हाथापाई के साथ, कुर्सियों को एक दूसरे पर उठा-उठाकर फैंकना शुरू कर दिया और जमकर नारेबाजी की गई। इस कार्यक्रम में संबित पात्रा के अलावा सपा, बसपा व कांग्रेस के नेता भी अपने-अपने समर्थकों के साथ मौजूद थे।

मीडिया रिपोट्स के मुताबिक, इस टॉक शो में बीजेपी के प्रवक्ता संबित पात्रा, सपा के राजकुमार जायसवाल, कांग्रेस के नदीम जावेद आदि नेता नोटबंदी के फायदे व नुकसान को लेकर परिचर्चा कर रहे थे। सभी दलों के समर्थक भी वहां पर कुर्सी पर जमे हुए थे और विषय को लेकर प्रश्र भी कर रहे थे।

नोटबंदी के बाद बेकार हुए अपने नोट बैंकों में जमा कराने पर लगी इस रोक को लेकर कार्यक्रम में पूछे गए सवाल पर बीजेपी प्रवक्ता संबित पात्रा ने कहा कि एक बार ही नोट जमा करने का निर्देश इसलिए कि ऐसा न हो बार-बार किसी ब्लैकमनी वाले का पैसा कोई जमा कर आए। वहीं कांग्रेस नेता नदीम जावेद ने इस कदम की आलोचना करते हुए पीएम मोदी पर इस मामले पर चर्चा से भागने का आरोप लगाया।

इसी दौरान जबरदस्त बहस का माहौल बन गया। बीजेपी, सपा और कांग्रेस के बीच गर्मागर्मी का दौर शुरू हो गया। देखते ही देखते पार्टी समर्थकों के बीच विवाद बढ़ने लगा। इसके बाद निजी चैनल के लोग मामले को सुलझा पाते कि बात बिगड़ गयी और सपा और बसपा के कार्यकर्ता आपस में लड़ गये।
दोनों ही पक्षों ने एक-दूसरे पार्टी के नेताओं के खिलाफ जमकर नारेबाजी की और मारने के लिए कुर्सी भी चलायी। दोनों ही पक्ष में जमकर बवाल हो गया। हंगामे के चलते कार्यक्रम को भी स्थगित करना पड़ गया।

सपा कार्यकर्ताओं ने बीजेपी पर सीएम के खिलाफ अभद्र भाषा का प्रयोग करने का आरोप लगाते हुए लंका थाने का घेराव किया। सपा के लोगों ने बीजेपी प्रवक्ता संबित पात्रा के खिलाफ कार्रवाई के लिए तहरीर दी गई।

Courtesy: Janta Ka Reporter
 

The post बीजेपी प्रवक्ता संबित पात्रा के शो में हाथापाई के साथ चली कुर्सिया, शो करना पड़ा स्थगित appeared first on SabrangIndia.

March 15, 1934 is the birth date of Kanshi Ram, the founder of BAMCEF [All India Backward (SC, ST, OBC) And Minority Communities Employees Federation] and the Bahujan Samaj Party, a man who revolutionised Indian politics. If alive he would have been 82 years old today. His legacy carries on through a sharp and heightened Bahujan politics

“The Oppressed Indian”, a monthly journal was started by Saheb Kanshi Ram in April 1979, after the re-launch BAMCEF in 1978, which in his own words was “a vigilant and up to date news service armed and operated by the oppressed Indians themselves creating proper public opinion.” Kanshi Ram himself used to write the editorials.

For the editorial of the inaugural issue he wrote:

“All these people of the backward and minority communities, who form about 85% of India’s population, have little share in the news service of the nation. News regarding them or pertaining to their pressing problems appear in the press in a casual manner. Youth, students, farmers, workers, educated employees, and even leaders of these communities keep groping in the dark and struggling without being fully informed…The caste Hindu monopoly of the press gives only sketchy news about the outrages and the atrocities committed on the oppressed Indians. The aftermath and the actions taken, if any, are not given publicity by the caste Hindu press….Baba Saheb Dr. B.R. Ambedkar realized the importance of our own news service to ventilate the grievances of our people and to create public opinion in favour of speedy redress. He realized this some 60 years ago when there were no literate persons amongst the untouchables….”

Saheb Kanshi Ram, following the Phule Ambedkarite organisational philosophy understood the need of parallel media for Bahujan Mass Movement. Before “The Oppressed Indian” he had published ‘The Untouchable India’ in 1972. In 1984, He started “Bahujan Times”, a daily in Marathi, Hindi and English. Then there were more monthlies like Bahujan Sahitya, Economic Upsurge, Arthik Utthan, Shramik Sahitya etc and weeklies like Bahujan Sangathak, Bahujan Nayak. In the same inaugural issue of “The Oppressed Indian”, Kansi Ram concluded the editorial with saying “Publication of the Oppressed Indian, a monthly news magazine is just beginning. The task ahead is challenging!”

Today on the occasion of the Bahujan Nayak’s 83rd birth anniversary, sharing some images of the front covers of “The Oppressed Indian” issues, featuring the formation of Dalit Shoshit Samaj Sangharsh Samiti (DS 4), it’s political engagements, Issue on Phoolan Devi, significance of Independence for the oppressed Indians etc. Mr Shashikant Humane, renowned Dalit writer and activist from Maharashtra, was subscriber of the journal. I am grateful to him for exposing me to these old issues from his archive. Thanks to my friend Abhiyan Humane.

Pinak Banik Facebook post, March 15, 2016
 
 

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Bahujan politics is not new to India. Based on the reality of caste and social backwardness a (political) strategy (for organisation) appears to have been developed, based on crucial factors. While the fundamental issue behind the mobilisation was the opposition to the upper castes, the goal set included earning a share in political power. The kindling of caste identities among followers of Bahujan formations was also important.
 
(Over the past decades), this Bahujan politics has been getting considerable support. A process has been evident: the coming together of various backward castes on a strong identity and sentiment, entering the electoral fray, and thereafter, also splitting on similar grounds;  leading to the inevitable political splintering. The sense of identity of respective castes or sub-castes works as the common factor in forging unity and (causing) disunity, cohesion and dispersal.
 
The splintering of the Republican Party of India in Maharashtra is a case in point. The sub-groups within the Mahar caste are considered to be the reasons or basis behind this splintering. Dr. Ambedkar was himself defeated in the elections to the Bhandara  Loksabha constituency in Vidarbha! One main reason for this is purported to be the difference between Dr. Ambedkar’s sub-caste and that of the bulk of the voters there.
 
History
 
If we are to understand a concept properly, we need to understand its history; we should know the changes in it and the causes behind those changes. We should be able to separate circumstantial causes from subjective causes. We should be able to separate the right tendencies from the wrong ones and point to a further advancement.  To develop this kind of understanding, we need to go back to Mahatma Phule.
 
The concept of Bahujan becomes amply clear even if we map it in terms of inclusion, exclusion and opposition. Phule advanced three pivotal points (axis’) for his definition – the shudra, the atishudra and women. He opposed what he called “Shethji and Bhatji”, the  moneyed class and the Brahmin priest.
 
Phule used the language of those whom he wanted to organise. Therefore we need to understand the meaning of the words he used and update them from the present time and context.
 
Shahu, the people’s king, advanced his own concept, which is evident in his 1902 ordinance giving 50 per cent reservation in his state to backward castes. He defined the Bahujan in this ordinance as ‘all those excluding Brahmins, Prabhus and Shenvis’. The followers of Mahatma Phule established the first Non-Brahmin Party in Maharashtra and began organising non-Brahmin castes. Shahu was the leader of this movement. The formation was based on the opposition to Brahmin caste and unity of all the remaining castes.
 
Vitthal Ramji Shinde was against the division along this axis of ‘Brahmin – non-Brahmin’. We need to discuss this in detail.
 
Dr. Ambedkar founded different political parties at different times To further different objectives. His concept of the Bahujan becomes clear from the names he gave to those parties – the Independent Labour Party, Scheduled Castes Federation and the Republican Party.
 
Speaking to G. I. P. Railway Workers at Manmad in 1938 he said, “Brahminism and Capitalism are our two enemies”. One recalls Phule’s terms – Shetji and Bhatji. We must not forget that Dr. Ambedkar used Brahminism and not just Brahmins. Similarly, Phule’s terms point at the professions of those castes or classes. Shetji suggests the profession of money lending and Bhatji suggests the ‘priestly’ profession (not Brahmins, the people/individuals).
 
The first manifesto of the Dalit Panther Party takes Dr. Ambedkar’s definition further to clarify concretely his concept of Brahminism and Capitalism.
 
Kanshiram–Mayavati’s concept becomes clear from a slogan Kanshiram developed before he founded the Bahujan Samaj Party. The slogan was: Baman, Baniya, Thakur Chor; Baki sab DS4. DS4 meant Dalit Shoshit Samaj Sangharsh Samiti. Although the name of the organisation contains the word Shoshit, the exploited, the meaning of the slogan is very clear. There are no exploited, shoshit, among the Baman-baniya-Thakur castes, and if at all there are exploited among them we are not concerned with them. Everybody among the castes belonging to Brahmin, Kshatriya, Vaishyavarnas are exploiters; none of them is exploited. If at all there are any, we are not bothered; such is this position.
 
Basing the strategy of uniting Bakward Castes (BC’s) and Other Backward Castes  (OBC’s) and opposing the rest, Kanshiram founded the Bahujan Samaj Party(BSP) on April 14, 1984. The BSP is a distinct political party, especially in electoral politics. Since it uses the word, its intention of widening its base and scope becomes evident.
 
Congress, Socialists, Communists and other parties have been claiming to further politics of the downtrodden, even for the emancipation of the Dalits. They have been raising their (Dalit) issues and fighting for them. But that is a different discussion. They do not base their politics on only ‘caste’ as a unit and have never been confined to doing politics of raising the issues of the backward castes alone.
 
Vitthal Ramji Shinde’s concept of the Bahujan
 
V. R. Shinde published the manifesto of the Bahujan Samaj Paksha on September 1,  1920. In it he has defined very clearly the scope, organisation, objective etc. of this party.
 
It is necessary to explain the background of the foundation of this party. The programme of elections to the provincial assembly, which had limited powers,  had been declared. The electoral roll of the voters too was very limited. Members to general and reserved seats were to be elected. The reserved seats included a group consisting of ‘Maratha and similar castes’. There were seven seats reserved for this group in Bombay Province. There were also reserved seats for other categories.
 
There is an interesting anecdote. The elections to the Provincial Assembly were in the November of 1920. A meeting of various groups from the Maratha community was held at Jedhe Mansion in Pune. V. R. Shinde firmly declared at the meeting that “I will not contest on the reserved seat since I am against the caste system”. Actually, Shinde was Maratha by caste. But he was opposed to contest on the seat reserved for the Maratha caste. Another leader, N. C. Kelkar, a follower of Tilak, was Brahmin, but he was the editor of the journal Maratha. He claimed that since he ran a paper called Maratha he should be selected for that seat. This is an example of the typically Poona-ite logic.
 
On the other hand, Shahu’s reaction to Kelkar’s claim is typically Kolhapuri. He wrote a letter to Shinde in which he made fun of Kelkar. Shahu writes, “(I can answer Kelkar’s logic.) Suppose I name my bullock ‘Britannia’, my favourite horse ‘Turkish Flag’ and my cow ‘Japanica’ would it be proper for me to claim the leadership of Japan or Turkey?”
 
Shahu tried to persuade Shinde to contest from the reserved seat. But Shinde stood his ground, inspite of Shahu’s insistence. He contested from the general seat and was defeated. Shahu supported another candidate, one Gupte, and got him elected. This action on part of Shinde indicates his concept of Bahujan. This was already clearly defined in his manifesto of the Bahujan Party and it left no scope for ambiguity.

The concept of Bahujan becomes amply clear even if we map it in terms of inclusion, exclusion and opposition. Phule advanced three pivotal points (axis’) for his definition – the shudra, the ati-shudra and women. He opposed what he called “Shethji and Bhatji”, the moneyed class and the Brahmin priest.

Shinde founded the Bahujan Party against the background of these elections. His manifesto is actually an exposition of various ‘interests’. He pointed out that the parties and organisations founded on the basis of castes and sub-castes orient their practice towards ‘sentiments’ (identity, in contemporary parlance). Their practice was not based on their social and economic interests. The castes brought together by these parties have their respective interests, and also within the castes there are various separate interests. Yet, they unite as castes. There are sections within castes outside them which have identical interests with the sections in another caste. But there was a general tendency of ignoring these identical interests dispersed in various castes.
 
That is why Shinde wrote in his manifesto, “the Bahujan Party does not stand merely on vacuous sense of identity but on solid interests. The Party undertakes to unselfishly support and encourage those interests. . . . Our colleagues may be Brahmins or non-Brahmins, they could be moderates or extremists, and they could be even Indians or foreigners . . . as long as they honestly and strongly support these interests we would cooperate with them. Otherwise we will bid adieu to them.”
 
The breadth of vision of his Party is evident when he identifies the sections he wants to organise: “Indian populace can be divided politically in two parts. One class advanced in knowledge, wealth and authority; and the other class backward in all these respects, or, Bahujan samaj.”
 
Shinde’s division is very clear. It is not based on the varna or caste distinction alone. It is based on the possession of three powers – knowledge, wealth and authority. It is obvious that the so-called advanced castes also have sections within them which do not possess these powers of knowledge, wealth and authority. These sections also become part of Shinde’s definition of the Bahujan. This is important. Some sections within the backward castes are also acquiring the powers of knowledge, wealth and authority. These cannot be included in Shinde’s concept of Bahujan. This is the reason why he firmly rejected to be called Brahminetar – Non-Brahmin.
 
Concepts like non-Brahmin, non-Maratha are once again being advanced in Maharashtra. These words are being used to indicate castes determined by birth. As the use of caste words/descriptions have become problematic owing to the constitutional provisions, political parties are wary of using them in in their names. They try to circumvent constitutional constraints. The fact is that there are separate political parties and organisations in Maharashtra championing the sectarian interests of various castes, both advanced and backward. Once the veil is thrown open, the caste concealed within is laid bare.
 
Shinde included eight classes (varga is Shinde’s word) within the ambit of his Bahujan Party. They were:
 

 
We have noted how Shinde excluded the powerful and dominant sections among these categories from his concept of Bahujan.
 
The task ahead
 
Various parties basing on caste identities are trying to test their electoral strength even today. They are dividing society on the basis of caste and religious identities instead of uniting them around common ‘interests’. They use the names of Phule and Ambedkar. Let them do so. But they should seriously take into account Vitthal Ramji Shinde’s concept of Bahujan. If they do not find it useful, they are free to reject it. But they should reject it after serious consideration. They should reject it on empirical evidence; if it is possible to do so. My only appeal is Vitthal Ramji Shinde should not be ignored. It will not be in the interests of the Bahujans. Many do not include Shinde’s name along with Phule–Shahu –Ambedkar. This is being unjust to him.
 
(Translated from Marathi by Dr. Uday Narkar; excerpted from The Republic of Reason published by SAHMAT, New Delhi and released on November 1, 2015; we have edited the copy)

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Bangaru Laxman’s statement, after he formally took over as the president of the BJP, that  “Nagpur is a place of both Ambedkar and Hegdewar” must have come as a surprise to the upper caste leaders of the RSS, particularly its chief, KS Sudharshan, who must all be Ambedkar haters. Nagpur, ironically, is the headquarters of both Ambedkar’s Buddhism and Hegdewar’s Brahminism. 

Laxman made it somewhat clear that he would like to be loyal to both Ambedkarism and Brahminism but this may prove to be an impossible task. Laxman’s colour (the Dravidian black) is itself an anathema to the Aryan racism that Hegdewar and Golwalkar stood for. Laxman’s position at the top of the party pyramid and having to live with his ‘un–Hindu’ statements are certain to be seen as the result of the unfortunate presence of Ambedkarism in the Indian politico–social space. 

The Hindu spiritual world has been hoping against hope all these years that it would not have to see a day when the Chandalas  emerge as a powerful force and undermine the divine dictum of the Adi–Brahmin-Purush, Brahma, that the Chandalas forever remain untouchables. Ambedkar has become a modern Buddha and Laxman knows that only too well. But for the Ambedkarite presence in the Indian political scene, Laxman would still be elsewhere, possibly stitching a shoe and certainly not the president of a party that was meant to be a Brahmin–Baniya saddle. 

Arun Shourie, who called Ambedkar a “False God”, must have licked his own boots as Laxman made his presidential pronouncements. Laxman’s statement proved that however weak a Dalit might otherwise be, when in a position of power he can make a difference. 

The appointment (not election) by Vajpayee of Bangaru Laxman, a Dalit leader from Hyderabad, as the president of the BJP has been done with a design to woo the votes of Dalits and appeal to South Indians as the BJP has been accused of being an enemy of both Dravidism and Dalitism. As a party that aspires to be a ruling party on its own, the BJP has to overcome both these images. 

In the sufficiently well established line of Dalit leaders like Jagjivan Ram, Damodaram Sanjeevaiah who were given similar positions  in the Congress party, some Dalit leader was badly needed to salvage the anti-Dalit image of the BJP. Laxman, given his name, colour and caste, appeared to be the most suitable person. What Laxman can do to Dalits depends on how the educated Dalits assert themselves and how an ageing Kanshi Ram builds his party. In politics, the strength of the Bahujan Samaj Party helps in the Dalit bargain with other parties. It is in this political backdrop that Laxman climbed the BJP ladder. 

The problem for the BJP would however be, that like Jagjivan Ram and Sanjeevaiah, Laxman seems to be behaving unpredictably. He has publicly stated that he got this post because of Vajpayee and like Rama Bhakta Hanuman even touched the latter’s feet of Vajpayee. In the process he has placed the self–respect of Dalits at the feet of a classical Brahmin. I do not think Jagjivan Ram and Sanjeevaiah ever did this to Nehru. But to overcome this surrender to a political ‘Swamiji’, he said his attempt would be to combine Ambedkar with Hegdewar. 

This very statement, however, creates a tension in caste ideology. Laxman has to salvage Hinduism, which does not want to give Dalits the right to priesthood, but the party that emerged to safeguard upper caste interests has to mobilise Dalit votes. Hinduism as a religion destroyed the moral foundation of Dalits and without reforming that religion a Hindu political party cannot salvage the situation. 

This is the reason why more and more Dalits are looking towards either Christianity or Buddhism. The Hindutva forces know pretty well that apart from Ambedkar and Kanshi Ram what threatens Brahminism is the “Acclesia in Asia” document that Pope John Paul II released at Delhi during his visit to India last year. 
The Pope said that the Cross was planted in Europe in the first millennium, in America and Africa in the second millennium, and that Christ will return to his birth place – Asia — with all the strength at his command in the third millennium. The Christian resolve seems to be that the last segment of  global spiritual slavery — India’s untouchables — have to be liberated by all means in this century. This resolution of global Christianity coupled with its cultural liberalism poses very serious challenges to Brahminism today. 

Whenever Hinduism found itself in deep crisis because of the Shudra-Chandala revolt, it took the help of  a Shudra or Chandala to overcome that crisis and they made these Trojan horses speak their language. Valmiki, a Dalit, was made to write the Ramayana, as they wanted it to be written; again a Krishna was made to write the Gita, as they wanted it to be written. Only Ambedkar refused to do that and that has pushed Hinduism in to a deep crisis. 

Given the threat of globalisation and Christianity in the era of Ambedkarism in India, Laxman has been chosen to overcome the present crisis of Hinduism. But Laxman is too inadequate a person to salvage the situation. Despite the promise that Krishna would incarnate, yuga after yuga, to protect Brahminism would not turn up in this yuga because of the God who originated  in Israel and has produced globally commanding capitalism and the English language. The gods who understand only Sanskrit are suffering a heavy loss of social base in their own land. The Dalits are the main social base of the expanding Christianity. The sangh parivar has to do something about it. Laxman seemed be the only alternative. 

Neither Hinduism nor the Hindutva organisations can offer spiritual and social liberation to Dalits, tribals and OBCs. The OBCs are fixed to Hinduism like nuts and bolts; hence the sangh parivar does not see any threat from OBCs in spiritual terms.  The sangh parivar does not mind marginalising any number of OBCs in the political sphere, too. Kalyan Singh and Uma Bharati are cases in point of this marginalisation. But that is not the case with SCs. But because of the overall impact of the organised church and Ambedkarite Buddhism, the SCs and STs have become a social force who can lobby for their Dalit cause in international fora. 

The OBCs could not evolve as a force to interact with the West. They could not modernise and acquire proficiency in English, which could loosen their nut and bolt location in Hinduism and allow them to look for global recognition of their position. So they are becoming a butt of ridicule in the hands of Brahminical  forces within the sangh parivar. Kanshi Ram once rightly said that the ruling classes of India are afraid of only SCs because they are a force to reckon with in the bureaucracy and in politics and section of them have got westernised. 

So Laxman becomes a useful tool to address some of the socio-spiritual and economic problems that Hinduism as a religion and Hindutva as a political force are facing today. If Laxman realises the historical context in which he has been given this position, he can work his way to South Block and become the first SC Prime Minister of India. After Vajpayee, there is no leader from the BJP top brass who is acceptable to all the NDA constituents. Advani and Murli Manohar Joshi have already burnt their fingers with their right–wing extremism. 

Laxman, who kept a low profile in the aggressive phase of the BJP, leads a non–controversial life style and has no base of his own in the party or at the mass level. These are good qualifications for a Dalit to be seen as a candidate for the Prime Minister’s post. 

Laxman has all the qualities that PV Narsimha Rao had when he emerged as a Prime Ministerial candidate in the Congress party after the death of Rajiv Gandhi. Laxman’s Dalit background is an added bonus. Judging by how Laxman has been speaking and conducting himself after being appointed the party president he is moving in the right direction. His statements on the minorities and Ambedkar seem to have been well–received in political circles. 

Laxman is right when he says that minorities are “blood of his blood and flesh of his flesh” in so far as he speaks as a Dalit. When talking of Ambedkar or of minorities, Laxman is speaking like a Dalit. Laxman is also expected to ease the BJP’s relations with Christians as the latter also feel quite comfortable negotiating with Laxman as head of the party rather than some upper caste leaders. Thus, there is good mettle in him to aspire to becoming the first Dalit to occupy the Prime Minister’s chair. 

But all this will be possible only if Laxman plays the part of Hanuman very carefully in a party of Aryan Brahminism. He must not think of crossing the laxman rekhas drawn by his Lord, Vajpayee. Of course, he can acquire his own small temples here and there. But his limited spiritual space will be safe only as long as the real Hindu heroes operating from Hindu temples feel secure with him as their watchdog. Advani, a Sindhi, a non–practising Hindu but a hard-line Hindutvavaadi, does have much support of the Hindu Brahmin priests. The NDA leaders do not trust him either. 

The Indian media, too, takes its cues from the temple of Brahminism before it projects somebody as an acceptable man or woman for the highest position. The Indian media used to hate Ambedkar. It hates Kanshi Ram. Its love–hate relationship with KR Narayanan turned into a pure hate relationship after he delivered his two historic lectures on the occasion of Republic Day this year. Laxman is still a bird in the egg so far as the media is concerned. If he chooses to play the role of Hanuman well, the future for him is very bright. 

But the Dalits as a historical community have every thing to loose. Just as the first Dalit president of the BJP, even the first Dalit Prime Minister of India would come and go without changing the socio-spiritual and economic status of Dalits even an inch. But many Kanshi Rams can be vanquished with this Dalit weapon called Bangaru (gold) Laxman. 

Archived from Communalism Combat, September 2000 Year 8  No. 62, Cover Story 4

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