A Case filed by the Mumbai police against 36 people, including activists and lawyers, for protesting at the Gateway of India against the attack on students at Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU) in New Delhi who were protesting against the discriminatory Citizenship (Amendment) Act in January 2020 has been withdrawn.

Earlier this month, January 2023, the additional chief metropolitan magistrate allowed an application filed on behalf of the state government seeking to withdraw the plea and disposed of the case. The application filed on January 12 through the prosecutor said that the accused persons had committed the alleged act “as a protest without any personal interest or benefits”.

“Further, it is contended that there is no loss of life as well as loss to public property. Therefore, considering the allegations and facts of the case and the alleged act being social and political in nature, the prosecution does not want to proceed with the matter….,” the court said in its order passed on January 12.

The prosecutor, who moved the application, cited the GR dated September 20, 2022 by the state Home department. The GR, issued soon after the Maharashtra Vikas Aghadi (MVA) government had been overturned, said that political parties and social organisations conducted protests in social interest and to raise awareness on various issues.

The GR stated that the government had decided to withdraw cases involving such protests, where chargesheets have been filed on or before March 31, 2022 and which meet certain criteria including the nature of the protest. The application was moved by the prosecutor under Section 321 of the Criminal Procedure Code which gives power to the prosecutor to withdraw a case with consent from the court. The prosecutor said in the plea that he had applied his mind to the facts of the case and came to the conclusion that this was a fit case for withdrawal.

In December 2020, the Colaba police had filed a chargesheet against the 36 persons on charges including unlawful assembly, claiming that they had gathered at the Gateway of India without requisite permission around midnight on January 25 and eventually the protestors’ number rose to 400. The 36 referred to as participants in the protest were charged with Section 143 (member of an unlawful assembly), Section 149 (every member of an unlawful assembly guilty of offence committed in prosecution of common object) of the Indian Penal Code, Section 37 (3) of the Bombay Police Act, 1951. Those named in the chargesheet are lawyers Mihir Desai, Lara Jesani, Lokshahir Sambhaji Bhagat, students and activists, including Suvarna Salve, Bilal Khan and CPI leader Prakash Reddy, among others.

According to officials, as per the GR, a committee comprising the zonal DCP (Zone 1), ACP and the assistant director and public prosecutor, met in November to decide on the cases falling within the GR’s conditions for withdrawal. A total of 44 cases from seven police stations in South Mumbai were then shortlisted and recommended for withdrawal.

Background behind the FIRs

Initially, even while the city was grappling with the Covid-19 pandemic, these cases were proceeded by the Mumbai police and continue to be prosecuted against peaceful protestors who were part of vibrant, peaceful and democratic protests way back in January and February 2020. The criminalization of protestors who were part of these widely reported peaceful protests has been a nationwide phenomenon with Delhi, Uttar Pradesh and Gujarat being the worst. 

The passing of the unconstitutional Citizenship Amendment Act, 2019 (CAA) introduced at the behest of the BJP government in December 2019 had led to nationwide protests. In Mumbai, civilians from all sections came forward to protest against the communal and divisive, CAA and the arbitrary process of the All India NRC and NPR sought to be initiated by the Central government which could potentially render scores of citizens of India from the marginalized sections, vulnerable groups and minorities, especially Muslims, Dalits, Adivasis, women, children and the undocumented poor, without citizenship rights. Even the Maharashtra Vikas Aghadi government and the parties in alliance have expressed their concerns about CAA, NPR or NRC on several occasionsand also questioned the Central Government on the information being sought in NPR/NRC, cabinets in several states have passed resolutions against CAA and raised similar objections against NPR/NRC. The Maharashtra governmenthas even instituted a 6-member committee of sitting ministers to review the legislations regarding CAA NPR NRC and submit a report before the Hon’ble Chief Minister. 

Since mid-December 2019 to mid-March 2020 i.e. before the Covid-19 pandemic crisis, several peaceful and democratic protests were conducted by citizens in Mumbai in exercise of the fundamental rights to free speech and assembly as recognized by the Indian Constitution against the draconian CAA NPR NRC and violent attacks on civilian protests in different parts of the country during the time. The Mumbai protests have been exemplary and a stellar display of the democratic spirit by the active citizenry of the country. Lakhs of Mumbaikars from different communities joined the protests, which were attended by ex-civil servants, political leaders and sitting ministers, government workers, musicians, film personalities, students, professionals, citizen groups, civil society organisations and civilians from different sectors. No incidence of violence, incitement or disruption was reported at any of these peaceful protests, and instead the satyagrahi protestors displayed their commitment to the nation and the Indian Constitution, holding the Constitution in one hand and the Indian national flag in the other.  

However inspite of this, the Mumbai Police selectively filed FIRs against only a few known activists, lawyers, journalists and students in respect of several of these peaceful and democratic protests (inspite of thousands of people being participating the same protests). In none of these cases any allegation of violence or incitement of violence has been made and admittedly the protests were all peaceful. The police subsequently filed chargesheets in these cases, which are now going on before the respective Metropolitan Magistrate courts. Police summons in these cases were served upon those named in these cases, in the heat of the pandemic and the civilian have had to face immense harassment due to these proceedings. Details of some of the cases are provided below. 

(i) Case No. PS/950/2020 pending before the 3^rdMetropolitan Magistrate Court, Esplanade, Mumbai in the matter of State of Maharashtra vs. Feroz Hamaja Mithiborwala & Ors. (FIR No. 7/2020 dated 7^th January 2020, Colaba Police Station) – Gateway Protest

In a spontaneous candlelight vigil held at midnight on 5^th January 2020 at Gateway of India, thousands of students and civilians alerted by social media and the media attended the public gathering to protest the violent attacks by masked mobs holding rods and sticks in the JNU campus which left at least 23 people from the university injured and admitted to AIIMS and Safdarjung Hospital. The protest was not organized by any group but was a spontaneous response to calls on social media to protest the violence taking place in JNU campus, which took place in the midst of when the CAA NPR NRC protests were going on nationwide. 

The violence on students in JNU campus was also publicly condemned by Aditya Thackeray who had demanded that action be taken against the attackers. The Gateway protest was by then state cabinet minister Aditya Thackeray and by eminent personalities in the city including political leaders and sitting ministers from the ruling Maharashtra government, film actors, musicians and students from across the city. No incident of violence or disorder took place and the protest went on peacefully. The Mumbai police co-operated with the satyagrahi protestors and did not close down the protest demonstration. The protest was allowed to continue until the morning of 7^th January 2020, whenfew student protestors who were at the site were detained and shifted to Azad Maidan, and the protest was subsequently called off. 

Shortly after this, in a shocking move, it was reported that the FIR bearing no. 7/2020 dated January 7, 2020 under Sections 143 and 149 of the IPC and 37(3) and 135 of the Maharashtra Police Act had been filed by Colaba Police Station selectively against 52activists, lawyers, students, academicians selectively and about 300 to 400 unnamed protestors and political leaders, even as tens of thousands of people had reportedly attended the highly covered and publicly telecast protests over a course of 1.5 days. Infact those named in the FIR were not even present on the site when the protest were closed down by the police.Pursuant to the filing of the FIR, several persons were called to Colaba Police Station for recording statement and asked to furnish bail. Subsequently the Colaba Police Station filed its chargesheet in the case against 36 persons on 28^th December 2020 and those named in the Final Report have had to obtain bail and appear regularly on dates before the Ld. Metropolitan Magistrate, Esplanade Court. The case is currently pending. 

In 2020, during the Covid-19 pandemic, chapter proceedings were also initiated against some of the people who were named, by the Executive Magistrate / ACP, Colaba Police Station in respect of the same FIR, which were subsequently abandoned in 2021.

(ii) Case No. PS/12/2021 pending before the 38^thMetropolitan Magistrate Court, Ballad Pier, Mumbai in the matter of State of Maharashtra vs. Salim Hamja Sabuwala & Ors. (FIR no. 4/2020 dated January 7, 2020 MRA Marg Police Station) – Hutatma Chowk protest rally

On January 6, 2020, a protest rally was held from Hutatma Chowk to Gateway (where the civilianprotest was already going on), also in response to the JNU violence. Several students, activists were part of this rally, which went on peacefully and the police also did not stop the same. No incident of violence or disorder took place in this peaceful rally that was joined by eminent personalities. The police at no point of time tried to disperse the protestors and were in fact guiding them. However, following the rally FIRsbearing no. 4/2020 dated 7^th January 2020 under Sections 141, 143, 149, 341 and 34 of IPC was filed by MRA Marg Police Station against 31 activists, lawyers, students, academicians selectively and about 200-250 unnamed protestors. The arbitrary nature of the FIRs is also evident from the fact that several persons named in the FIR initially were not even present at the rally. Pursuant to the filing of the FIR, several persons were called to MRA Marg Police Station for recording statements and asked to furnish bail. Subsequently the MRA Marg Police Station filed its chargesheet in the case against 16 persons on January 5, 2021 and those named in the Final Report have had to obtain bail and appear regularly on dates before the Ld. Metropolitan Magistrate, Ballard Pier Court. 

In 2020, during the Covid-19 pandemic, chapter proceedings were also initiated against some of the people who were named, by the Executive Magistrate / ACP, MRA Marg Police Station, with surety noticeranging from 1-10 lakhs and in one case to the tune of 50 lakhs. The ACP, MRA Marg Police Station had subsequently closed the chapter proceedings.

(iii) FIR no. 34/2020 dated February 7, 2020, Nagpada Police Station – Mumbai Bagh Protest against CAA-NPR-NRC

FIR bearing no. 34/2020 dated February 7, 2020 had been filed by the Nagpada Police Station in the protests held at Mumbai Bagh against 200 to 300 unidentified women protestors. The protest was organized by the local community and was entirely peaceful and without any untoward incident. 

Chapter proceedings were also initiated against few activists selectively in connection with the said FIR and the Mumbai Bagh protests although they are not even named in the FIR, which were subsequently abandoned. 

(iv) Following proceedings in connection to CAA-NPR-NRC protests were also initiated by police or are pending –

1. Case No. 324/PS/2020 under sections 37(1), 135 of the Maharashtra Police Act pending before the 5^th Metropolitan Magistrate Court at Dadar, Bhoiwada Mumbai – candle light vigil at Veera Kotwal Gardens

A FIR was also filed at Mahim Police Station in connection with a peaceful candle light vigil at Veer Kotwal Gardens, where student protestors who were part of the protest were prevented from leaving and were subsequently detained and taken to the Mahim police station by the police. Following this several persons were summoned before the Bhoiwada Magistrate court to furnish bail. Subsequently a chargesheet has been filed in the case and the matter is pending before the 5^th Metropolitan Magistrate Court at Dadar.

2. FIR No. 3/2020 under Sections 37(1), 135 of the Maharashtra Police Act filed by the Marine Drive Police Station – candlelight vigil at Marine Drive

A FIR was also filed at Marine Drive Police Station in connection with a peaceful candle light vigil at Marine Drive in which students and young activists participated and few of them were subsequently detailed and taken to Marine Drive Police Station and also made to furnish bail.

3. Several other police stations have also filed FIRs, including FIR No. 53/2020 (Deonar Police Station), FIR No. 5/2020 (Shivaji Park Police Station) and possibly others in connection with the CAA NPR NRC protests.

The police had claimed in the aforesaid Gateway and Hutatma chowk protest FIRs that the protests took place without police permission and in breach of prohibitory orders under Section 144 of the Criminal Procedure Code, 1973, which are in place in South Mumbai. Apart from this, there is no other allegation against the satyagrahi protestors of illegality and it is not the case of the police that there was any violence, incitement or disorder or any other “crime” at the protests. Infact, the police did not attempt to disperse the satyagrahi protestors but were co-operating with them and guiding them, resulting in peaceful and orderly protests. However, in spite of all the above protests being peaceful and democratic and attended by a large diversity and number of Mumbaikars, the police has initiated the aforesaid criminal cases. 

It is pertinent to note here that while tens of thousands of civilians attended these protests, only a few handful activists, students, lawyers and academicians are being selectively prosecuted by the police.Those arraigned in these cases are facing unnecessary harassment, restrictions and criminalization at each stage in their education, career and daily lives, while not having committed a single crime except for believing in democracy and in the values enshrined in the Indian Constitution.

Mumbai city has a tradition of democratic and peaceful protests in exercise of fundamental rights and constitutional freedoms guaranteed to the people under the Indian Constitution. Many protests have taken place in Mumbai to protest violence against women, caste violence, oppressive policies, bills and anti-worker and anti-farmer legislations by the central government and to uphold the constitution and save democracy. 

Even in protests that have taken place without police permission, generally protestors are allowed to continue peacefully, and otherwise warned or at the maximum detained by the police briefly without any criminal action. However such action of filing and pursuing criminal cases is not only shocking but completely arbitrary and excessive.

It is ironic that when there are real crimes taking place against civilians daily, the police in Maharashtra and elsewhere were investing its energies on prosecuting and criminalizing students and activists who have infact upheld the values of the Constitution and democratic spirit of the city and the country. This kind of action by the police also goes against the spirit of secularism and commitment to constitutional values that forms part of the minimum programme of the Maharashtra Vikas Aghadi alliance, which is what these protests had sought to protect. 

Such criminalization of protests by the police sets a wrong and dangerous precedent of targeting dissenting voices and opposing views, thereby threatening our democracy, which cannot be allowed. 

There are hundreds of instances of protests in the period which similarly took place, but were not met with criminal action by the police as is seen in these cases. State Governments in Tamil Nadu, Kerala and others have already, last year, announced withdrawal of the CAA NPR NRC protest FIRs, while High Courts such as Madras High Court have quashed CAA NPR NRC protest FIRs where the protests were similarly peaceful.

The Maharashtra Government had previously honoured its commitment towards the people of the city and closed FIRs against protestors in the Save Aarey protest, Nanar protest, Covid related offences and even all the protest FIRs upto December 31, 2019 (few days before the dates of the above FIRs), in various of its orders passed to the effect.

Related:

Delhi: JNU Imposing Fines of up to Rs 15,000 Over Earlier Protests: Students

JNU’s Sharad Baviskar allegedly harassed and assaulted!

JNU must withdraw order making the university out of bounds for Sucheta De: AICCTU

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In yet another deplorable example on the state of the education sector in Uttar Pradesh, aspirant teachers have engaged in state-wide protests to condemn recruitment irregularities and the brutal lathi-charge on individuals observing a candle march on December 5, 2021.

On Sunday, a large group of hopeful teachers gathered in Lucknow to condemn the infamous irregularities in the 2019 Uttar Pradesh exam that was to recruit 69,000 assistant teachers across UP. The recruitment drive initiated prior to the global pandemic was much anticipated by the youth but proved to be disappointing when the process was accused of bias and irregularities, including issues in the allocation of quotas in the merit list of selected candidates, reported NewsClick.

As the second wave of the pandemic subsided, the aspirants resolved to step out on the streets and demand their dues from the BJP-led UP government. However, the peaceful protesters ended up facing heavy police lathi-charge. The incident has sparked huge outrage among Opposition party leaders and the masses.

यूपी में 69 हजार शिक्षक भर्ती के पुराने व लम्बित मामले को लेकर लखनऊ में कल रात शान्तिपूर्ण कैंडल मार्च निकालने वाले सैकड़ों युवाओं पर पुलिस लाठीचार्ज करके घायल करना निन्दनीय व अत्यंत दुःखद!

रोज़गार माँगने वालों को #UP सरकार ने लाठियाँ दीं-
जब भाजपा वोट माँगने आए तो याद रखना! pic.twitter.com/urnmQ9QWTC

— SANYUKT VIKAS Party (Official Profile) (@SanyuktVikas) December 5, 2021

Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) leader Mayawati tweeted in Hindi on the same day, “It is very sad and condemnable to injure hundreds of youths, who took out a peaceful candle march in the capital Lucknow last night by lathi-charge, regarding the old and pending case of recruitment of 69 thousand teachers in UP. The government should immediately consider their legitimate demands sympathetically, this demand of BSP.”

यूपी में 69 हजार शिक्षक भर्ती के पुराने व लम्बित मामले को लेकर राजधानी लखनऊ में कल रात शान्तिपूर्ण कैंडल मार्च निकालने वाले सैकड़ों युवाओं का पुलिस लाठीचार्ज करके घायल करना अति-दुःखद व निन्दनीय। सरकार इनकी जायज़ माँगों पर तुरन्त सहानुभूतिपूर्वक विचार करे, बीएसपी की यह माँग।

— Mayawati (@Mayawati) December 5, 2021

Similarly, Congress leader Rahul Gandhi condemned the incident on twitter by writing in Hindi, “The UP government served lathi-charge to those seeking employment – Remember when BJP comes to ask for votes!”

Moreover, even BJP’s own members like Varun Gandhi spoke out against the attack on unarmed dissenters.

ये बच्चे भी मां भारती के लाल हैं, इनकी बात मानना तो दूर, कोई सुनने को तैयार नहीं है। इस पर भी इनके ऊपर ये बर्बर लाठीचार्ज।

अपने दिल पर हाथ रखकर सोचिए क्या ये आपके बच्चे होते तो इनके साथ यही व्यवहार होता??

आपके पास रिक्तियां भी हैं और योग्य अभ्यर्थी भी, तो भर्तियां क्यों नहीं?? pic.twitter.com/6F67ZDJgzW

— Varun Gandhi (@varungandhi80) December 5, 2021

“These children are also of Mother India. Far from accepting their demands, no one is ready to listen. On top of that, this barbaric lathi charge! You have vacancies as well as qualified candidates, so why not recruits??” he asked in a tweet.

Regarding this persisting issue of vacancies, Scheduled Castes and Other Backward Classes (OBC) folk have been protesting for the last two years. Protesters have demanded that the 22,000 teaching posts of 69,000 vacancies for assistant teachers should be opened for recruitment once again.

As per the reservation policy, OBC candidates should account for 27 percent of the total vacancies when in reality only 4 percent were filled at the time. Similarly, SC candidates accounted for 16 percent of the vacancies instead of the mandated 22 percent.

Keeping up with their promise, the injured protesters headed towards the Eco Garden while more dharnas cropped up in other parts.

Earlier this year, the education sector already suffered a heavy blow when over 1,600 teachers and sector-related workers died while carrying out gram panchayat election duties. Primary school teachers across the state have complained about the heavy strain on public school teachers who are in some regions left in-charge of entire schools.

The impact of such delay in recruitment can now be seen in horrifying stories like the Muzaffarnagar incident where 17 girls were drugged and molested by a private school principal and another public school principal whose institution does not have the credentials to be called a high school.

Similarly, members of the UP Mahila Shikshak Sangh and UP Primary Teachers Association have informed that some teachers continue to hold multi-grade classes in a single classroom because rural schools suffer a severe shortage of sufficient teachers and staff.

“It is important to ensure one teacher per class of 30 students. UP has a longstanding ritual of multiple classes in one room,” said UP activist Chaturanan Ojha in earlier talks with Sabrang India

Related:

Direct funds to guardians solves nothing: UP activists on gov’t education

Increase in gov’t school enrolment meaningless if facilities not improved: UP teachers on ASER data

Families of deceased UP teachers still waiting for ex-gratia payment

UP: Mahila Shikshak Sangh demands monthly 3-day period leave

UP: 1,621 people on polling duty dead, but gov’t recognises only 3!

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The students of Uttar Banga Krishi Vishwavidyalaya (UBKV) in Cooch Behar and Trinamool Chhatra Parishad (TMCP) supporters alleged that armed BJP workers entered the university campus on the evening of Tuesday, assaulting students after they had held a demonstration against the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA) in front of BJP MP Jayanta Roy, The Telegraph reported.

On Tuesday, Jalpaiguri BJP MP Jayanta Roy had come to the University to inaugurate an agricultural fair when TMCP supporters and students held an agitation against the CAA and the National Register of Citizens (NRC). It was after this, that students say, a group of around 20 BJP men, some supposedly carrying firearms, made way into the university premises and started assaulting the students.

General Secretary of the TMCP, Sushmen Biswas told The Telegraph, “The attack was similar to the one at JNU. As we had demonstrated before the MP, they entered the campus with sticks, rods and even guns. They beat us and one of us was hit with the butt of a firearm. We have launched a protest and will continue until the police arrest all of them.”

Bablu Ganguly, a student, also told The Telegraph, “The students shouted ‘go-back’ slogans. Slogans were also raised against the CAA and the NRC. When the MP was leaving the university, they demonstrated in front of him but there was no violence. However, a group of BJP supporters who had gathered outside started throwing stones at the protesters.”

The students of UBKV have since boycotted their exams and launched a protest demanding immediate action against their alleged attackers. The Vice Chancellor of the University too has sent an email to the Superintendent of Police of Cooch Behar. He said, “After the inaugural programme, the MP was leaving the university. We saw some outsiders, who were standing near the entrance, shoving and pushing our students. They also threw stones and bricks at the students. We condemn the attack and have spoken with officials at Nabanna. Not only the students, even the teachers feeling insecure.”

However, BJP leaders have denied the allegations. Sukumar Roy Sarkar, a local BJP leader has said, “Our party does not have any connection with the incident. Some students who support Trinamool are trying to malign our party.”

Related:
Bengaluru BJP workers threaten design school over Modi graffiti
Jamia students demand FIR against police, cancellation of exams
‘Don’t forget Gujarat’: Pro-CAA supporters warn protestors at a BJP rally in Kerala

The post Students of UBKV and Trinamool Chhatra Parishad accuse BJP of violence appeared first on SabrangIndia.

In the mid-seventies, when I came to Delhi University (DU) from a small village in Haryana, the deployment of police or private security guards either in the college or the university campus was unheard of. There used to be university watchmen at the gates of colleges, hostels and faculty, who were generally befriended by the students. In the entire north campus, only one man from the intelligence used to be seen from time to time. That sociable police officer was often recognized by the students, who took part in student politics, debate, literary and cultural activities. Of course, back then, there used to be protests, elections of students’ and teachers’ organizations, big fairs and festivals; a wave of new ‘bad elements’ used to come in year after year; there was a race among certain colleges to be on the top as a ‘terror’ college; there were many kinds of fights in between, even knives were used, … but generally there was no need to call the police before or after the incidents. The college and university administrations used to manage everything on their own. Police intervention was allowed only on the permission and deliberations of college and university officials. This had no effect on the lives of the students, who were enjoying their studies and pursuing other interests. What it meant was that a large university, whose symbol is elephant, used to run only with its own arrangement, despite the fact that the campus is an open campus which can easily be accessed from all directions. The situation was more or less the same in all central and state universities and colleges. Obviously, this was possible due to a mutual understanding and a sense of responsibility among the teaching and non-teaching staff, students and, of course, the vice-chancellors and the principals.

As the influence or pressure of neo-liberalism increased in politics, society, religion and culture through country’s economy, the education system could not remain untouched by it. According to the Indian Constitution, education is the responsibility of the state. However, it was opened to the private sector under neoliberal policies. Due to the privatization of education, a large world of private educational institutions has come into existence. The pressure of privatization has also been put on the already existing public sector educational institutions. Under the earlier administrative setup, all employees from peons, chowkidars, daftaris, gardeners, scavengers, butlers, lab assistants, library assistants etc. to clerks happened to be permanent employees of the university. There was new recruitment after the retirement of a person. But that practice was stopped 20-25 years ago. Instead of making permanent recruitments, appointment on contractual basis became the trend. One contractual employee was made to accomplish the work of three-four employees and made to work for more than the prescribed hours of duty. The teachers, also, could not escape this trend. About 5000 teachers are ad-hoc or guests in the Delhi University, at present. Such vice chancellors and principals were appointed by the governments, who blindly implemented the policies of privatization in governmental educational institutions.

Meanwhile, the character of student politics also changed. The patent on ‘goondaism’ in student politics did not remain with the National Student Union of India (NSUI) alone. It was taken up by the Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad (ABVP), the students’ wing of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), and further, by the students’ fronts of regional satraps, which came to power in the states due to the politics of social justice, and by the communist students’ organizations in West Bengal and Kerala. Simplicity, healthy debate, common student interests did not remain the concerns of student politics. Student politics has become an endless series of confrontations, with opponents invoking their leaders, icons, slogans, parties, ideologies etc. The students from marginalized societies who, due to constitutional provisions, join the arena of higher education, have envisaged their own mobilization in student politics. So, this clash among student groupings is multi-cornered, which the RSS and the communists operate with a strategy of showing it as between themselves. This phenomenon of student politics is not one-sided or single-folded. Student politics of the neo-liberal era is a shadow of the corporate politics prevalent in the country in the present times. This is also true for teachers’ politics to a large extent. It has lost the strength to oppose privatization of education by securing higher pay scales and other facilities under neo-liberal policies. They are not ready to concede that the communalization of education cannot be stopped without abrogating privatization.

Wealthy students get relief by getting admission and campus postings in private educational institutions. Most candidates, who seek admissions and jobs in public sector colleges and universities, live in constant uncertainty. Government education is no longer as cheap and affordable as it used to be before. The pressure of an all-round consumerist culture also plays its role. They are constantly told by the political elites that the country is progressing very fast. When they try to find their place in that progress, then disappointment is often felt. Various kinds of debates, discourses and NGOs are waved in front of them. They join them and experience the significance of their being for some time. No solution seems to be coming out of this ‘touch revolution’ and the age goes on increasing. They live in a state of constant restlessness. The way the entire education system is being uprooted from the axis of the Constitution without proper thought and planning, and mounted on the pivot of privatization of a clumsy kind, there is no dearth of protest issues in front of them. Events at national and international level also agitate student groups. So, there is one or the other protest every day on the campuses. The student leaders, who see student politics as a means of making a place in party politics or have other vested interests, take advantage of this situation. Big and small leaders, media, civil society activists are ever ready to play their roles. Hence, there is a need to look into this background while discussing the private security arrangements and the presence and role of the police/paramilitary forces on the campuses.

If there is restlessness and uncertainty in the minds of students, then there will be protests. In the absence of trust towards students and teachers, university officials will continue to resort to the police again and again. ‘The police answers to those in power’ – this practice has been going on in India since colonial times. The police will defend those student organizations and leaders which have affiliation with the government in power and will suppress the opponents. It will also defend the anti-social and violent elements working for the ruling party. When the top leaders of the country do politics by making communal divide its basis, then the police will also practice communal behavior. In the last few decades, the presence of police on campuses and incidents of interference have increased very rapidly. Rather, the demand for permanent deployment of paramilitary forces on the campus by the vice chancellors has gained momentum. Last year, on the demand of the vice chancellor of the Vishva Bharati University (Shanti Niketan), the central government decided to permanently deploy the Central Industrial Security Force (CISF) on the campus. This is the first time that this has happened in the university system. Earlier in 2017, the vice chancellor of the Banaras Hindu University (BHU) had asked the government for permanent deployment of paramilitary forces on the campus. At that time, the government had not given permission because the vice chancellor had to go on long leave due to certain allegations. In November last year, the vice-chancellor of the Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU) called the Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF) on the campus to deal with the students’ agitation.

The increasing dependence on the police by the university officials, even in minor disputes, is converting campuses into cantonments. That day is not far when the police will enter the premises even without their orders. Recently, this has happened in Jamia Millia Islamia. In the absence of the police, a large number of private guards and barriers give the campus the look of a cantonment. The south campus of the Delhi University is small and compact. It has only six small buildings, including a library. There is a police checkpoint at the main gate. Despite this, there is a plethora of private guards. A person coming to meet a teacher cannot reach him/her easily. Not at all, if he/she is a media person.

In fact, all this is done to enslave the young minds so that they subordinate themselves to the system. It is the responsibility of university officials, teachers, students and administrative staff to not allow a campus to be transformed into a cantonment. Parents and guardians can also play an important role in this. They should insist that the primary responsibility of the university authorities is to create a safe, fear-free and creative environment on the campus, and not to obey this or that government’s order.

RELETED ARTICLES:

1. Raghuram Rajan condemns JNU violence, praises student protests

2. JNU violence must be investigated by a judicial commission

3. ABVP loses top posts in Varanasi’s Sanskrit University student union elections

4. JU professor assaulted by BJP supporters upon objecting to anti-Muslim insults

5. The powerful must listen: India’s youth has spoken against divisive politics

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Former Allahabad University Students Union President Richa Singh who is also a member of the Samajwadi Party was attacked with several of her fellow students activists at the Universty of Allahabad. In an exclusive telephonic interview to Sabrang India, Richa Singh said, “They lobbed bombs on campus to spread fear among students. They also categorically told us to stop speaking against the Vice Chancellor.”

The entire interview may be heard here:

 
Brief background of the case
On Monday September 17, student leader Avinash Dubey released a Whatsapp chat between Prof Hangloo and the Delhi based woman. Shortly afterwards, Rohit Mishra, the former President of the AU Students Union and current National Secretary of ABVP, released a 35 minute audio recording of a conversation between Prof Hangloo and the woman.

In the recording a man (who Mishra claims is Professor Hangloo) offers to use his influence to get the Delhi based woman a job. Sometimes during the discussion, the man is alleged to have crossed boundaries of professional decency and engaged in inappropriate and objectionable conversation. There are allegedly many similarities between the contents of the leaked Whatsapp chat and the audio conversation. Mishra claims he has 17 more such tapes.

Meanwhile, the AU pulic relations officer Chitranjan Kumar said, “It is the matter of probe whether what has been made public by Mishra is authentic or someone has mimic the voice of the VC, the entire issue has to be thoroughly inquired as it is nothing but the conspiracy to malign the image of the VC”.

Attacks on Student Leaders
It looks like there is no respite for student leaders in India, as this attack comes just a day after student activists and newly elected office bearers of the Jawaharlal Nehru University Student Union (JNUSU) were brutally attacked by members of the Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad (ABVP) in New Delhi. Whatever the catalyst and whoever the perpetrator, it appears that under the present ruling dispensation, student leaders are an easy target and university authorities are either ill equipped to protect them or not particularly committed to ensuring their safety.

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