked to the Muslim community fuels anxieties about demographic change, leading to calls for action that often result in violence and social ostracisation. These speeches erode the very fabric of India’s secular and pluralistic society, sowing seeds of discord and hatred that disrupt the communal harmony that has long been a hallmark of the nation. By framing one community as a threat to another, these speeches encourage division rather than unity, leading to a polarized society where mistrust and animosity become the norm. The normalization of such rhetoric, especially when it comes from figures of authority, emboldens individuals and groups to act on these prejudices, resulting in acts of violence, discrimination, and social exclusion. The cumulative effect is a deeply fractured society, where the bonds of trust and mutual respect are systematically weakened, threatening the very idea of India as a diverse and inclusive nation.

• August 28, 2024 – Sagar, Karnataka

During an event organized by the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) and Bajrang Dal, religious preacher Basvaraj G delivered a speech that propagated fear and animosity towards the Muslim community. He reiterated unfounded conspiracies such as “love jihad,” fuelling mistrust and communal discord among the attendees.

• August 29, 2024 – Doda, Jammu

BJP candidate Gajay Singh Rana made provocative statements asserting that the war that Hindus have to fight was not against terrorism but a conflict between Hindus and Muslims. He portrayed Muslims as aggressors and Hindus as victims, exacerbating communal tensions in the region.

In #Jammu‘s #Doda, #BJP candidate #GajaySinghRana said his fight is not against terrorists. The fight is between #Hindus and #Muslims in which Muslims are the attackers while Hindus are the victims.#JammuKashmirElection2024 pic.twitter.com/Fua7nveimy

— Hate Detector (@HateDetectors) August 29, 2024

• August 29, 2024 – Bhilwara, Rajasthan

Neeraj Doneria, the chief of Bajrang Dal, delivered an inflammatory speech alleging that various societal issues, including riots and cow slaughter, were attributable to “Islamic Jihad.” He invoked several anti-Muslim conspiracy theories like “love jihad” and “land jihad,” contributing to an atmosphere of hostility.

“Whatever riots, unrest, cow slaughter, division and Love-Jihad that there is in this country, it is due to Islamic Jihad. All this is happening due to those we had given shelter to even after they had divided our country.”

“They say that they want to make India into an Islamic nation by 2047. NIA had arrested 5 people from a Madrasa in Bihar. The NIA had found a book in which steps of how to make a nation into an Islamic state had been written. The steps included increasing the Muslim population by indulging in Love Jihad and trapping Hindu girls.”

“Babasaheb had even then written against Islamic Jihad. These people work according to their holy books, and cannot ever consider us their brothers. They could not even tolerate the 5% Hindu population in Kashmir, had raped a daughter in front of her Hindu father and a sister in front of her brother. They had written “Pakistan Zindabad on their naked bodies and had butchered them and thrown their bodies on the streets.”

• August 29, 2024 – Gangakhed, Parbhani, Maharashtra

BJP leader T Raja Singh addressed a gathering where he propagated baseless claims about “love jihad” and urged the state government to adopt aggressive measures, including demolishing properties belonging to Muslims, drawing parallels with actions taken in other states.

“I want to request the CM of Maharashtra to show his anger as this is the right time to do so. What Uttar Pradesh CM Yogi Adityanath does with his enemies there with Jihadis, Love Jihadis and those who slaughter cows, could Maharashtra not do the same?”

“In the city of Nashik, those who have the mentality of Bangladeshis, they should also have their houses bulldozed.”

“CM Yogi says that whosoever indulges in Love-Jihad, they will be hanged upside down.”

“Does UP not have Muslim population? It does. But the Muslims living there have understood that this saffron government will not leave them. The Jihadis living there know that if they indulge in any crimes like they did in the past, if they do any Jihadi activity, the CM will shoot them.”

• September 1, 2024 – Chomu, Jaipur, Rajasthan

A Bajrang Dal leader delivered a vehement speech laden with references to violence and war, promoting the “love jihad” conspiracy and issuing open challenges that threatened the safety and security of the Muslim community.

“Right not, Hindus are quiet. But the day Hindus show their anger, the people who say ‘Sar Tan se Juda’ will go hide their own heads. I am giving them an open challenge that come and face the wrath of Hindus.”

“They brought in the Waqf law but they never asked any Hindu about it. They tell us about lands that belong to the Waqf, but do they ever ask any Hindu if they donated their land to the Waqf? Those who trap our daughters and forcefully convert our brothers, why would we give our land to them?”

They trap our sisters and daughters in Love Jihad. Rashid fraudulently becomes Rahul, Ahmed becomes Manish. This is how they trap our women and force them to convert. It is then that a worker of the Bajrang Dal gets to the street and tells the Hindu girl that I will protect you and see that no one forces you to covert.”

• September 1, 2024 – Rasulabad, Kanpur, Uttar Pradesh

A far-right poet incited violence through a speech that called for brutal actions and preparations for war against Muslims, explicitly advocating for bloodshed in the name of protecting religious sanctity.

“From tomorrow only, let’s teach them a lesson. Let’s put on a show. This is a war, and with their red blood we will have our celebration.”

“It is a given now that there will be a war. We will fight for our homeland, we will fight for our Sanatan Dharma.”

• September 1, 2024 – Borunda, Jodhpur, Rajasthan

A VHP-Bajrang Dal leader disseminated fear-mongering narratives about Muslims, accusing them of deceitfully targeting Hindu women and eroding Hindu values, thereby stoking communal hatred.

“These people trap them by taking their numbers, defriending them and eloping with them. We have to stop our sisters and daughters from becoming Muslims. Our Hindu values are vanishing. These girls don’t know that Muslims are those who slaughter cows. We can never consider them our brothers since they even marry their sisters.”

• September 1, 2024 – Siwan, Bihar

Another leader from the VHP-Bajrang Dal threatened violence while promoting “love jihad” conspiracies. He declared that anyone perceived as weakening Hinduism, including Muslims and Christians, would face severe consequences, fostering an environment of intimidation and fear.

“We will not let your plans to covert Hindu girls by trapping them to increase your population, to demolish temples and to forcefully convert Hindus succeed ever. We have to work to ensure that this plan doesn’t exceed. We will not leave any Hindu, Muslim or Christian who comes in our path. Whoever wants to weaken the Hindus, they will have to face the Bajrang Dal and VHP.”

• September 1, 2024 – Srirampur, Ahmednagar, Maharashtra

BJP legislator Nitesh Rane made a highly dehumanizing and provocative speech against Muslims during a Sakal Hindu Samaj event. He employed derogatory language and issued violent threats, including references to destroying religious sites and inflicting bodily harm.

“If you say anything against Hinduism, we will tear apart the burka of Islam. We will kill one by one if they do anything to Ramgiri Maharaj. If you don’t stop your population increasing tactics, we will kill you like insects. Don’t cry when I break your Mazars using a JCB. If you want to say ‘sar tan se juda’, just go to Pakistan. If you do anything to Ramgiri Maharaj, next Friday your ass will be separate from your body. If you say ‘sar tan se juda’ again, then your head will not be on your body.”

“Danda uthao, Lande baghao (Pickup sticks and remove the Muslims).”

2. Acts of Violence and Assault

The series of violent incidents that have been highlighted below, which include incidents of mob lynching’s, assaults, and arson, are direct manifestations of the hate speeches that have become increasingly common. In one tragic instance, a Muslim man was lynched by a mob after being falsely accused of cow slaughter, an accusation often used to justify brutal acts of violence against Muslims. These acts of violence are not isolated but are part of a broader pattern where hate-filled rhetoric translates into real-world brutality. The victims are often targeted simply because of their religious identity, leading to a climate of fear and insecurity within minority communities. The repeated occurrence of such incidents within a short span of time underscores the alarming speed at which communal tensions are escalating, fueled by the normalization of hate speech. This violence not only inflicts immediate physical and emotional harm on individuals but also deepens communal divides, making reconciliation and peace increasingly difficult to achieve.

• August 28, 2024 – Madhopur, Haridwar, Uttarakhand

A 24-year-old Muslim youth named Wasim Qureshi Monu allegedly met a tragic end at the hands of a cattle protection squad from the Uttarakhand Police. According to his family and local witnesses, as provided in the Maktoob Media report, Wasim was thrown into a pond by the police who were on patrol investigating reports of cow slaughter. The police claim that Wasim drowned while attempting to flee arrest after they signalled him to stop his scooter.

Wasim, a resident of Sohlpaur Gada and a gym trainer by profession, was reportedly visiting his sister in Madhopur at the time. His family denies the cow slaughter allegations and asserts that the police violently assaulted him before throwing him into the pond. The police conducted a search throughout the night but only discovered Wasim’s body the following morning.

A police complaint has been filed by Wasim’s family, alleging police brutality and a cover-up. They claim that officers beat Wasim before discarding him into the pond and that his legs were tied and face injured when his body was recovered. Despite the serious accusations, no formal case has been registered against the police so far, according to a report in Maktoob Media. Instead, three FIRs have been filed against Wasim for alleged cow meat smuggling, assaulting the police, and sharing posts that could disturb communal harmony. Local politicians and activists have called for a murder case against the officers involved.

• August 28, 2024 – Kalyan, Maharashtra

On September 2, a railway court in Kalyan, near Mumbai, revoked the bail granted to three men accused of assaulting an elderly Muslim man on a train last week. The victim, 72-year-old Ashraf Ali Sayyed Hussain, was attacked on August 28, near Igatpuri in Nashik district, on a train by young individuals who alleged that he was carrying beef. A video of the assault went viral on August 31, prompting widespread calls for police action.

Hussain, traveling from Jalgaon to Kalyan to visit his daughter, described the assault as unprovoked. According to his account, when the train reached Kalyan, the attackers, who were reportedly on their way to Mumbai for a police recruitment exam, demanded to check his bag, which contained buffalo meat—a legal item in Maharashtra. Despite Hussain’s claims that it was bullock meat (which is banned), the men began to beat him and threatened further violence. They also boasted about their alleged connections with the Hindutva group Bajrang Dal, known for its involvement in cow vigilantism and mob violence, as reported by The Wire and The Quint.

The three men—Akash Ahwad, Nilesh Ahire, and Jayesh Mohite—were initially arrested on September 1 but released on bail the same day, as they were charged under bailable sections of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita related to unlawful assembly, rioting, and other offenses. Following this, the Government Railway Police added non-bailable charges, including those related to hurting religious sentiments and attempted robbery, which led to a new application for bail cancellation. The Kalyan railway court agreed, stating the accused’s presence was required for further investigation.

Jitendra Awhad, a leader of the Nationalist Congress Party (Sharadchandra Pawar), shared the court’s order on social media, questioning the railway police’s delay in action despite the viral video. The Times of India reported that the police have identified two additional suspects from Dhule district, who will be arrested soon.

• August 29, 2024 – Ramganga Vihar, Moradabad, Uttar Pradesh

A young Muslim boy was violently attacked by a mob who accused him of eve teasing while he was out buying milk. The situation escalated when the boy’s father arrived to defend him, only to be attacked by the mob as well.

A #Muslim boy went to buy milk was beaten by a mob on accusations of eve teasing in #RamgangaVihar area of #Moradabad, #UttarPradesh.

The mob also beat his father who had come to rescue the boy from the mob and demanded to check CCTV footage and prove the allegations. pic.twitter.com/lJTjqv2Y9o

— Hate Detector (@HateDetectors) August 29, 2024

• August 31, 2024 – Charkhi Dadri, Haryana

A migrant from West Bengal named Sabir was brutally beaten to death by cow vigilantes on suspicion of consuming beef. Sabir, who had been called to the area for work, was attacked and subsequently found dead near a canal. His relative, Asiruddin, was also assaulted and left injured at the scene.

Sabir, migrant from #WestBengal, was beaten to death by cow vigilantes in #Haryana‘s #CharkhiDadri on Tuesday over the suspicion of consuming beef. He was called for work and assaulted.

Later, his body was found near a canal. His relative Asiruddin was also beaten up and dumped. pic.twitter.com/77dpSSgzSW

— Hate Detector (@HateDetectors) August 31, 2024

• September 1, 2024 – Nandaprayag, Chamoli, Uttarakhand

An anti-Muslim rally erupted following accusations against a Muslim barber for allegedly molesting a minor girl. The protest escalated as participants chanted inflammatory slogans, attacked Muslim-owned shops, and issued ultimatums demanding the expulsion of Muslims from the town, leading to widespread fear and property damage.

3. Vandalism and Threats to Religious Sites

The incidents of vandalism and threats to religious sites highlighted in the recent wave of communal violence reflect a dangerous escalation in efforts to intimidate and suppress minority communities. In one case, a mosque was defiled with provocative graffiti and its windows shattered, an act clearly intended to incite fear and provoke retaliation. Similarly, the desecration of a temple by miscreants, who defaced sacred idols and left behind messages of hate, further inflamed tensions between communities. Such acts are not isolated but part of a broader strategy to destabilize the social fabric by attacking what communities hold sacred. These acts of vandalism, often coupled with explicit threats of further violence, create an environment where religious sites are no longer places of peace and worship but battlegrounds for asserting dominance. The targeting of these sites not only aims to provoke immediate outrage but also to send a chilling message that no place is safe from the reach of communal hatred, deepening the rift between different religious groups and undermining the spirit of coexistence.

• August 30, 2024 – Kanchanpur Village, Sitamarhi, Bihar

A mosque’s wall was defaced with threatening and provocative messages by extremists, demanding its demolition and making ominous threats against the Muslim community. The message that was written on the wall was “Jai Hindu, Hindus are your fathers. Remove the mosque by the 30^th, reduce the attacks on Hindus in Bangladesh, or we will eliminate Muslims from the world. Muslim brothers are requested to demolish the mosque, or we will bring Hindu supporters from Bantara and destroy the mosque. Jai Hindu.”

Despite the severity of the incident, authorities had not filed an FIR or made any arrests at the time, raising concerns about accountability and protection of religious sites.

In #Bihar‘s #Sitamarhi, a mosque’s wall was defaced with threatening and provocative messages written by extremists at #Kanchanpur village. The message read:

“Jai Hindu, Hindus are your fathers. Remove the mosque by the 30th, reduce the attacks on #Hindus in #Bangladesh, or we… pic.twitter.com/fyv1uL80g4

— Hate Detector (@HateDetectors) August 30, 2024

• September 1, 2024 – Mathura, Uttar Pradesh

An individual named Pushpendra Chaudhary attempted to set himself ablaze near the historic Shahi Idgah Mosque, expressing intentions to demolish the mosque. He was found with petrol and matches, and upon intervention by the police, he declared his aim to destroy the religious structure, indicating escalating threats to Muslim heritage sites.

“मैं इस मस्जिद को उड़ाने आया हूँ तोड़ने आया हूँ, आज नही तो कल ये ज़रूर टूटेगी, मैं डाबर भाइयों ( मुसलमान) को जगाने आया हूँ मेरा मक़्सद मस्जिद तोड़ना है”

मथुरा की शाही ईदगाह पर पैट्रोल और माचिस लेकर पहुंचे पुष्पेंद्र चौधरी ने तेल छिड़क कर ख़ुद को कार में लॉक कर लिया, पुलिस ने… pic.twitter.com/e7dxS7QFMa

— Zakir Ali Tyagi (@ZakirAliTyagi) September 1, 2024

• September 1, 2024 – Sanjauli, Shimla, Himachal Pradesh

A large protest erupted in Sanjauli, a suburb of Shimla, with hundreds of participants demanding the demolition of a mosque they deemed “illegal” and justice for a Hindu trader who was severely attacked in the Malyana area. The demonstration, involving nearly 500 people from various parts of the city, expressed concerns over the increasing number of Muslim migrants in Shimla, calling for their police verification and registration. The rally was sparked by a dispute involving the businessman, who was assaulted by several individuals from the minority community on Friday night. The police have already filed an FIR related to the attack.

Senior district officials attended the protest to address the concerns, acknowledging that part of the mosque’s construction on Waqf Board land was unauthorized and that legal proceedings were underway. Shimla’s Superintendent of Police, Sanjeev Kumar Gandhi, assured that the attack case would be handled as an attempt to murder and urged for peace. He also stated that investigations into the migrant issue would be pursued. Meanwhile, Shimla Deputy Commissioner Anupam Kashyap noted that the top floor of the mosque was under scrutiny, with construction halted and an earlier unauthorized toilet demolished.

The tension has escalated with reports that local police were enforcing a de facto boycott of Muslim workers in the area. Journalist Chander Sekhar Luthra criticized this action, highlighting that the police instructed local businesses to dismiss Muslim employees, reflecting a troubling shift towards community-specific discrimination. Luthra condemned the lack of support from the state government and urged Chief Minister Sukhvinder Singh Sukhu to uphold religious harmony and reject the divisive tactics being employed.

Hundreds of people gathered at #Sanjauli, a suburb of Shimla, on Sunday and protested against “illegal” construction of a mosque and an attack on a trader in #Malyana area of the city.

The protesters demanded demolition of the structure and registration of a case of attempt to… pic.twitter.com/JmFM7bg3XZ

— Hate Detector (@HateDetectors) September 1, 2024

Is Congress govt in HP going BJP way???
My first hand account in Shimla… after a Muslim allegedly bashed a Hindu resident in Sanjauli area of Shimla, first time I saw procession Hindus calling for ‘Muslim boycott’…
1/1@INCIndia @BJP4India @RahulGandhi @SukhuSukhvinder

— Chander Shekhar Luthra (@shekharluthra) September 1, 2024

4. Media Misrepresentation and Bias

The recent instances of media misrepresentation and bias underscore a troubling trend that exacerbates communal tensions and perpetuates harmful stereotypes. For example, using misleading imagery, such as portraying an elderly Muslim man in a context unrelated to him, can create unwarranted suspicion and prejudice against the Muslim community. Similarly, biased reporting on allegations involving minority professionals, without substantial evidence, can fuel religious discrimination and cast doubt on the integrity of those individuals. These instances highlight how selective and distorted media portrayals can deepen societal divides, unfairly target communities, and undermine efforts towards a more balanced and just public discourse.

• August 29, 2024 – Bijnor, Uttar Pradesh

In Bijnor district, Uttar Pradesh, a Muslim teacher named Ayesha Parveen was suspended from her position at a higher primary school due to allegations that she prohibited Hindu students from wearing tilak. These claims, made by the Basic Shiksha Adhikari (BSA), have been strongly denied by Ayesha, who has been a dedicated educator at the school for nearly 20 years. Following her suspension, students gathered to bid her farewell, with many visibly upset and some deciding to leave the school in protest. A viral video shows Ayesha, wearing a hijab, comforting her students and encouraging them to continue working hard despite the situation. Ayesha explained that she has never made such statements, attributing the confusion to a colleague named Usha, who had advised against wearing caps or tilak. Ayesha has since joined a new school while she awaits the outcome of the ongoing inquiry into the allegations against her.

A #Muslim teacher was suspended from higher primary school in #UttarPradesh’s #Bijnor district over allegations that she barred #Hindu students from wearing tilak.

The suspension was followed by the allegations made by Basic Shiksha Adhikari (BSA) The teacher, #AyeshaParveen,… pic.twitter.com/G48ofuYKDx

— Hate Detector (@HateDetectors) August 29, 2024

• August 30, 2024 – Rampur, Uttar Pradesh

In a disturbing instance of media bias, News24 TV channel used the image of an elderly Muslim man as a symbolic representation while reporting on a crime involving the rape of a baby goat, despite the accused being identified as a Hindu, namely Sher Singh. This misrepresentation perpetuates harmful stereotypes and fosters unwarranted suspicion and prejudice against the Muslim community.

रामपुर में बकरी के बच्चे के साथ कुकर्म कर लहूलुहान करने वाले व्यक्ति का नाम शेर सिंह है लेकिन @news24tvchannel ने ख़बर को ब्रेक करने के दौरान प्रतीकात्मक तस्वीर के रूप में कुर्ता और लूंगी पहने मुस्लिम बुज़ुर्ग की तस्वीर को इस्तेमाल किया है, ये News24 उन चैंनलों में सबसे पहले आता… https://t.co/urZM5L7FuP pic.twitter.com/WKnONPczBL

— Zakir Ali Tyagi (@ZakirAliTyagi) August 30, 2024

5. Political Statements Undermining Secularism

The political statements undermining secularism, as highlighted in the recent incidents, reveal a troubling trend where elected leaders and public officials openly endorse or rationalize communal divisions. Inflammatory remarks by politicians, such as justifying violence against certain communities or framing entire religious groups as threats to national security, exacerbate existing tensions and legitimize acts of hate. For instance, when a prominent political leader suggested that specific religious practices are incompatible with national values, it fuelled a narrative that equates religious identity with disloyalty, fostering an environment where discrimination and violence are seen as patriotic acts. These statements are not merely rhetoric; they signal to supporters that targeting minorities is acceptable, even necessary, to protect the nation. Such political discourse erodes the secular principles enshrined in the Indian Constitution, emboldening fringe elements and undermining efforts to maintain communal harmony. By leveraging communal sentiments for political gain, these leaders contribute to a climate of fear and division, making it increasingly difficult for diverse communities to coexist peacefully.

• September 1, 2024 – Udaipur, Rajasthan

Rajasthan’s Education Minister Madan Dilawar announced that any textbooks glorifying Mughal emperor Akbar and labelling him as “great” will be destroyed. Speaking at an event at the Vivekanand Auditorium in Mohanlal Sukhadia University, Udaipur, Dilawar criticized the comparison of Akbar with Maharana Pratap, arguing that it insults the Rajput warrior and Rajasthan’s pride. He described Maharana Pratap as a steadfast defender who refused to yield, in contrast to Akbar, whom he accused of causing deaths for personal gain. Dilawar condemned any praise of Akbar in educational materials, asserting that such references are detrimental to the heritage of Mewar and Rajasthan. He added that although they have not yet found any textbooks that honour Akbar as “great,” any such instances will result in the destruction of the books, as per Rediff News. Such statements from a government official raise concerns about attempts to rewrite history and promote a singular narrative that marginalizes certain communities.

Erosion of secularism and rule of law:

The incidents highlighted here are not isolated; they are part of a larger, more ominous pattern of communal violence and state complicity. The rise in anti-Muslim rhetoric, coupled with a lack of accountability for those who perpetrate violence, suggests a systematic erosion of the rule of law when it comes to protecting minority rights in India. The government’s silence, and in some cases, active participation in the vilification of Muslims, has emboldened vigilante groups and hate mongers, making life increasingly precarious for Muslims across the country. From inflammatory speeches by political and religious leaders to violent assaults and threats against individuals and religious sites, these incidents signify a breach in the country’s commitment to secularism and communal harmony. Media misrepresentation further exacerbates these tensions, contributing to widespread misinformation and prejudice.

If India is to remain a pluralistic and democratic society, it is imperative that these trends are reversed. This requires not only holding those responsible for hate crimes accountable but also fostering a political and social environment that values inclusivity and rejects bigotry. Without such efforts, the communal fabric of the nation will continue to deteriorate, leading to further violence and division. Addressing this surge in communal hostility requires immediate and concerted efforts from all sectors of society, including strict legal action against perpetrators, responsible media reporting, and proactive measures to foster interfaith dialogue and understanding. Upholding the principles of equality and justice enshrined in the Indian Constitution is imperative to ensuring peace and unity in the nation’s diverse social fabric.

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The post One week of escalating persecution: The intensifying struggles of Muslims in new India appeared first on SabrangIndia.

With the ouster of Hasina, news of protesters taking over the residence of ex-PM emerged, with videos of the protestors taking away stuff from Hasina’s official residence. Even though a statement was made by Army chief Waker uz Zaman, stating that law-and-order will be maintained in the country and action will be taken against offenders, situations soon turned volatile. Adding fuel to the fire were unsubstantiated reports of minority Hindus in Bangladesh being attacked by the majority population of Bangladesh. Within hours of the reports of Hasina leaving the country, false narratives of Bangladeshi Hindus facing attacks, their houses being demolished and Hindu temples being vandalised emerged on social media.

It is crucial to highlight here that the coordinators of the Anti-Discrimination Student Movement, which had led the protest demanding the resignation of Hasina, had also appealed to protect Hindu population in Bangladesh. On August 8, 2024, Dr Mohammed Yunus, after taking charge of the interim government in Bangladesh delivered his first address and said “if you trust me to run your country, the first thing you need to do is to stop attacking the people and the minorities around you. If you don’t, I have no use and it’s better I leave”.

As pictures unrelated to Bangladesh and old videos started surfacing and circulating on social media, many took to busting these false exaggerated claims being made with the objective of given a communal colour to the situation of Bangladesh and create an unrest in India between the Hindu and Muslim community. To counter the hysteria being spread by the right-wing groups on social media, pictures of Muslims in Bangladesh standing vigil in front of Hindu temples also emerged on social media. (A detailed report can be viewed here.) Adding to this chaos of false news and misinformation being spread stands Republic TV, which has been creating confusion and mixing information and misinformation. In the past as well, Republic TV has been criticised, even by the Courts, for their “derogatory” manner of reporting on news. In January 2021, a Division Bench comprising Chief Justice Dipankar Dutta and Justice GS Kulkarni of the Bombay High Court had held that the media coverage by Republic TV and Times Now against Mumbai police in the case pertaining to death of late actor Sushant Singh Rajput to be prima facie contemptuous

Reports on the actual attacks on minorities in Bangladesh till now:

However, it is pertinent to highlight that The Daily Star has reported a few attacks on minorities till now. As per the report of the The Daily Star, in Dhaka’s Dhanmondi, the home of band Joler Gaan’s frontman Rahul Ananda was set on fire and burnt to the ground on Monday.

“As soon as they broke down the gate, they started ravaging the house, taking whatever they could find for themselves. They took everything — from furniture and mirrors to valuables. After that, they torched the whole house along with Rahul da’s musical instruments,” a close family source of Rahul had reportedly told The Daily Star. Notably, Rahul and his family had managed to flee to safety and were not attacked. The report also provided that on the same day, the Dhanuka Manasa Bari temple in Shariatpur was ransacked by an angry mob. it has been reported that the mob crushed the idols of Radha-Krishna and razed the temple to the ground. They also damaged all 16 CCTV cameras installed inside the temple premises.

According to The Dhaka Tribune, the warehouse of Babul Saha, chairman of Narikelbaria in Bhagarpara, Jessore, was attacked and looted, along with 22 shops belonging to the local Hindu community. Several homes were also vandalized and plundered during the incident, which occurred on Monday night. The area is home to at least 200 Hindu families, and locals reported that residents are now guarding their homes at night. During a visit on Wednesday, it was observed that Gobinda Saha, a local resident, was cleaning up broken window panes in front of his house, which had been damaged during the attack. He recounted that around 20-25 assailants, armed with machetes and sticks, had stormed their homes around 9:30 p.m. on Monday.

Details of the attacks can be read here.

How Republic TV reported attacks on minorities in Bangladesh:

Before beginning with this, it is essential to note that at least two of the videos shared by Republic TV, namely “Bangladesh Protest: Banaras Hindu University में पढ़ रहे छात्रों ने बताई खौफनाक” (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=TcEu3gw83h4 ) and “बांग्लादेश में हिंसा की भेंट चढ़े हिंदू मंदिर हुई तोड़फोड़ | Bangladesh Hindu Mandir Attack” (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=YiXdoawPofY ) have been made private. The said video had some nasty unsubstantiated comments.

In another video, namely “Bangladesh में कट्टरपंथियों का निशाना बने हिंदू! | R Bharat Bangladesh में कट्टरपंथियों का निशाना बने हिंदू! | R Bharat”, Republic Bharat has made big claims about how the whole Hindu population in Bangladesh is at the target of the public at large in the country. However, their report on the properties of Hindus being destroyed is intertwined with false news.

One of the clippings from the report of the Hindu properties being burnt showed the following temple being burnt by mobs.

It is essential to note that Mohammad Zubair, a fact checker and the co-founder of AltNews, had highlighted that the visual that are being passed as the burning of a Hindu temple is, in fact, a restaurant being burnt by the protestors in Bangladesh. While the reporter herself stated that there is an increasing anger in the Hindus of India in regards to the targeting of Hindus of Bangladesh, Republic TV themselves went on to spread fake and unverified news. To do so after knowing that the activities of the neighbouring will have on the public order and harmony of India is reckless to say the least. In addition to spreading misinformation and panic in regards to the situation in Bangladesh, the report used derogatory words such a “jihadi” for the Muslims of Bangladesh multiple times throughout the video. Instigating tickers containing the word ‘Jihadi’ were also a part of the programme.

It is essential to note that the report even claimed that the Muslims in Bangladesh were trying to burn Hindus alive there. While the on-ground situation of Bangladesh remains unclear, creating panic by making exaggerated speeches and creating chaos is violative of the duties that media and digital news is supposed to abide by. A few examples of instigating tickers is below:

The video can be viewed here: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=cmjbQMzUedI

In the other programme, which was titled “Bangladesh में लोगों पर आफत, मंदिरों पर हमला, अस्तित्व पर संकट! | R Bharat” also had a similar coverage, wherein derogatory words such as ‘Jihadi’ were used repeatedly.

A few examples of instigating tickers are as follows:

The video can be viewed here: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ylvW0pF9EDE

Guidelines of the court on media coverage and the role and conduct of the anchors:

The Bombay High Court had, in the case of Nilesh Navalakha and ors vs Union of India and ors. [PIL (ST) No. 92252 of 2020], had touched upon the issue of media trials being run by certain TV channels in the name of “investigative journalism” and the role that electronic media played in derogation of characters of those being investigated by police and courts in the Sushant Singh Rajput case. The High Court bench led by the then Chief Justice Dipankar Dutta and comprising of Justice Girish Kulkarni had admonished media houses of indulging in such a media trial while reiterating the role of statutory authorities under the Cable Television Networks Act and directed them to take necessary action in complaints received by them.

The 251-page judgment of the Bombay High Court, a constitutional court, is now the most recent jurisprudential marker on established standards for media publications, electronic media and networks when they report ongoing investigations and legal proceedings. While laying down several norms specifying the conduct that needs to be followed by anchors during debates and programmes, the Court had stated that the right to freedom of speech and expression like all other rights in the Constitution is also not absolute; it is subject to imposition of reasonable restrictions. The court also emphasised upon the role that media plays in moulding the opinion of the common person in India, making it all the more essential for them to abide by the rules of responsibility, neutrality and impartiality in their reporting.

The details on the judgment can be read here.

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