‘Jagmagate thhe jahan Ram key quadam ke nishan
Piyaar kee kahkashan leti thi angdayee jahan
Mod nafrat ke usee rah guzar mein ayee
Dharam kya unka hae, kya zaat hae, yeh janta kaun?
Ghar na jalta tau unhe raat mein pehchanta kaun ,
Ghar jalane ko mera, log jo ghar me ayee ,
Shakahari hae mere dost tumhara khanjar(From ‘Doosra Banvas ‘ by Kaifi Azmi)
Rough translation ‘ The Second Exile’
…..
Wherever he had stepped and his footprints shone
The river waters where thousands of stars of love meandered
Instead now took turns of violence and hatred
What is their Religion, what is their caste, who knows?
Had the house not burnt, who would have known the faces
Of those who came to burn my house
Your sword, my friend, is vegetarian.

(Remembering 06 December 1992 : ” Doosra Banvas” by Bhupinder Singh , https// bhupindersingh.ca/2006/12/05..)

This poem by Kaifi Azmi written in the aftermath of Babri Masjid demolition reveals the contradictions of the movement and is relevant even today. ‘I was born in a slave India,grew up in an Independent India and would like to die in a Socialist India’ was his dream. This dream remains unfulfilled as the present system of inequality is growing very rapidly.

Centenary year

Sayyid Akhtar Hussein Rizvi ( Kaifi Azmi) was born in January 1919 in Mizwaa(n) village of Azamgarh district in U. P. In a deeply religious landlord family. He was sent to a ‘ Madrassa’ in Lucknow for religious education. But he soon developed social consciousness, organized students and held demonstrations. He became ‘comrade’ and not a ‘ moulvi’. He was a man of conviction and never deviated from the ideology. (Kaifi Azmi – a maulvi’ who turned to music and Marx, by Ashutosh Sharma, published 10 May, 2018, nationalheraldindia.com). In his early 20s, he became a member of CPI and had the CPI card in his ‘ kurta’ even at the time of his death.

His works

Kaifi wrote fiery poems for the deprived, the disadvantaged, dispossessed, downtrodden and underprivileged. He recited them in poetry congregations. Eminent poet late Nida Fazli in his book ‘Chehre’ writes, ‘ Kaifi’s entire poetic work is the story of those tears in different words”. Being born in a shia family, he mourned for the 72 martyrs of Karbala. After becoming a communist, he mourned for the thousands of sufferers in the world. Nida Fazli mentions in his book that Kaifi’s style of poetry recitation was a part of tradition that he inherited during his childhood in Muharram gatherings.

A pioneer in Urdu and Hindi poetry, he could publish only a few collections of his poems: ‘ Jhankar(1943) ,’ Aakhir – e- shab’ (1947) ,’ Awara sijde(1973) and the collected poems Sarmaya(1992) which consist of not more than 125 poems. Many of his writings are uncollected. Despite suffering from cerebral stroke that left him partially paralysed for 25 years, he did not stop writing. He was a master of prose too. He wrote columns in urdu ‘Blitz’ simultaneously published in Hindi between 1964 and 1972 collected in two volumes titled ‘Nayi Gulistan’.

Activist.

Kaifi ( correctly spelt Quifi Azami) was a poet activist and led many strikes and participated in many protest demonstrations. He is a socially and politically committed shaiyirs and belonged to the legendary poets club of Faiz Ahmed Faiz, Sahir Ludhianvi, Maqdoom Moinuddin, etc. His poetry and his politucal activities are inseparable. ( Obituary: An indefatigable poet- activist , by Vishnu Khare frontline.thehindu.com). His poems like Andhi or storm and Bekari ( without a job) depict anger, passion and commitment. In his ‘ Istiqlal or ‘resolve’ , he visualized the dangers of Fascism.

Sensitivity towards women

His epic poem ‘Aurat’ was so inspirational that Shaukat who was listening to his poem recital at a congregation proposed and made him her life partner. In ‘ Shanti van ke quarib ‘( near shanti van) , he visualizes democracy as a woman riddled with darts. In ‘ jel ke dar par’ ( at the Gate of a Jail) he moving depicts the emotions of two woman and a child visiting their incarcerated bread winner. In ‘Bewa ki khudkushi’ ( the Widow’s suicide) he graphically narrates the tale of a young widow killing herself.

Film lyricist

To support financially, he wrote lyrics for the films like ‘Buzdil (1951), Kagaz ke phool, Shama, Haqeeqat , Anupama, Pakeeza and Arth, etc. He wrote about 240 songs for 80 movies. For Heer Ranjha, he not only wrote Punjabi- flavoured songs but also entire screenplay in verse. He also did a cameo screen role in Naseem, wrote dialogues for M. S. Satyu classic Garam Hawaan and screen play for Shyam Benegal Manthan’.

A great person

He was honored with many awards including Sahitya Akademi Award, Padma Shri and for his dialogues in Garam Hawaa, s received Afro – Asian Lotus Award. But his major role in political and social movements and poetry for the masses makes him one of the greats who influenced post independent socialist thinkers and writers.

Celebrating his centenary, one should strive to achieve his dreams – socialist India with communal harmony. In this year, when there is every likelihood of rising caste or religious bigotry, Kaifi’ s works should be source of inspiration in combating communal tensions and senseless violence

The writer from anywhere and everywhere is a supporter of communal harmony

Courtesy: Countercurrents.org
 

The post Kaifi Azmi’s relevance in times of communal hatred appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The Indian Express dated April 20 , 2017  in its Editorial observed “Finally, the wheels of justice are turning in the Babri Masjid demolition case. The possibility of due process leading to justice and closure in one of the most seminal cases in India’s political history seems within reach now, 25 years after the 16^th century mosque at Ayodhya was demolished by Sangh Parivar activists in the wake of the Rath Yatra of the-then BJP Chief L.K.Advani, shaming a nation and setting powerful new political dynamics in motion. The Supreme Court’s order on Wednesday sets back on track the judicial process and lays down conditions to ensure that the trial is not delayed or compromised further.”
Following the 1984 Elections in which Rajiv Gandhi had a clean sweep, BJP could secure only 2 seats in Lok Sabha. The Sangh Parivar started a campaign for the construction of a magnificent Ram Janam Bhoomi Temple at the site and by 1985 built up a sizeable support in the Hindu Community.In January 1986, locks were removed from the mosque and Ram bhakts were permitted to offer prayers to Ram lala .It is said that the Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi ordered the Chief Minister Veer Bahadur Singh to do so who got the District Administration to ensure this .The two major political parties BJP and the Congress started a race on pandering to communal Hindu sentiments. In 1988 ,Hindutva Organizations led by the RSS organized a mass campaign for building a grand temple exactly where the Mosque stood. They claimed that the Mosque stood at the precise site where Ram was born.

 Union Home Minister Buta Singh signed an agreement with the VHP on August 17, 1989,that bricks for constructing the temple would be allowed to be brought from all over UP without hindrance and collected at the plot No. 586 near  the mosque .This agreement was in violation of an order of the Allahabad High Court given on August 14, 1989 that no construction activity could be taken at that spot.

Later ,the VHP announced that ‘kar sewa’ would be performed to lay the foundation stone .This was also a violation of the judgment given two days ago,prohibiting any such activity .This repeated defiance ,of the orders of the court did not weigh with the Prime Minister who inaugurated the campaign of Congress Party the next day from twin city of Faizabad, and announced that the objective of the party was to establish Ram Rajya. Soon thereafter the BJP   President Advani, at Palampur ,after the National Executive Meeting ,announced that the inclusion of the construction of the temple in its Election Manifesto "would fetch votes" for it. It would thus appear that the two major political parties were in a race to gain political mileage from this issue between 1984 and 1989.

Looking back at the developments around 1989, we are reminded how Mandalisation was made an effective issue  by the casteist forces in answer to BJP’s Kamandalisation. Very soon, casteist forces came to acquire political legitimacy by projecting themselves as political forces opposed to communalism, and in order to appear so, they masked themselves as “secularists”, though the truth was that they had discovered “caste politics” as a potent instrument to win success at elections without even doing anything while in power for solving the basic problems of the masses. There emerged a consensus among various political parties to maintain their vote banks by dividing the people on caste and communal lines.  Non-performance by a party in power became irrelevant because of its potential to work out a favourable caste arithmetic and win elections. Communalism on the one hand and casteism on the other thus acquired a firm sway over the Indian polity. If anything, it were the three C’s—centralisation, corruption and criminalisation—coupled with the caste  and communal divide, engineered by opportunistic political forces as the shortest route to quick success, which made all the relevant issues, concerning the public, irrelevant. While corruption and criminalisation sapped the soul out of the ideal of people-oriented democratic governance, centralization of political authority led to an unaccountable bureaucratization of governance.

In this backdrop the movement to construct a Ram temple at the sight of the Mosque  also gathered momentum in 1989 and has continued till 1992. The Supreme Court in M.Ismail Farooqui vs UOI,(AIR 1995 SC 605) noticed: “A new dimension was added to the campaign for the construction of the temple with the formation of the Government in Uttar Pradesh in June 1991 by the Bhartiya Janta Party (BJP) which declared its commitment  to the construction of the temple………….The focus of the temple construction movement from October 1991 was to start construction of the temple by way of ‘kar-sewa’ on the land acquired by the Government in Uttar Pradesh while leaving the disputed structure intact. ….There  was a call for resumption of kar sewa from December 6, 1992 and the announcement made by the organizers was for a symbolic kar-sewa without violation of the court orders   including those made in the proceedings pending in this court. Inspite of initial reports from Ayodhya on December 6, 1992 indicating an air of normalcy, around mid-day a crowd addressed by leaders of BJP, VHP, etc.,  climbed the Ram Janma Bhoomi – Babri Masjid (RJB-BM) structure and started damaging the domes. Within a short time, the entire structure was demolished and razed to the ground. Indeed it was an act of “National Shame” what was  demolished was not merely an ancient structure ; but the faith of minority in the sense of justice and fair play of majority. It shook their faith in the rule of law and constitutional processes. A five hundred year old structure which was defenceless and whose safety was a sacred trust in the hands of government was demolished.”

 In a speech from the Red Fort in Delhi on August 15, 1992 which was broadcast , the Prime Minister P.V. Narasimha Rao had already said  that “The Babri Masjid structure will be protected and the Ram temple built”. This assurance would lead people to draw a conclusion that the Ram Temple was not to be built on the site of the Babri Masjid because that structure was to be protected. The destruction of the Babri masjid had deeply wounded the religious feelings of the Muslim community throughout india and the least that could be done to sooth those injured feelings was to assure the community that the Babri Masjid was to be rebuilt. The Prime Minister gave that assurance on Dec 7 ,1992, and he referred to it on February 7 , 1993 in the BBC ‘Phone-in programme’ . He said “ I thought it was necessary, it was my duty to rebuilt the Mosque.”
 “ The judgments delivered by the Lucknow Bench of Allahabad High Court on September 30, 2010 on the Babri Masjid cases not only flagrantly violate the law and the evidence but a binding unanimous judgment of the Supreme Court on the Babri Masjid case itself (M. Ismail  Faruqui  and Others vs Union of India and Others  (1994)6 Scc 360. It sanctified the conversion of a historic mosque ,which stood for 500 years into a temple.” Said A.G.Noorani in his article “Muslims Wronged” in Oct 22 ,2010 issue of Frontline . Noorani further says in the same article , “On the Babri Masjid ,for 60 years from 1950 to 2010, Muslims have been woefully wronged by every single court ruling ,including that of the Supreme Court after the demolition of the mosque on December 6, 1992”.

 An eminent jurist and Senior Advocate of Supreme Court T.R.Andhyarujina  in his article (The Hindu ) Oct 5, 2010 said “The absence of any condemnation of the vandalism of the demolition of the Babri Masjid on Dec 6, 1992 is a conspicuous aspect of the Ayodhya verdict of the Allahabad High Court .”  T.R.Andhyarujina further says in the same article :  “The  Ayodhya judgments  of the  Allahabad High Court make no note of the vandalism of Dec 6, 1992 .On the other hand ,they take the demolition as a fait accompli, as if the disputed 2.77 acre site was vacant land .After holding that the area beneath the central dome of the erstwhile Masjid must be allotted to Hindus because of their faith that Lord Ram’s place of birth was there ,and the areas covered by the Ram Chabutara and Sita Rasoi should be allotted to the Nirmohi Akhara ,the court has said that the remaining area of the disputed site should be divided, two-thirds to the two Hindu plaintiffs and  one third to the Muslim plaintiff by metes and bounds .These judgments, therefore legalise and legitimise the 1992 demolition, as the decree of the court proceeds on the basis that there is no Masjid on the disputed site today.

It is an elementary rule of justice in courts that when  a party to a litigation takes the law into its own hands and alters the existing state of affairs to its advantage,(as the demolition in 1992  did in favour of the Hindu plaintiffs ), the court would  first order the restitution of the pre-existing  state  of affairs .”

H.M.Seervai ,one of the most distinguished constitutional lawyer in a two-part article “Babri masjid” published in Economic Times on April 9 and 10, 1993, said:
“The destruction of the Babri Masjid put an end to all previous controversies raised by Hindu organisations about their alleged rights to erect a temple on the place where Babri Masjid stood. This is because no Court will give any assistance to those who unilaterally by criminal acts destroyed the subject matter of this dispute and violated the constitution and the law .”

The Allahabad High Court verdict came on September 30, 2010 during UPA-II regime. After Allahabad High Court judgment a grave and serious danger to Indian democracy appeared on the horizon. This verdict gave a legal shape to the political agenda of the Sangh Parivar “Mandir wahin Banaenge”  and has legitimised the Masjid demolition on December 6, 1992 giving them a way to claim to construct a “Grand Temple” at the sight of the demolished Masjid  and gave a boost to the BJP to contest 2014 Elections based on this issue.

Although against the Allahabad High Court judgments many appeals were  filed in the Supreme Court (which are still pending), and the question as to whether they could  construct a temple at the site of the Mosque had yet to be finally decided by the Supreme Court, the  Sangh Parivar continued  with their campaign for 2014 elections that they would   construct a Grand Temple . This judgment gave strength to the BJP and the power behind it- the RSS and the Sangh Parivar consisting of such organization as the Akhil Bhartiya Vidyarthi Parishad, the VHP and the Bajrang Dal. They gave to Indian politics a heady mixture of aggressive hindu communalism and an equally aggressive hindu nationalism. In that process they promoted enemity between the Hindus and the Muslims. The movement fostered by these forces  contains all the essential characteristics of fascism.

It was after about three and a half months from December 6, 1992 and the demolition of the Babri Masjid, that the 13^th J.P.Memorial Lecture was delivered by V.M.Tarkunde on March 23, 1993. The subject of the lecture was Communalism and Human Rights . V.M. Tarkunde said in that lecture: “ I am of the view that the communalist nationalism which is being propagated by the BJP and the Sangh Parivar represents a far greater danger to Indian Democracy than the personal authoritarian rule which Mrs. Indira Gandhi and the  Gandhi-Nehru family were likely to impose on the country.  A personal authoritarian rule is a lesser danger because it is largely external to the people. Most of the people do not approve it, although they are usually too afraid to stick out their necks and openly oppose it ….Communalism, however , particularly when it is the communalism of the majority and can therefore take the form of ardent nationalism as well , can find a positive response in the minds of the people who are still prone to religious blind faith and among whom the humanist values of democracy , i.e, values of liberty, equality and fraternity are yet to be fully developed. Communalism in such cases is an internal enemy in the human mind and it is far more difficult to eradicate it than an external enemy like an autocratic ruler .” V.M. Tarkunde cautioned about the possibility of the BJP coming into power in the next elections (after demolition of the Mosque in Dec 1992). In this context he said in his memorial speech “as the Congress –(I)  is now much weaker than before and the opposite parties are unable to unite –to form an anti-communal secular platform , the BJP expects to come to power in the next election. If this happens , the secular democracy in India is liable to be replace by a potentially fascist theocratic state.” However , it did not  so happen in the next election. But in 1999 BJP led coalition NDA formed the govt. with Atal Bihari Vajpayee as Prime Minister,with a strong opposition in Parliament. What VM Tarkunde apprehended in 1993 did happen in 2014: with the the victory of Modi with a huge margin to Parliament and faced with a weak and divided opposition.

Now after three years of the victory of Modi in the Centre , Yogi Adityanath, a Hindu icon has been elected as the leader of Uttar Pradesh Legislative Party and installed as Chief minister .The BJP has secured  a majority of 325 members in the Legislative Assembly having the strength of 403 . Yogi has the reputation of being a hardcore Hindu leader . His becoming the Chief Minister shows that Hindutva is sweeping the country. It also shows that secularism has not taken roots in our country. The Hindutva elements  are gradually sweeping the country. These developments are a serious threat to the state of human rights in the country and all concerned citizens need to seriously give a thought to how they have to meet this grave challenge.
 

The post Hindutva’s Sweep over India, A Grave Challenge appeared first on SabrangIndia.

कटियार ने अयोध्या के फैजाबाद में एक चुनावी रैली को संबोधित करते हुए कहा कि जैसे बाबरी मस्जिद को गिराया गया था, ठीक वैसे ही ये सरकार राम मंदिर भी बनवाएगी। इस दौरान कटियार ने जनता से अपील करते हुए कहा कि आप भाजपा को वोट देकर सत्ता में लाइए।

मीडिया रिपोर्ट के मुताबिक, कटियार ने कहा कि राम मंदिर बनाना है तो यूपी में बीजेपी की सरकार बनाना जरूरी है। तभी राज्यसभा में बीजेपी का बहुमत होगा और पूरी ताकत से राम मंदिर का निर्माण हो सकेगा। उन्होंने कहा कि राम मंदिर तीन तरीके से बन सकता है। पहला अदालत के माध्यम से, दूसरा बातचीत और तीसरा संसद में कानून बनाकर।

साथ ही बीजेपी नेता ने दावा किया कि मोदी के कार्यकाल में ही मंदिर बनेगा। आपको बता दें कि कटियार से पहले गोरखपुर से बीजेपी सांसद और फायरब्रांड नेता योगी आदित्यनाथ ने भी रायपुर में एक समारोह के दौरान कहा था कि अयोध्या में राम मंदिर का निर्माण कार्य जल्द शुरू होगा।

Courtesy: Janta Ka Reporter
 

The post BJP ने फिर अलापा राम मंदिर राग, कटियार बोले- जैसे मस्जिद गिराई वैसे ही मंदिर बनाएगी ये सरकार appeared first on SabrangIndia.

जरूरत से ज्यादा उत्साही भारतीय इंटेलिजेंस और अब साइबर सेल से लैस पुलिस नेटवर्क के लिए ऐसे भड़काऊ भाषणों और इन्हें देने वालों पर नजर रखना कठिन नहीं है। साथ ही वे भी आसानी से इस बात का पता कर सकते हैं क्या भड़काऊ या उन्माद फैलाने वाले भाषण और बयान देने वाले नेता आने वाले चुनावों में हिस्सा ले रही पार्टियों से जुड़े हैं?

राजनीति में धर्म के दुरुपयोग पर काफी हंगामा मचता रहा है। एक धर्मनिरपेक्ष राज्य होने के नाते भारत का कानून राजनीति में धर्म के दुरुपयोग की इजाजत नहीं देता। इसका मतलब यह है कि भारतीय दंड संहिता की धारा 153ए, 153बी और भारतीय जनप्रतिनिधित्व कानून की धारा 123ए और 123बी तहत धर्म के नाम पर लोगों का गलत उद्देश्य के लिए आह्वान करने, दो धर्मों या संप्रदाय के लोगों को आपस में भिड़ाने और एक धर्म को दूसरे से श्रेष्ठ बताने या धर्म के नाम पर धमकी देना जुर्म है। 

अभी चंद दिनों पहले सुप्रीम कोर्ट ने चुनाव में धर्म और जाति के नाम पर मतदाताओं से अपील के मामले में फैसला दिया। कोर्ट ने कोई गाइडलाइन तो नहीं दी है लेकिन एक मोटा सा सिद्धांत पेश किया, जिसके तहत धर्म, संप्रदाय या जाति  के नाम पर अपील पर रोक है। लेकिन लगता है कि  भाजपा के लोगों पर इसका कोई फर्क नहीं पड़ता है। हाल में भाजपा के सांसद साक्षी महाराज ने एक खास समुदाय के खिलाफ भड़काऊ और आपत्तिजनक बयान दिए। और इस बारे में उनके खिलाफ चुनाव आयोग में शिकायत भी दर्ज की गई है।

इस बीच, व्हाट्सएप और इंटरनेट पर बजने वाले उन्मादी और भड़काऊ म्यूजिक, गाने और ऐसे विजुअल सामने आ रहे हैं जो न सिर्फ बखेड़ा करने में सक्षम हैं बल्कि वे सीधे तौर पर धमकी और चेतावनी देते लगते हैं। ऐसा ही एक एमपी थ्री ट्यून यहां बानगी के तौर पर पेश है। यह ट्यून बड़ी तेजी से इंटरनेट और मोबाइल पर फैल रही है।
गाने के बोल हैं –

“Suno papiyo tumhare Chatti pe ab Shiv tandav hoga…….ram mandir song (https://mp3tunes.ws/suno-papiyo-tumhari-chati-pe-d645232)

जो राम का नहीं मेरे काम का नहीं
बोलो राम मंदिर कब बनेगा?
पूछे राम भक्तों से अयोध्या
जा रही है आबरू महा-संग्राम चाहिए
आज कलयुग में राम भक्तों को अपना राम चाहिए
अब अयोध्या में राम मंदिर का निर्माण चाहिए
कार सेवकों की बलिदान को कैसे हम भुलायेंगे
पहले गोली खाई है अब फिर लहू बहायेंगे
जागो जागो अब शहीदों का सम्मान चाहिए
राम भक्तों अब शहीदों का सम्मान चाहिए
आज कलयुग में राम भक्तों को अपना राम चाहिए
अब अयोध्या में राम मंदिर का निर्माण चाहिए
सुनो पापियों तुम्हारी छाती पे अब शिव-ताण्डव होगा
गर मंदिर नहीं बना तो सरयू तट पे तुम्हारा शव होगा
राम के नाम पे हो कुर्बान वो हिन्दुस्तान चाहिए
आज कलयुग में राम-भक्तों को अपना राम चाहिए
अब अयोध्या में राम मंदिर का निर्माण चाहिए
आज कलयुग में राम-भक्तों को अपना राम चाहिए
राम मेरे राम, सीता सीता राम
पतित पवन सीताराम, रघुपति राघव राजा राम, राम मेरे राम
महंत बृजमोहन बाबा का भक्तों यही नारा है
अनुपम देवेन्द्र करो या मरो डरो न वक़्त तुम्हारा है
मोदीजी संसद में सच्चा प्रमाण चाहिए
छप्पन इंच सीने वालों का संविधान चाहिए
आज कलयुग में राम-भक्तों को अपना राम चाहिए
अब अयोध्या में राम मंदिर का निर्माण चाहिए

कोरस में गाया एक गीत इस तरह है-

सुनो पापियों तुम्हारी छाती पे अब शिव-ताण्डव होगा
गर मंदिर नहीं बना तो तुम्हारा सरयू तट पे सर होगा
राम के नाम पे हो कुर्बान वो हिन्दुस्तान चाहिए
आज कलयुग में राम-भक्तों को अपना राम चाहिए
अब अयोध्या में राम मंदिर का निर्माण चाहिए
आज कलयुग में राम-भक्तों को अपना राम चाहिए

Edited by : Arya Raghavendra  राम मंदिर का निर्माण चाहिए Bolo Ram Mandir Kab Banega Song by Devendra Pathak
 

यू ट्यूब पर ऐसे ही कई भड़काऊ और नफरत फैलाने वाले साउंड ट्रैक और वीडियो देखे जा सकते हैं। आरएसएस से कथित तौर पर जुड़े संगठनों खास तौर पर विश्व हिंदू परिषद कथित तौर पर इसका इस्तेमाल करती रही है। आने वाले चुनावों को ध्यान में रख कर तरह के गाने, भाषण औऱ भड़काऊ वीडियो अपलोड किए जाते रहे हैं। हालांकि अब इऩमें से कई फेसबुक पर ब्लॉक किए जा चुके हैं।

 
मौजूदा मोदी सरकार में शामिल लोगों के भड़काने वाले भाषणों का सिलसिला बदस्तूर जारी है। सरकार में शामिल मंत्री और सांसद जिस तरह से भड़काने वाले बयान और भाषण दे रहे हैं, वह हतप्रभ करने वाला है। जरूरत से ज्यादा उत्साही भारतीय इंटेलिजेंस और अब साइबर सेल से लैस पुलिस नेटवर्क के लिए ऐसे भड़काऊ भाषणों और इन्हें देने वालों पर नजर रखना कठिन नहीं है।

यूट्यूब पर योगी आदित्यनाथ के समर्थकों का यह वीडियो मौजूद है। इसे 3,00,000 लाइक मिले हैं।

 
सवाल यह कि क्या ऐसे भड़काऊ बयानों,वीडियो या भाषणों को रोकना सरकारी इंटेलिजेंस या पुलिस नेटवर्क की प्राथमिकता है। खास कर उस माहौल में जब मोदी सरकार में बहुसंख्यकों का दखल का बढ़ता जा रहा है।

The post इंटरनेट और सोशल मीडिया ने राजनीति में धर्म का दुरुपयोग आसान बनाया ? appeared first on SabrangIndia.

For the overzealous Indian intelligence and police networks, now with their cyber cells in place, it is not difficult to monitor these and even identify whether or not they are linked to outfits contesting forthcoming polls

Image: Youtube

There has been much hue and cry over the misuse of religion in politics. Being a secular state, Indian law prohibits the misuse of religion in politics. Understood carefully this means that under Sections 153a and 153 b of the Indian Penal Code and 123a and 123b of the Representation of People’s Act, the invocation of faith in a adversarial manner, pitted against ‘other faiths’, claiming superiority’ or being even threatening is clearly taboo.
 
Within days of the recent Supreme Court verdict on the issue, that reiterates broad principles without laying down any guidelines, Member of Parliament(MP) belonging to the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP, Sakshi Maharaj has made offensive and provocative speeches against one particular community. Complaints have been filed with the election commission.
 
Meanwhile, the increasingly omnipresent What’s APP and internet is replete with music, songs and visuals that are not just incendiary but threatening. The lyrics of this particular song, professionally recorded, “Suno papiyo tumhare Chatti pe ab Shiv tandav hoga…….ram mandir song (https://mp3tunes.ws/suno-papiyo-tumhari-chati-pe-d645232) is a case in point. This tune is being happily spread by these insidious means.

The words of the song are telling:

जो राम का नहीं मेरे काम का नहीं
बोलो राम मंदिर कब बनेगा?
पूछे राम भक्तों से अयोध्या
जा रही है आबरू महा-संग्राम चाहिए
आज कलयुग में राम भक्तों को अपना राम चाहिए
अब अयोध्या में राम मंदिर का निर्माण चाहिए
कार सेवकों की बलिदान को कैसे हम भुलायेंगे
पहले गोली खाई है अब फिर लहू बहायेंगे
जागो जागो अब शहीदों का सम्मान चाहिए
राम भक्तों अब शहीदों का सम्मान चाहिए
आज कलयुग में राम भक्तों को अपना राम चाहिए
अब अयोध्या में राम मंदिर का निर्माण चाहिए
सुनो पापियों तुम्हारी छाती पे अब शिव-ताण्डव होगा
गर मंदिर नहीं बना तो सरयू तट पे तुम्हारा शव होगा
राम के नाम पे हो कुर्बान वो हिन्दुस्तान चाहिए
आज कलयुग में राम-भक्तों को अपना राम चाहिए
अब अयोध्या में राम मंदिर का निर्माण चाहिए
आज कलयुग में राम-भक्तों को अपना राम चाहिए
राम मेरे राम, सीता सीता राम
पतित पवन सीताराम, रघुपति राघव राजा राम, राम मेरे राम
महंत बृजमोहन बाबा का भक्तों यही नारा है
अनुपम देवेन्द्र करो या मरो डरो न वक़्त तुम्हारा है
मोदीजी संसद में सच्चा प्रमाण चाहिए
छप्पन इंच सीने वालों का संविधान चाहिए
आज कलयुग में राम-भक्तों को अपना राम चाहिए
अब अयोध्या में राम मंदिर का निर्माण चाहिए

The chorus even more so:

सुनो पापियों तुम्हारी छाती पे अब शिव-ताण्डव होगा
गर मंदिर नहीं बना तो तुम्हारा सरयू तट पे सर होगा
राम के नाम पे हो कुर्बान वो हिन्दुस्तान चाहिए
आज कलयुग में राम-भक्तों को अपना राम चाहिए
अब अयोध्या में राम मंदिर का निर्माण चाहिए
आज कलयुग में राम-भक्तों को अपना राम चाहिए

edited by : Arya Raghavendra  राम मंदिर का निर्माण चाहिए Bolo Ram Mandir Kab Banega Song by Devendra Pathak

 
Other videos with the same sound track can also be seen on You-Tube. Organisations allegedly affiliated to the RSS, especially the Viswa Hindu Parishad have been reportedly actively using these, with the forthcoming elections in mind, and have been recently blocked from facebook.
 

The present Modi regime’s record of inciteful speech, made by ministers and MPs has been shocking.
For the overzealous Indian intelligence and police networks, now with their cyber cells in place, it is not difficult to monitor these and even identify whether or not they are linked to outfits contesting the polls.

Here is a Video on You-Tube by a Yogi Adityanath Supporter that has 3,00,000 likes
 

The question is, whether this is a priority at all for the agencies, given the majoritarian thrust of the Modi regime.
 
 

The post Internet and Social Media an Easy Way to Misuse Religion for Political Ends? appeared first on SabrangIndia.