The arrest, which followed a public mob intimidation led by Bajrang Dal activists, is being widely condemned as a blatant case of targeted harassment of religious minorities under the guise of anti-conversion and trafficking laws.

Mob tip-off, not law, triggered arrest

The incident was triggered not by any formal complaint or police investigation, but by a train ticket examiner (TTE) at the station who questioned the group and then contacted local Bajrang Dal members rather than railway authorities. According to Father Sebastian Poomattam, Vicar General of the Raipur Archdiocese, who spoke with The News Minute, the women told the TTE they were travelling to Agra under the care of the nuns, and the nuns had their tickets. But soon, a Bajrang Dal mob gathered and began harassing the group.

The nuns were accompanying the women to secure employment as kitchen helpers in convents in Agra, with salaries between ₹8,000 and ₹10,000, as confirmed by Fr. Poomattam. “They were all over 18 and had consent letters from their parents,” he said, as reported in the The News Minute report.

Despite this, the railway police detained the group. Bajrang Dal activists gathered outside the police station and allegedly pressured authorities into registering an FIR. The women were later sent to a state-run shelter, while the nuns and the young man were remanded to judicial custody until August 8.

Police inaction against Bajrang Dal despite harassment

Sister Asha Paul, from the Congregation of the Holy Family in Delhi, alleged that no Church representative was permitted to meet the arrested nuns. “We believe the young women were coerced into changing their statements. The nuns had all required documents—IDs, consent letters—yet they were treated as criminals,” she said, as reported by The News Minute.

Multiple eyewitness accounts and Christian organisations confirmed that the nuns were publicly humiliated by Bajrang Dal members, led by Jyoti Sharma, even before their arrest, with police officers reportedly standing by. Videos shared by Anti-Christian Tracker Watch on social media show the group being harassed on the platform.

Before their arrest, the Catholic nuns were illegally detained, harassed, and humiliated by Bajrang Dal’s Jyoti Sharma and her team, all in full view of the police, who stood by in silence.

No FIR against Jyoti Sharma yet.

Is this democracy or mobocracy? https://t.co/JdUCnb19NY pic.twitter.com/UnGevvou2q

— Anti Christian Tracker Watch – ACT India (@ACTWatchIndia) July 27, 2025

Despite this, no FIR has been filed against Sharma or other members of the vigilante group.

Systematic targeting of Christians, say Church and civil society

The Catholic Bishops’ Conference of India (CBCI) condemned the arrests, stating that the women were legal adults, their travel was voluntary, and there was no evidence of conversion. “This is a violation of their constitutional rights. The Church will raise the issue on all appropriate platforms,” CBCI said in a press statement, as reported by The New Indian Express.

The Kerala Catholic Bishops’ Council’s (KCBC) Social Harmony and Vigilance Commission said the police action was based on “false and baseless allegations” from Bajrang Dal members. According to The New Indian Express, the KCBC warned that the incident fits a broader pattern of intimidation and misuse of anti-conversion laws to target religious workers. “This distressing incident is part of a broader and deeply troubling pattern of increasing hostility towards Christians and missionary personnel across various Indian states. The weaponisation of anti-conversion laws by extremist groups is not only unjust but also poses a serious threat to the constitutional rights of religious minorities in the country. We affirm that Catholic missionaries do not engage in forced conversions,” their official statement noted.

Notably, the United Christian Forum (UCF) had reported that incidents targeting Christians have surged from 127 in 2014 to 834 in 2024—a near sevenfold increase—highlighting what it called “a coordinated campaign of intimidation against minorities.”

Call for action

Congress leaders from Kerala sharply condemned the arrests. AICC General Secretary K.C. Venugopal wrote to Union Home Minister Amit Shah and Chhattisgarh Chief Minister Vishnu Deo Sai, highlighting that the present incident is a blatant case of mob intimidation and wrongful imprisonment. When written consent and documentation are ignored, and police act under pressure from fringe elements, it is a breakdown of law.

Attacks on minorities have seen a rampant increase under BJP-ruled States, be it Chhattisgarh, Odisha or MP.

The latest attacks by Bajrang Dal goons on 2 Catholic nuns in Durg, Chhattisgarh point to a tacit support for such hate crimes from the ruling establishment.

I have… pic.twitter.com/zcwSMVUHLJ

— K C Venugopal (@kcvenugopalmp) July 27, 2025

John Brittas, Member of Parliament from CPI-M, also addressed a letter to the Chhattisgarh CM stating that the arrest of Kerala nuns Sr. Vandana Francis & Sr. Preethi at Durg on baseless trafficking & conversion charges is a disgrace, and a blatant misuse of the law to target minorities.

The arrest of Kerala nuns Sr. Vandana Francis & Sr. Preethi at Durg on baseless trafficking & conversion charges is a disgrace. This is blatant misuse of the law to target minorities. Free the nuns & stop the hate campaign against those serving society! pic.twitter.com/JF0k839AjX

— John Brittas (@JohnBrittas) July 28, 2025

The KCBC has demanded intervention from Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Union ministers, stating: “The Centre must not stay silent. Mob rule cannot override constitutional rights. This is a moment of reckoning for India’s commitment to democracy and religious freedom.”

Related:

United Christian Forum submits memorandum to UP Governor Anandiben Patel; demands repeal of UP anti-conversion law and its recent amendment

United Christian Forum submits detailed memorandum to Minority Affairs minister Kiren Rijiju highlighting targeted violence against Christian Community; demands repeal of anti-conversion laws

Allahabad HC’s recent judgement dubbed “saffron-tinged”, “fuelling fear among Christians,” says United Christian Forum

United Christian Forum: Average two Christians attacked in India every day, 287 incidents reported from UP itself

The post Targeted by Mob, Arrested without Cause: Two Catholic nuns jailed in Chhattisgarh despite consent documents and no evidence of conversion appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The post Police, Bajrang Dal and the Making of Anti-‘Love Jihad’ Squad in Madhya Pradesh appeared first on SabrangIndia.

As per media reports, the conflict reportedly started as the procession was winding down and participants were returning to their homes. At this moment, a group allegedly attempted to hoist a saffron flag, a symbolic gesture that has often sparked controversy when displayed in sensitive areas. The situation was further inflamed by the shouting of “Jai Shree Ram” slogans, which led to a dispute between the two communities present.

FIR filed against Bajrang Dal: provoking religious sentiments

As tensions rose, a formal complaint was filed by members of the Muslim community, leading the Mumbai Police to file an FIR against 8 to 10 individuals associated with Bajrang Dal for allegedly inciting religious sentiments. According to the complaint, the procession and subsequent actions, including the flag hoisting and chanting of slogans, were seen as deliberate attempts to provoke the Muslim community. Police have launched an investigation, although no arrests have been made yet, as per a report in News 24.

However, Bajrang Dal has warned of protests in response to the police’s handling of the matter, claiming that the police have acted unfairly. This has further complicated an already sensitive situation in Malad, where religious and cultural identities have become points of friction.

Video evidence: reports of false allegations against Muslim boys

Adding to the controversy, a CCTV footage from the incident surfaced on social media, showing an exchange between two young men. In the video, a Muslim boy wearing a black t-shirt is seen trying to protect another boy, dressed in orange clothes, from a confrontation. However, some individuals present in the footage attempted to create an issue by falsely alleging that the Muslim boy was involved in violence. The police have charged him with attempted murder, despite the video clearly showing him acting defensively. This has raised questions about the accuracy of the charges and whether the police investigation is being influenced by external pressures.

The CCTV video can be seen here:

Background: The impact of recent tensions in Mumbai

The altercation in Malad follows a series of similar incidents that have stoked communal issues in Mumbai and its surrounding areas. Notably, the violence in Nagpur has been cited as a precursor to these events. Protests by right-wing organisations in Mumbai regarding the removal of Aurangzeb’s tomb led to widespread rumours. These rumours claimed that protestors had burned a sheet with verses from the Quran, a claim that has been widely disputed. However, these rumours led to violent clashes in Nagpur’s Mahal area, with stone-pelting incidents resulting in the injury of 33 people, including police officers, and the tragic death of one young man.

This context of heightened communal sensitivity has further complicated the situation in Malad, where the Malad East incident appears to be part of a broader pattern of religiously charged confrontations.

Earlier incident: alleged assault on Bajrang Dal activists by Police

In an earlier incident in Mumbai, six police officers were transferred from their positions after being accused of assaulting two Bajrang Dal activists. The activists had gone to the Vakola Police Station to file an FIR alleging that a member of a particular community had molested a minor girl in Santacruz East. However, the activists claimed that, instead of receiving assistance, they were forcefully taken to a police detection room, where they were brutally assaulted by police officers, Indian Express reported.

The allegations sparked protests by Bajrang Dal and Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) activists, who demanded action against the accused officers. Following an internal inquiry, the police department transferred six officers, including an assistant inspector and four constables, to a side posting in the Naigaon local arms division as provisional punishment. A departmental inquiry has also been initiated against the officers involved.

The events in Malad, alongside previous clashes and ongoing religious tensions, underscore the delicate nature of communal relations in some areas of Mumbai. As the investigation unfolds, the possibility of further unrest looms, with both religious communities and authorities caught in a growing cycle of tension.

Related:

After Bajrang Dal, UP police take a close look at Durga Vahini’s ‘self-defence’ training camps

Bajrang Dal convenor arrested for arms training camp, spreading communal hatred in Ayodhya

India’s Heartfelt Eid: where flowers & faith bridge divides

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These sites remained covered, beneath cloth and tarpaulin, as if their existence had to be hidden.

These sites were mosques, scattered across various parts of Uttar Pradesh. The idea, Uttar Pradesh police officials confidently put forth, was that this way, Hindu processionists could celebrate Holi freely and “any law and order situation can be avoided”, cops told journalists. Chief minister Adityanath was less coy. Speaking on an ANI podcast, he likened Holi processions attempting to throw colours at mosques to Muharram processions casting a “shadow” over temples.

As a result, nearly 200 mosques were engulfed entirely with tarpaulin sheets, invisibilising them for the convenience of Hindu revellers.

For a while, we have seen how Hindu festivals have become playgrounds for Hindutva groups to stoke tensions and violence.

But what happened in Uttar Pradesh on Holi is a new piece of the Hindutva playbook that has slowly been emerging in various spots like Hyderabad, on Ram Navami – the idea that mosques and Muslim localities are, essentially, obstructions in the way of Hindus to celebrate their festivals or take out processions.

These obstructions, since they cannot be done away with entirely, can at least temporarily be erased, made non-existent and invisibilised using tarpaulin sheets.

That the state agrees and encourages the covering of mosques is worrisome for multiple reasons: by doing so, the state is unwittingly admitting to the dangerously high level of radicalisation in the populace, so high that the mere sight of a mosque can unbalance their mental faculties and cause them to attack it.

The state, in covering the mosques, is making another confession: that it is either unwilling (believably) to control such mobs or, worryingly for us, it is now longer possible to rein them in, even if the police want to. Which is why, it is easier to now appease them and hope that they aren’t annoyed or displeased with any Islamic sights, lest they are forced to riot.

History repeats….

Across different states, the processions are now a common form of communalism, a medium through which you can create small, local-level tensions and clashes between Hindus and Muslims.

Such localised communalism helps top political leaders escape accountability and also ensures that hate stays off the headlines, owing to its localised nature – most media outlets would describe these as “minor” clashes.

In 2023, a report titled ‘The Routes Of Wrath’, attempted to look at these seemingly localised clashes that occurred in 2022 and realised that they had occurred in 12 different states, on the occasions of Ram Navami and Hanuman Jayanti: Gujarat, Jharkhand, Madhya Pradesh, Delhi, Uttarakhand, Rajasthan, Maharashtra, Goa, West Bengal, Karnataka, Bihar and Andhra Pradesh.

Like Holi this year, both these occasions also fell in the holy month of Ramzan in 2022.

Historically, riots during festivals are not uncommon.

One of the earliest such instances recorded in history is in Salem in 1882, where a series of “bloody riots” were ignited with the passing of a Hindu procession before a mosque. Combined with this was an insistence by Hindu revellers in these processions to play music, right in front of mosques, as a way to assert their supremacy and provoke.

The signs of such a music-driven communalism were visible over a century ago, when in 1893, when Bal Gangadhar Tilak reconfigured the Ganpati festival to become a vehicle of mass mobilisation. Songs that came to be associated with the festival later, were tracks with incendiary words, like “What boon has Allah conferred upon you, that you have become Mussalmans today? Do not be friendly to a religion which is alien, do not give up your religion and be fallen”. Such rhetoric was helped in no small part by Tilak’s assertions, according to a paper by Julian Lynch, an ethnomusicologist, that “called upon Hindus to boycott the Muharram festival that year” and instead, celebrate Ganpati with fervour.

For decades, festivals remained the vehicle of mass Hindu mobilisation, commonly leading to violence and tensions.

In 1921, Mahatma Gandhi was forced to mention these riots in his Young India article, reminding Hindus that it “is not a matter of vital importance for him to play music while passing a mosque,” and asked both communities to respect each other’s concerns.

…but with a difference

Even if we are tempted to believe that these riotous processions are simply a continuation of our country’s communal past, there are now significant departures in the way these events are organised and unfold now.

To begin with, our New India’s leaders use these occasions to actively create divisions, unlike Gandhi’s approach of trying to mediate and unify.

Adityanath, for instance, criticised Muslims for even expecting that their mosques won’t be covered in colour.

“Do Muslims not wear colourful clothes? Muslims wear more colourful clothes than Hindus. Then why do you have a problem with colours? These are double-standards…this can’t be accepted,” Adityanath said. The host of the ANI podcast did not bat an eyelid and moved on to her next question straight away.

In addition, the nature of the organisations backing such processions has changed immensely.

In Jharkhand, where Ram Navami is possibly the biggest public festival and sees anywhere between tens to hundreds of thousands of Hindus walking through the streets and typically end their procession at a temple, old-timers and police officials had told me how the festival had changed.

From being organised by various smaller Hindu groups, known as Akharas or mandals, in the recent years, Hindutva outfits like the Bajrang Dal started taking the lead role either by inserting their men into these mandals or pushing them away entirely.

Often, these processions, then, insist of changing the routes of these traditional marches by trying to take them through Muslim-dominated areas or localities which have major Muslim mosques, like it was the case in Kasganj in 2018, when Hindutva outfits insisted on a ‘Tiranga Yatra’ through Muslim localities and proceeded, even though the local administration denied them permission. The result was a series of violent clashes and the death of a 22-year-old Hindutva activist Chandan Gupta.

Like in Kasganj as well as in the case of the Bhagalpur riots of 1970 which left 74 dead, groups would insist on stopping these processions before mosques or Muslim homes and deliver hate speeches and slogans. However, now, this role has been outsourced to Hindutva pop (H-pop) music.

This music, with its incendiary lyrics, can often be worse than the most rabid of hate speeches—they contain overt calls for violence, threats against Muslims, calling them “Babur Ke Pillo”, containing claims of temples beneath mosques, declarations of India as an impending Hindu Rashtra.

Not too far from where I live, in Mumbai’s Malvani locality, this played out like a template:

On March 30, 2023, in Mumbai’s Malvani locality, a Ram Navami procession stopped before the Hazrat Ali Masjid. A song blared from loudspeakers:

“Main Hindu jagaane aaya hoon (I have come to awaken Hindus).”

The song had a call to arms: Hindus were ready to pick up swords to defend the motherland, it said.

Thousands of men joined in, chanting Jai Shri Ram at the Muslims watching from nearby buildings. One Muslim, provoked, hurled footwear at the procession. The response was swift – Hindus retaliated with stones and sticks. The police barely prevented a full-scale riot.

That night, the Malvani police filed an FIR. Only Muslims were named. The provocation – the music, the slogans – was not an offence. The reaction was.

This has become yet another hallmark of police action in today’s India: the provocation is never an offence, but those acting on that provocation are perpetually the offenders. Hindutva vigilantes have carefully cultivated this situation: some of them tell me how they have given instructions to their workers and members in such processions to keep their phone cameras rolling constantly, in search of “evidence” that Muslims disrupted the event.

Any time a Muslim falls for the provocation, like in Malvani, these carefully-edited videos are instantly released online to sway public opinion about fixing responsibility for these incidents, never mind the unrecorded provocations. The provocative songs, slogans and speeches, which vigilantes are otherwise very proud of, seldom makes it to these videos.

The procession has now acquired a distinct digital after-life, thanks to these videos. These processions live on, through these internet videos and, as a result, in public memory as “examples” of when Muslims attacked peaceful Hindu processions. These examples become the fodder for hate speeches that “warn” Hindus of such Muslims and threaten Muslims with dire consequences, like Maharashtra BJP minister Nitesh Rane has been trotting around and doing in the state, little concern for the 20 hate speech FIRs that he faces and the constitutional post he occupies as a minister.

Historically, such clashes and riots would result in high-level inquiry commissions being appointed in order to investigate the incident, fix accountability if the police action was biased or lacking, and derive learnings so that the incident isn’t repeated.

These commissions, from the Raghubar Dayal commission that looked into the 1967 Solapur riots, to the DP Dadon commission of inquiry that investigated the Bhiwandi, Jalgaon and Mahad riots of 1970, to a three-member commission investigating the Bhagalpur 1989 riots, all saw retired or serving Supreme Court or High Court justices seeking to ensure that the State was not seen as being inherently biased or partisan in imparting justice.

In today’s India, the state itself orchestrates these events. It permits provocation, ensures skewed police action, and follows up with bulldozers – demolishing Muslim homes after every riot, ignoring Supreme Court orders against such demolitions.

In this New India, what Uttar Pradesh does today, the remaining BJP-ruled states follow tomorrow. We should brace for more tarpaulin sheets.

Kunal Purohit is a journalist, documentary filmmaker, podcaster and the author of H-Pop: The Secretive World of Hindutva Popstars.

Courtesy: The Wire

The post In UP’s Mosque Coverings, a New Chapter From The Hindutva Playbook Unfolds appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Prashant Koratkar and Rahul Solapurkar have insulted Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj terribly. The incompetence of the government and their utter negligence are being hidden behind the tomb of Aurangzeb. In reality, the government itself seems to be inciting riots. The ruling party is intentionally planning riots and arson in the state. When we see how Minister Rane speaks, we can’t help but wonder what’s going on in the minds of those in power. No one here respects Aurangzeb, and no one supports him. Muslims in this state, even during Shivaji Maharaj’s time, stayed loyal to the Chhatrapati, and today they still have faith in this land. Their loyalty has never been for sale. If it were, Muslims would never have been part of Shivaji Maharaj’s army. The Muslims here were loyal to the Chhatrapati then, and they are still loyal today. It was Anaji Pant and his descendants who betrayed Shivaji Maharaj and Swarajya. Not a single person in this state will support Aurangzeb. No one has recently constructed Aurangzeb’s tomb. So, why is the issue of his tomb being raised to disturb the atmosphere of the state? What is the real conspiracy behind this?

The Bahujan community needs to seriously consider this. We need to investigate whether the ruling party is more disturbed by Aurangzeb’s tomb or by the unparalleled valour of Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj. Those with a Peshwa mindset have never accepted Shivaji Maharaj’s greatness. They have always denied his greatness. Either they have tried to attribute his achievements to a divine source, or they have tried to link his greatness to a guru he never had. They have constantly tried to push the narrative that Shivaji Maharaj was great only because of people from their caste, like Dadoji Konddev and Ramdas, or because their intelligent and capable people supported him. Purandare has written some horrific things while elevating Baji Prabhu Deshpande. They fabricated stories that Shivaji Maharaj received his sword from Goddess Bhavani to systematically deny the strength of his own arm. Later, they tried to portray Shivaji Maharaj as an incarnation and denied his towering human personality. To do this, they devised temples and hymns. They have tried to systematically deny his greatness or present it as something that happened due to someone else. These manipulative tactics have been going on for years. During Shivaji Maharaj’s lifetime, they tried to poison him. Later, they spread the historical lie that he died due to a knee disease. No one in history has ever died from a disease called “knee disease.” This disease didn’t exist before or after Shivaji Maharaj. Just like before and after Sant Tukaram, no one was taken to Vaikuntha by a plane. Similarly, no one except Shivaji Maharaj died of this “knee disease.” Yet, these vile liars inserted this fabricated lie into history and convinced the people of it. After Shivaji Maharaj’s death, they even made multiple attempts to assassinate Chhatrapati Sambhaji Maharaj. Eventually, they succeeded. Using Aurangzeb as a tool, these conspirators orchestrated the murder of Sambhaji Maharaj and later shifted the blame onto his own relatives. These crooks had the power of the pen and used it to deceive history. With their poisonous writings, they destroyed generations of the Bahujan community.

After the fall of the Shivshahi, Shivaji Maharaj’s samadhi was neglected. It was Mahatma Phule who found and cleaned it. After finding Shivaji Maharaj’s samadhi, Mahatma Phule was severely criticised by casteist Brahmins in Pune. They insulted him by calling him “the king of the Kunbant” (a derogatory term).

Later, when there was an effort to build a statue of Shivaji Maharaj in Pune, casteist elements in Pune’s Sadashiv Peth raised a major protest. They tried to stop the statue from being built. The Peshwa mindset’s hatred of Shivaji Maharaj is well-known. It is not something new. This hatred has been growing in their minds for the past 400 years. This hatred is still being propagated by the likes of Koratkar.

During Shivaji Maharaj’s lifetime, they denied his greatness. They even rejected his coronation, mocking him by saying, “Who is the king? How are you our king? You are just a Shudra!” Since then, they have consistently tried to diminish Shivaji Maharaj’s greatness by attributing it to other things or persons, using various falsehoods and miracles.

In the past 400 years, these conspirators have not succeeded. The kings have triumphed over them. Now, the cunning ravens are pretending to embrace Shivaji Maharaj’s legacy and are conspiring to destroy it. They are trying to create riots in his name and use them to gain political power. They are trying to brand Muslim hatred to further their narrow goals. They have ignored his remarkable achievements and historical policies for the people, and instead, they focus only on trivialities, trying to minimize his greatness. They have put in more effort to destroy Shivaji Maharaj than Aurangzeb ever did.

After Shivaji Maharaj’s death, Aurangzeb prayed for him in the court, but these Peshwa scoundrels have never abandoned their malicious plans. This brahmical mindset and their allies, have consistently belittled Shivaji Maharaj. Madhavrao Golwalkar’s remarks and what Savarkar spoke about, both expose the hate-filled minds of these people. From Golwalkar, Savarkar, James Lane, Sripad Chindam, the traitor who built a statue with a wound on its forehead, to Rahul Solapurkar and Koratkar – this long list of traitors has one common goal: to destroy Shivaji Maharaj’s legacy.

These casteist Peshwa traitors still haven’t given up their goal. Now, they want to remove Aurangzeb’s tomb, but their real plan is to erase the legacy of Shivaji Maharaj, his immense achievements, and his valour. The tomb of Aurangzeb and the grave of Afzal Khan are reminders of Shivaji Maharaj’s greatness. They are symbols of his bravery. If it were not for these, Shivaji Maharaj would never have built Afzal Khan’s tomb. Jijabai must have told Shivaji Maharaj to do so. This is something even the casteist Brahmins should consider. Who was their father? What did he do? What did his words and actions tell us? These are the questions the people must ask themselves. If they remove Aurangzeb’s tomb or Afzal Khan’s grave, what will they present as evidence of Shivaji Maharaj’s valour?

Those who claim to be descendants of Shivaji Maharaj have become so intoxicated with power that they’ve lost all sense of reason. The Bahujan community has become enslaved by these Peshwa traitors. Even if these traitors put excrement in their hands, they still take it as a gift. What has happened to their intelligence? It’s as if their sense of reasoning is either paralyzed or completely gone. How long will they keep accepting this deceitful nonsense?

Until recently, Nitesh Rane was criticizing the Sangh and Fadnavis, and now he’s the one teaching us about Shivaji Maharaj’s history and Hindutva? This is a puzzling question: What has the Bahujan community learned from Shivaji Maharaj’s history under the influence of such traitors? This remains an unsolved mystery.

(The author, based in Sangli, has written the original in Marathi: he is editor of Vajradhari, a YouTube Channel)

Disclaimer: The views expressed here are the author’s personal views, and do not necessarily represent the views of Sabrangindia.

Related:

How communal unrest was stoked, misinformation & rumours ignited unrest in Nagpur

‘Aurangzeb ki auladen ‘, a term for Indian Muslims or high caste Hindus?

Kolhapur Maharashtra: Valorising Aurangzeb will now result in abuse & arrests

The post “It’s not Aurangzeb’s grave, but a plot to uproot Shivaji Maharaj’s valour!” appeared first on SabrangIndia.

#WATCH | Maharashtra: Explosions heard on vehicles that have been torched in Mahal area of ​​Nagpur; tensions have broken out here following a dispute between two groups. pic.twitter.com/rssI72v8od

— ANI (@ANI) March 17, 2025

#WATCH | Maharashtra: Tension breaks out in Mahal area of ​​Nagpur after a dispute between two groups. Vehicles vandalised and torched, stone pelting reported. Police personnel present in the area. Details awaited. pic.twitter.com/PPufCmM55N

— ANI (@ANI) March 17, 2025

According to multiple media reports, the violence stemmed from a demonstration organised by members of the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) and Bajrang Dal near the statue of Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj in Nagpur’s Mahal area. The protesters gathered to demand the relocation of Aurangzeb’s tomb, which is situated in Khultabad, Chhatrapati Sambhajinagar district (formerly Aurangabad). During the protest, slogans were raised, and demonstrators allegedly burned a photograph of Aurangzeb along with a “symbolic grave wrapped in a green cloth filled with grass.” Police sources indicate that the act of burning the green cloth reportedly sparked rumours, as many believed it contained sacred verses, leading to heightened tensions.

Following this, a group of around 80 to 100 people, allegedly from the religious minority community, reacted violently, pelting stones at the police and setting multiple vehicles ablaze. An alleged clash then took place between the Muslims and the protesting Hindus. The unrest led to serious injuries, including those sustained by security personnel attempting to control the mob. Among the injured are 10 anti-riot commandos, two senior police officers, and two fire department personnel. A constable remains in critical condition. The violence also resulted in large-scale destruction, with rioters torching two bulldozers and approximately 40 vehicles, including police vans.

To restore order, law enforcement resorted to using force, employing lathi-charge and tear gas to disperse the mob. In response to the deteriorating situation, Nagpur Police Commissioner Ravinder Kumar Singal imposed a curfew in several areas of the city under Section 163 of the Bhartiya Nagarik Suraksha Sanhita, 2023. The curfew applies to the jurisdictions of Kotwali, Ganeshpeth, Tehsil, Lakadganj, Pachpaoli, Shantinagar, Sakkardara, Nandanvan, Imamwada, Yashodharanagar, and Kapilnagar police stations. The restrictions will remain in effect until further notice.

Authorities have confirmed that the situation is now under control. However, the scale of the violence, the number of injured, and the damage caused highlight the deep-seated tensions surrounding the issue. A PTI report states that at least four civilians have been injured, while more than a dozen police personnel sustained injuries during the clashes. Security forces remain deployed in the affected areas to prevent further escalation.

Nagpur (Maharashtra) violence | Curfew has been imposed in the Police station limits of Kotwali, Ganeshpeth, Lakadganj, Pachpaoali, Shantinagar, Sakkardara, Nandanvan, Imamwada, Yashodhara Nagar and Kapil Nagar in Nagpur city. This curfew will remain in force until further… pic.twitter.com/N3CqzKcMv1

— ANI (@ANI) March 17, 2025

Misinformation and rumours ignite unrest in Nagpur

The violence in Nagpur on the night of March 17 was largely fuelled by misinformation and rumours that spread rapidly on social media. The unrest followed a demonstration organised by members of the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) near the statue of Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj in Mahal at around 8:30 pm. Protesters had gathered to demand the removal of Mughal emperor Aurangzeb’s tomb from Maharashtra and burned his effigy as part of their demonstration.

Hours later, tensions flared when rumours began circulating that activists from Hindu groups, including VHP and Bajrang Dal, had burned a piece of cloth inscribed with the holy kalma (Islamic prayer) and had also set fire to a copy of the Quran. According to police reports, videos of the Bajrang Dal demonstration quickly spread across social media, leading to outrage within the Muslim community. What police authorities did when and while such rumours flew fast is however, unclear. A formal complaint was subsequently lodged at the Ganeshpeth police station, alleging that a holy book had been desecrated. However, Bajrang Dal office-bearers refuted these claims, stating that they had only burned an effigy of Aurangzeb and had not targeted any religious text.

As news of the alleged Quran burning spread, anger intensified. The situation escalated when reports surfaced that VHP-Bajrang Dal protesters had also burned a religious chadar near Shivaji Putla Square at Mahal Gate, a location just 2 km from the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) headquarters. Clearly this was an act meant to provoke and it is not at all evident that action was initiated by the police against these miscreants. In response, a large group gathered in protest, demanding immediate action against those responsible. The protest soon turned violent, resulting in stone-pelting, arson, and violent clashes with the police.

Officials confirmed that social media played a significant role in spreading misinformation, fuelling tensions between communities. As the unrest escalated, security forces deployed riot-control measures, including water cannons and tear gas, in an attempt to disperse the crowd. Several officers were injured in the process, including Deputy Commissioners of Police (DCPs) Archit Chandak and Niketan Kadam. Firefighters attempting to douse burning vehicles were also caught in the violence.

Eyewitnesses reported that the clashes started around 7:30 pm in the Chitnis Park area of Mahal, where groups hurled stones at the police, leaving six civilians and three officers injured. The violence then spread to other parts of the city, including Kotwali and Ganeshpeth, intensifying as the evening progressed. A resident, Sunil Peshne, told ANI that a mob of 500 to 1,000 people engaged in stone-pelting and torched multiple vehicles. He claimed that around 25-30 vehicles were damaged or destroyed during the chaos.

The timing of the unrest was particularly sensitive, as Monday marked the birth anniversary of Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj, the Maratha warrior-king. It also coincided with the holy month of Ramzan, further heightening religious sensitivities. The call for the demolition of Aurangzeb’s tomb at Khuldabad in Chhatrapati Sambhajinagar had gained traction on this day, adding to the charged atmosphere.

Authorities are currently reviewing CCTV footage and video clips to identify those involved in the violence. An FIR has been registered, and police teams are actively working to track down the culprits. Officials reported that the Chitnis Park to Shukrawari Talao road belt was among the worst-affected areas, where multiple four-wheelers were torched by rioters.

Residents of the Old Hislop College area near Chitnis Park spoke to PTI and claimed that a mob entered their locality around 7:30 pm, hurling stones at homes and vandalising parked cars. At least four cars were damaged, with one vehicle completely burnt. The rioters also destroyed water coolers and shattered windows before fleeing. Some residents attempted to control the fires themselves by arranging water to douse the burning vehicles.

A resident of the Hansapuri area, Sharad Gupta, recounted how his four two-wheelers, which were parked outside his home, were set ablaze by the mob between 10:30 pm and 11:30 pm. He suffered injuries in the attack and said the rioters also vandalised a neighbouring shop. He further alleged that the police arrived only an hour after the incident, by which time significant damage had already been done.

Fearing for their safety, some residents locked their homes and fled to safer locations in the middle of the night. A PTI correspondent witnessed a couple leaving their house at 1:20 am, seeking refuge elsewhere. Meanwhile, Chandrakant Kawde, a local resident involved in preparations for the Ram Navami Shobha Yatra, reported that the mob burned all his decoration materials and pelted stones at homes in the vicinity.

Angry residents have called for immediate police action against those responsible for the violence. While the situation is currently under control, tensions remain high as authorities continue their investigation.

#WATCH | Maharashtra | A local shopkeeper from Nagpur’s violence-hit Hansapuri area says, “At 10.30 pm, I closed my shop. Suddenly, I saw people torching vehicles. When I tried to douse the fire, I was hit with a stone. My two vehicles and a few other vehicles parked nearby were… pic.twitter.com/tisqTd87d2

— ANI (@ANI) March 18, 2025

Nagpur (Maharashtra) violence | Nagpur Police say – Nagpur Police has issued prohibitory orders in the city after the stone pelting and arson incident in Mahal area. More than 20 have been detained till now. Police are looking into the CCTV footage and other video clips available…

— ANI (@ANI) March 17, 2025

Police crackdown and heightened security measures

In response to the escalating violence in Nagpur, Police Commissioner Ravinder Singal deployed over 1,000 officers and imposed prohibitory orders in key areas, including Mahal, Chitnis Park Chowk, and Bhaldarpura, to restrict movement in high-risk zones. According to a Times of India report, key roads were sealed, while additional reinforcements and intelligence teams were brought in to prevent further clashes. Despite the heavy police presence, sporadic incidents of stone-throwing continued late into the night, keeping security forces on high alert.

To maintain order, authorities utilised surveillance vehicles equipped with CCTV cameras to monitor the situation in real time. Public address systems were also used to issue warnings and instruct citizens to remain indoors. Local peace committees were activated, with law enforcement urging community leaders to play a role in de-escalating tensions and preventing further violence.

Meanwhile, security around Aurangzeb’s tomb in Khuldabad has been significantly tightened following threats against the monument. Visitors are now required to register their details and provide identification before entering the site. Additional forces, including the State Reserve Police Force (SRPF), local police, and Home Guard personnel, have been deployed in the vicinity to prevent any attempts at vandalism or desecration. Authorities remain on high alert as they continue to monitor the situation and work towards restoring normalcy.

Statement by the law enforcement authorities

Amid the volatile situation, Nagpur Police Commissioner Dr Ravinder Singal provided an update, asserting that law enforcement had responded swiftly to restore normalcy. He clarified that tensions escalated following the burning of a photograph, which led to protests and growing unrest.

“A photo was burned, leading to a group gathering and raising concerns. We intervened immediately, and some individuals visited my office to discuss the matter. I assured them that an FIR had already been filed based on the names they provided, and appropriate legal action will follow.”

Dr Singal also provided details regarding the extent of the violence, noting that the incident unfolded between 8:00 and 8:30 pm. While stone pelting and arson took place, he stated that the damage was not as widespread as initially reported.

“The destruction is relatively limited—so far, two vehicles have been set on fire. We are continuing to assess the full extent of the damage. Combing operations are underway to identify and arrest those responsible.”

#WATCH | Nagpur (Maharashtra) violence: Nagpur Police Commissioner Dr Ravinder Singal says, “The situation is peaceful right now. A photo was burned following which people gathered, they made a request and we even took action in this respect. They had even come to my office to… pic.twitter.com/T4CljMg4At

— ANI (@ANI) March 17, 2025

To prevent further disturbances, Section 163 of the BNS, which prohibits gatherings of four or more people, has been imposed in the affected area. The Police Commissioner urged people to avoid unnecessary outings and refrain from taking the law into their own hands.

“We strongly advise citizens not to step out unless necessary and to refrain from spreading or acting upon false information. Other parts of Nagpur remain peaceful, with only the affected area under heightened security.”

Deputy Commissioner of Police (DCP) Archit Chandak attributed the unrest to miscommunication and misinformation, confirming that the situation was now under control. He reassured the public that security measures had been strengthened to prevent any further escalation.

“We have deployed a strong security presence, and the situation is currently under control. I appeal to everyone to avoid engaging in violence, including stone-pelting.”

During the clashes, several police personnel allegedly sustained injuries, including DCP Chandak himself, who was struck in the leg. Despite this, he reaffirmed the commitment of law enforcement to maintaining order.

“The Fire Brigade was immediately called in to extinguish the fires, and prompt action was taken to disperse the crowds.”

A senior Nagpur Fire Brigade official confirmed that multiple vehicles had been torched, particularly in the Mahal area.

“Two JCBs and several other vehicles have been damaged due to arson. Unfortunately, one of our firefighters sustained injuries while trying to control the fire.”

While the immediate violence has been contained, authorities remain on high alert to prevent any recurrence. However, it has been reported that the VHP further signalled that their agitation could intensify and expand beyond Chhatrapati Sambhajinagar, potentially spreading across Marathwada and other districts if their demands were not met. Their statements suggest a widening of communal tensions, raising concerns about further unrest and polarisation in the region.

Speeches prior to the clashes

The communal clashes were preceded by escalating demands for the removal of Mughal emperor Aurangzeb’s tomb, a call that gained momentum among right-wing Hindu nationalist groups, particularly the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP). The organisation submitted a memorandum to Maharashtra Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis, asserting that the tomb symbolised oppression and referencing Aurangzeb’s execution of Maratha ruler Chhatrapati Sambhaji Maharaj and his destruction of Hindu temples. Protests in support of this demand had already taken place in Nagpur and suburban Mumbai, intensifying communal tensions in the state.

BJP MLA and Cabinet Minister Nitesh Rane’s call for Hindutva action: On the eve of the clashes, Maharashtra Minister Nitesh Rane invoked the demolition of the Babri Masjid, calling upon Hindutva groups to take matters into their own hands while assuring that the government would fulfil its role. Speaking at Shivneri Fort in Pune district on the occasion of Shivaji Maharaj’s birth anniversary, Rane made his position clear:

“The government will do its part while Hindutva outfits must do theirs. When Babri Masjid was being demolished, we did not sit and talk to each other. Our karsevaks did what was appropriate.”

His statements came as the VHP staged protests at government offices across Maharashtra, demanding the removal of Aurangzeb’s tomb and warning that if the government failed to act, they would march to Chhatrapati Sambhajinagar district and demolish the grave themselves.

Rane further sought to reshape historical narratives, denouncing any portrayal of Shivaji Maharaj as a secular king.

“We must continuously emphasise that Shivaji Maharaj was the founder of Hindvi Swarajya. This identity must be reiterated repeatedly so that the attempts of certain groups to portray him as a secular king can be thwarted by true devotees of Shivaji Maharaj,” he declared.

He insisted that Shivaji Maharaj’s army never included Muslim soldiers, claiming that the British themselves had recognised him as a “Hindu General.” Rane referred to historical documents that allegedly portrayed the Maratha ruler’s conflict with the Adil Shah dynasty as a religious battle, stating that “the spread of Islam was hindered during Shivaji Maharaj’s reign.”

He also referenced the film Chhaava, which depicts the torture and execution of Sambhaji Maharaj by Aurangzeb, using it to reinforce his narrative that the conflict was driven by religion.

“Aurangzeb demanded that Sambhaji Maharaj convert to Islam. Those who argue that their battle was not against Islam, how do they explain this? If it wasn’t a fight for religion, then what kind of war was it?” he asked.

Rane concluded with a veiled call to action, stating, “This is a significant day. As a minister, I have limitations on how much I can openly say, but you all know my views. Today, I am a minister, tomorrow I may not be, but until my last breath, I will remain a Hindu.”

Statements by CM Devendra Fadnavis and other BJP leaders: Earlier on the day of the clashes, Maharashtra Deputy Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis, while inaugurating a temple dedicated to Shivaji Maharaj in Bhiwandi, reiterated that the government would protect Aurangzeb’s grave but would not allow its “glorification.”

“It is unfortunate that we have to protect Aurangzeb’s grave since it was declared a protected site by the ASI 50 years ago. Aurangzeb killed thousands of our people, but we have to protect his grave,” he said in response to calls for its removal.

In Pune, right-wing groups gathered outside the district collector’s office, raising slogans and submitting a memorandum addressed to Fadnavis, insisting that the tomb should be removed as it was a “symbol of pain and slavery.”

The issue gained further traction when Fadnavis, on March 15, 2025, explicitly stated that he and his party believed that Aurangzeb’s grave should be removed from Chhatrapati Sambhajinagar, formerly Aurangabad. However, he acknowledged that since it was a protected monument under the Archaeological Survey of India (ASI), any action must be taken in accordance with the law.

Fadnavis’ remarks were in response to BJP MP Udayanraje Bhosale’s demand to demolish Aurangzeb’s grave in Khuldabad. Bhosale, a descendant of Shivaji Maharaj, had openly called for its destruction. “What is the need for the tomb? Bring in a JCB machine and raze it down. Aurangzeb was a thief and a looter,” he declared. His statement followed a heated debate sparked by Samajwadi Party MLA Abu Asim Azmi, who had earlier defended Aurangzeb as a “good administrator,” dismissing claims that he forcefully converted Hindus. Azmi’s comments led to his suspension from the state assembly for the remainder of the budget session.

BJP MLA T. Raja Singh’s open call to violence: The communal atmosphere further deteriorated when Telangana BJP MLA T. Raja Singh, speaking at an event organised by the Vishwa Hindu Parishad and Bajrang Dal in Pune, tore a picture of Aurangzeb and called for violence against his admirers.

“The way I tore this poster, you should tear up those Aurangzeb lovers. We won’t stop; we will create history,” he declared.

He directly incited violence, stating, “Just like we broke Babri, now we will erase Aurangzeb’s tomb. We are ready to do this; we are ready to get our heads chopped and chop the heads of those terrorists.” He continued, “We are not scared to kill our enemies.”

Singh asserted that all Indians wanted Aurangzeb’s grave demolished and framed his demand within the broader goal of establishing a Hindu Rashtra. Though facing several criminal charges including in Maharashtra, this elected representative has not been once arrested in Maharashtra.

“I want to make India a Hindu Rashtra and fight a war for that. I want to create ‘Hindu Veers’ (militias) and demolish Aurangzeb’s tomb. I don’t care if the BJP expels me for this. A bulldozer needs to be used on that tomb.”

#WATCH | Speaking at an event in Maharashtra’s Pune yesterday, Telangana BJP MLA T Raja Singh said, “…The Hindus in Maharashtra want that Aurangzeb’s grave should be erased from the state…Kab tutegi Aurangzeb ki kabr?..I have only resolve now – to make India a ‘Hindu Rashtra’… pic.twitter.com/hpgUeV65pC

— ANI (@ANI) March 17, 2025

Deputy CM Eknath Shinde’s Remarks on ‘Traitors’: Maharashtra Deputy Chief Minister Eknath Shinde, speaking at an event commemorating ‘Shiv Jayanti’ in Thane district, described those who continued to praise Aurangzeb as “traitors.”

“Aurangzeb came to seize Maharashtra, but he faced the divine power of Shivaji Maharaj. Those who still sing his praises are nothing but traitors,” he declared.

Shinde contrasted Aurangzeb’s “oppression” with Shivaji Maharaj’s legacy, portraying him as a “divine force” who symbolised bravery, sacrifice, and Hindutva. He stated, “Shiv Chhatrapati is the pride of a united India and the roar of Hindutva. Shivaji Maharaj was a visionary leader, a man of the era, a promoter of justice, and a king of the commoners.”

The climate of hostility and mistrust: These speeches, delivered in the weeks and days leading up to the clashes, fostered an environment of mistrust, communal polarisation, and incitement to violence. By framing the issue of Aurangzeb’s tomb as a direct affront to Hindu pride and linking it to historical grievances, political leaders and right-wing groups stoked tensions, encouraging hostility and, in some cases, explicitly calling for extra-legal action. The convergence of these narratives created a volatile atmosphere where communal violence became not just a possibility but an almost inevitable outcome.

Understanding the Nagpur communal clash through the “Pyramid of Hate”

The communal clash in Nagpur unfolded through a series of events—beginning with a movie distorting history followed by hate speeches promoting the historical distortion and giving it a communal angle, a planned protest, rumour-mongering, and culminating in violent clashes. This progression aligns with the “Pyramid of Hate”, which explains how intolerance grows in society, starting from implicit biases and eventually leading to violent consequences.

The Pyramid of Hate teaches us that violence is never sudden—it is a process often occurring after a systemic build-up. The Nagpur incident demonstrates how communal intolerance spreads step by step, from biased portrayals in media to unchecked hate speech, discriminatory institutional responses, and eventual clashes. To prevent such violence, it is crucial to intervene early in the pyramid—countering hate speech, debunking misinformation, and ensuring impartial law enforcement. Hate must be confronted at its roots—before it manifests in bloodshed.

1. Biased Attitudes: The role of media and stereotyping

At the foundation of the Pyramid of Hate lie biased attitudes, which include stereotyping, micro aggressions, and unchecked prejudices. In this case, the movie “Chhaava” triggered the controversy of the fight between Aurangzeb and Chhatrapati Sambhaji Maharaj to be about the fight between two people of different faith, wherein Aurangzeb tortured the Maratha ruler because he refused to convert to Islam, the said movie, with its violent representation, allegedly contained misrepresentations or one-sided portrayals of the Mughal ruler, which was then used to reinforce existing biases against Muslims. Films have historically, and more often recently, played a role in shaping public perception, and when a narrative demonises a group, it provides fertile ground for hateful ideologies to take root. This leads people to see the “other” as inherently different or dangerous, setting the stage for further hostility.

2. Acts of Prejudice: Hate speeches and protest

As biased attitudes become more socially acceptable, they manifest in acts of prejudice, which include hate speech, social exclusion, and dehumanisation. In the Nagpur incident, hate speeches followed the release of the film, with individuals and organisations openly expressing hostility toward Muslims, deeming them to be followers of Aurangzeb and “traitors”. These speeches did not occur in isolation; they were meant to provoke reactions and mobilise groups around a shared sense of grievance.

The subsequent protest further escalated tensions. While protest itself is a legitimate form of expression, it often turns into a platform for inflammatory rhetoric. In this case, the demonstration was not just about dissent; it became a catalyst for heightened communal sentiments, reinforcing the idea that one group was under threat from another.

3. Discrimination: Institutional neglect and selective action

Hate does not spread in a vacuum; it requires institutional tolerance. Discrimination, the third stage of the Pyramid, involves systemic inequities in policies and enforcement. In many instances of communal conflict in India, law enforcement is accused of being slow to act or biased in its response. If authorities fail to curb hate speech, misinformation, or mob violence, it signals tacit approval of discrimination.

In Nagpur, the law enforcement allowed the hate speeches and protests to go unchecked in case of BJP MLA T. Raja Singh, it contributed to the escalation. Additionally, with the State CM and Deputy CM also echoing the same divisive sentiment by indulging in inflammatory diatribe against Aurangzeb and his tome, other influential leaders also got the leeway to make offensive statements. Failure to counter false narratives spread through rumour-mongering further alienated communities and deepened mistrust. This selective action—or inaction—allowed prejudice to turn into active hostility.

4. Bias-Motivated Violence: The clashes

As tensions continued to rise, the situation eventually escalated into violent clashes. This stage of the Pyramid—bias-motivated violence—includes assaults, arson, and attacks on property or individuals based on identity. At this stage, hate is no longer just a belief or rhetoric; it translates into direct harm.

The violence in Nagpur was not spontaneous; it was the culmination of escalating intolerance. The clash was a symptom of the deep-seated communal divisions that had been nurtured through earlier stages. When rumours spread unchecked and violence is justified in the name of retaliation, the possibility of a full-scale riot increases.

5. Genocide: The extreme end of the Pyramid

At the very top of the Pyramid lies genocide—the systematic destruction of a group. While the Nagpur clash did not reach this extreme, history shows that unchecked hate can escalate to large-scale atrocities. Incidents like the 2002 Gujarat riots, the 1984 anti-Sikh pogrom, and the 2020 Delhi riots all followed a similar trajectory, beginning with hate speech and rumours before descending into mass violence.

CM Fadnavis and Union Minister Gadkari appeal for calm

In the wake of communal violence in Nagpur, Maharashtra Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis and Union Minister Nitin Gadkari have urged residents to remain calm and not be swayed by misinformation. Highlighting Nagpur’s legacy as a city known for communal harmony, Fadnavis called upon citizens to support law enforcement efforts and refrain from spreading or acting on rumours.

#WATCH | Nagpur (Maharashtra) violence: Maharashtra CM Devendra Fadnavis says, “The manner in which the situation became tense in Mahal area of Nagpur is highly condemnable. A few people pelted stones, even at the Police. This is wrong. I am keeping an eye on the situation. I… pic.twitter.com/nBUqPv7D5U

— ANI (@ANI) March 17, 2025

“Nagpur has always been a symbol of peaceful coexistence. I appeal to all residents not to fall for false information and to cooperate with the police in maintaining order.”

Union Minister and Nagpur MP Nitin Gadkari echoed similar concerns, attributing the unrest to rumour-mongering. Stressing the importance of upholding the city’s tradition of peace, he appealed for restraint.

“Certain rumours have created a situation of religious tension in Nagpur. However, our city has always demonstrated unity in such circumstances. I urge everyone not to believe or spread misinformation and to ensure peace prevails.”

Criticism of the state government’s handling of Nagpur violence

While the administration sought to de-escalate tensions, the Maharashtra government faced sharp criticism from the opposition over its handling of the situation. Shiv Sena (UBT) spokesperson Anand Dubey held the government responsible for its failure to prevent the violence, pointing to a collapse in law and order. Expressing deep concern, he remarked,

“Maintaining law and order is the fundamental duty of any state government. The violence in Nagpur is highly regrettable—vehicles have been torched, stones have been thrown, and the situation has spiralled out of control. This is a city where people of all communities have historically lived in peace. The government has clearly failed to foster unity and prevent such unrest.”

Shiv Sena (UBT) leader Aaditya Thackeray took to X, stating, “The law and order of the state has collapsed like never before. Nagpur, the home city of the CM and Home Minister, is facing this.” His remarks underscored the irony of unrest unfolding in the stronghold of Maharashtra’s Chief Minister and Home Minister.

The law and order of the state has collapsed like never before. Nagpur, the home city of the CM and Home Minister, is facing this. https://t.co/AJxitSe1JB

— Aaditya Thackeray (@AUThackeray) March 17, 2025

Supriya Sule, Lok Sabha MP from the NCP (Sharad Pawar faction), also condemned the violence, calling it unfortunate. She urged citizens to “not believe in any rumours” and appealed for mutual harmony, reminding people that Maharashtra has always been a land of progressive ideas.

नागपूर शहरात दोन गटांमध्ये झालेल्या हिंसाचारात मोठे नुकसान झाले. ही घटना अतिशय दुःखद आणि दुर्दैवी आहे. नागरीकांना आवाहन आहे की कृपया कोणत्याही अफवेवर विश्वास ठेवू नका. परस्पर सामंजस्य आणि सौहार्दाचे वातावरण कायम ठेवण्याच्या दृष्टीने आपण सर्वांनी मिळून प्रयत्न करुयात. हा…

— Supriya Sule (@supriya_sule) March 18, 2025

Congress leader Pawan Khera pointed out that Nagpur has not witnessed riots in 300 years, suggesting that recent events were a deliberate attempt to stoke historical divisions for political gains. “Over the last several days, attempts were being made to weaponise 300-year-old history and use it now to create divisions, distractions, and unrest. These clashes expose the real face of the ideology of the ruling regime—both at the Centre and in the state,” he stated.

Reports of riots in Nagpur are deeply disturbing. Mahal is Chief Minister’s own area. In its 300 years of dynamic existence, Nagpur has never experienced riots.
Over the last several days, attempts were being made to weaponise 300 year old history and use it now to create… https://t.co/gqC5cAyz3B

— Pawan Khera (@Pawankhera) March 17, 2025

Leader of Opposition in the Maharashtra Assembly, Congress MLA Vijay Waddetiwar, went a step further, alleging that the violence was “government-sponsored”. He demanded a ban on Telangana BJP leader T Raja in Maharashtra, accusing him of instigating communal tensions. He also questioned why the BJP government, despite being in power both at the state and central levels, was protesting over the Aurangzeb issue instead of governing effectively.

Similarly, Ambadas Danve, Leader of Opposition in the Maharashtra Legislative Council, blamed CM Devendra Fadnavis and his government for the unrest, asserting that the BJP was deliberately fuelling communal disharmony in the state.

Shiv Sena (UBT) Rajya Sabha MP Priyanka Chaturvedi also slammed the ruling party, warning that the Maharashtra government was “ruining the state for political opportunism and leading it towards a violent implosion.” She pointed out that the violence occurred in Nagpur, the constituency of both the Chief Minister and the Home Minister, making their failure to control the situation even more glaring.

Instigating violence, creating instability in the state, keeping the citizens busy over the past history while getting away with tough questions on the state’s financial doom, increased debt burden, growing joblessness and farmer suicides. Maharashtra is being strategically led…

— Priyanka Chaturvedi (@priyankac19) March 18, 2025

The opposition’s critique highlights growing concerns over state-sponsored communal polarisation, the failure of law enforcement, and political machinations aimed at deepening religious divides in Maharashtra.

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The post How communal unrest was stoked, misinformation & rumours ignited unrest in Nagpur appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The recently held Kumbh was a mega spectacle, which became more of a national event rather than a religious gathering. One major change for this year’s Kumbh is its heavy marketing as a cultural and developmental showcase. It was labelled as “The Greatest Show on Earth” for Hinduism. On such occasions organizing the stay, cleanliness, and transport for the devotees is a mandatory function of the state. This time what was witnessed that state got fully involved in the process of organizing the event itself and the associates of ruling party, like VHP, Dharma Sansads (Religious Parliaments) and individual Sants/sadhus took the lead and initiatives in propagating the components of Hindu nationalist agenda and ‘Hate for Muslims’ at this congregation.

While the religious spiritual significance of the event is highly appreciated by the devotees, giving it a political colour was very significant this time around in the Kumbh. It is not the first time that Kumbh was organized. This time the occasion became the ground for enhancing Hindutva agenda. The State Government, while was inadequate in the management of the crowds, it had advertised and invited the devotees in large numbers for quite some time. Crores must have been invested for inviting the devotees.

The event was marked by a boycott of Muslim traders from setting up their shops, and stalls. The reasons given were multiple, one fake one being stated by Swami Avimukteshwaranand that Muslims spit in the food, so were kept away.  Many such misleading videos are doing rounds in the social media also. It is another matter that Muslims opened their Masjids and organized food for the desperate victims of stampede. One recalls that during the Mughal period, to make the Kumbh more comfortable for devotees, many Ghats (River banks for bathing) and toilets were built by them. According to historian Heramb Chaturvedi, Akbar had appointed two of his officers to look after the arrangements of the Kumbh.

The whole area was full of hoardings of Narendra Modi and Yogi Adityanath. This time around a large area was reserved for VIPs, leading to stampedes in which a large number of deaths occurred. The arrangement for transport was poor and this got reflected in the death due to stampede at New Delhi Railway station.

One upstart Swami, Dhirendra Shastri, whom Mr. Narendra Modi calls his younger brother, merrily said that those who died due to stampede are the recipients of Moksha. The water quality reached abysmal low level with E. coli and high excreta content. To all the criticism about water quality and deaths the Chief Minister commented that pigs are seeing the dirt, and vultures are counting the dead!

VHP used it as a golden occasion with its Margdarshak Mandal meetings. Their speeches were full of venom for Muslims. The usual propaganda about Muslims relating to population increase, infiltrators from BanglaDesh, Cow protection was repeated at various meetings ad nauseam. The Hate spreaders like Sadhvi Ritambhara, Praveen Togadia, and Yati Narsingnanand Sarswati were having a field day with their speeches laced with Hate. They were having large audiences. BJP has successfully made use of Sadhus for its political agenda and got publicity at state expense.

One such saffron clad reiterated the demand for Kashi and Mathura and claimed that such 1860 temples have been ‘researched’, which need to be restored. Demand for closure of Madrassas and converting English schools to Gurukuls to create a Hindu World was also articulated.

In a book Published in 2024, Irfan Engineer and Neha Dabhade draw our attention to the use of religious festivals as occasions to instigate violence. Our festivals have been pleasant social occasions, cutting across religious lines. Now the trend is to take out a process during Hindu festivals, pass-through Muslims areas, change the green flag on the mosque to saffron flag, and dance with sword in hand. At the same time hateful slogans against Muslims in the air. In this book the author duo points out Ram Navami festival in particular in 2022-2023. The violence covered in the book related to Howrah and Hooghly (2023), Sambahji Nagar (2023), Vadodara (2023), Biharsharif and Sasaram 2023, Khargone (2022), Himmat Nagar and Khambat (2022) and Lohardagga (2022).

Engineer concludes “Even a small Group of Hindu nationalists masquerading as ‘religious procession’ could insist on passing through minority inhabited areas and provoke some youth using political and abusive slogans and playing violent songs and music, hoping that in reaction, a stone would be thrown at them. The state would do the rest by arresting a large number of members of a minority and demolishing their homes and properties within days without any judicial procedure.”

At another level this right-wing politics has also brought up and promoted a goddess Shabri and Lord Hanuman in Adivasi areas. As anti-Christian violence picked the Adivasi areas during the last three decades, these areas saw an intense attempt by Vanavasi Kalyan Ashram and Vishwa Hindu Prishad (RSS progeny) to promote Shabri. Shabri Kumbh was held near Dangs in Gujarat. A Shabri Temple has been erected in these areas. That time Swami Aseemanand of VHP was working in this area. He was the one; who later was accused by Maharashtra ATS for being the part of conspiracy of bomb blasts in Malegaon, Ajmer and Mecca Masjid.

Why were Shabri and Hanuman picked up to be promoted in these areas? Shabri was the poor woman who did not have enough food to offer to her Lord (Ram). So, she offered berries after first taking the taste of these before offering. Contrast is clear in city areas we have Durga, Laxmi and Sarswati to worship, while for Adivasi areas it is Shabri. Similarly, Lord Hanuman (Devotee of Lord Ram) has been popularized In Adivasi areas. Quite interesting!

Hindutva politics’ impact on our festivals reflects a lot about their politics. The way some of these are being weaponized, or the way Kumbh has been made a ground for anti-Muslim rhetoric or the way Shabri and Hanuman are popularized in Adivasi areas is worth pondering over.

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Attempts to Undermine Gandhi’s Contribution to Freedom Movement: Musings on Gandhi’s Martyrdom Day

When did India Get Independence?

Does Babasaheb’s Ideology Match With Hindu Nationalist Politics?

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These events have seen the propagation of hate speech targeting minority communities, particularly Muslims and Christians, with calls for violence, economic boycotts, and the promotion of harmful conspiracies. The CJP’s complaints underscore the critical need for urgent action from the NCM and other authorities to curb the spread of such rhetoric and ensure the protection of vulnerable communities. As the situation escalates, it is increasingly evident that there is a pressing need to reaffirm India’s commitment to secularism, social harmony, and the safeguarding of minority rights.

Complaint over hate speech at Trishul Deeksha events

On January 29, CJP had filed a formal complaint with the NCM, raising alarm over a series of Trishul Deeksha events held in December 2024 across Punjab, Delhi, Himachal Pradesh, and Rajasthan. Organised by far-right groups such as the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP), Bajrang Dal, and Antarrashtriya Hindu Parishad (AHP), these gatherings featured openly inflammatory rhetoric, hate speech, and mobilisation against minority communities, particularly Muslims and Christians.

The complaint details multiple instances where speakers at these events propagated divisive narratives, including baseless conspiracies like ‘love jihad’ and ‘land jihad,’ while calling for economic boycotts and vigilantism. At a Delhi event, senior VHP leaders declared their intent to “liberate” religious sites such as the Gyanvapi and Shahi Idgah mosques, while also targeting Ajmer Sharif Dargah, a revered Sufi shrine. In Himachal Pradesh, hate-filled speeches likened Muslims to “monsters” and falsely accused them of contaminating food, stoking economic and social discrimination. In Rajasthan’s Sirohi district, an event saw explicit calls for violence, with one leader urging attendees to “pick up weapons and be ready for war.”

Of particular concern is the complicity of law enforcement, as highlighted by a uniformed police officer in Sirohi who publicly participated in a Trishul Deeksha procession alongside far-right leaders. This raises serious questions about institutional bias and the failure of authorities to act against hate speech.

CJP has urged the NCM to take immediate cognisance of these incidents, investigate the organisers and speakers, and ensure legal and administrative action against those responsible for spreading hate and inciting violence. The organisation has emphasised the need for proactive measures to prevent the further normalisation of communal rhetoric, safeguard minority rights, and uphold India’s constitutional commitment to secularism and social harmony.

The complaint may be read here.

Complaint against hate speeches at ‘Dharma Sansad’ events

On January 22, CJP filed a complaint with the NCM regarding a series of hate speeches delivered at ‘Dharma Sansad’ events on December 20, 2024, led by Yati Narsinghanand and other right-wing figures. Despite being denied permission to hold the event in Haridwar, the gathering proceeded at another location, where inflammatory and violent rhetoric was once again espoused, targeting Muslims and calling for a Hindu-only nation. The speeches at the event included derogatory language and explicit calls for physical violence against Muslims, promoting a vision of a society devoid of religious diversity.

Narsinghanand, a known figure for his controversial views, reiterated his demand for a “Hindu Rashtra” and expressed a vision of a society with no room for Muslims, mosques, or madrasas. He also issued veiled threats against political leaders, further stoking communal tensions. Other speakers, including Kalicharan Maharaj and Shrimahant Raju Das, echoed similar sentiments, accusing Muslims of destroying Hindu temples and calling for violent action against them. The event also featured a monk who advocated for armed self-defence against Muslims and secular Hindus, calling for the prevention of Azaan and Muslim events in mosques.

These speeches have a grave impact on social harmony, further polarising communities and fostering an atmosphere of fear and insecurity among minorities. The hateful language used during the event has emboldened those with similar views, contributing to the rising tide of religious intolerance and making it more difficult to achieve peaceful coexistence. The impunity with which these individuals have acted and the lack of strong legal action against them has only worsened the situation, with social media platforms becoming breeding grounds for such harmful narratives.

In the complaint, CJP calls on the NCM to take urgent action, including initiating investigations, ensuring FIRs are registered against those responsible for inciting hate speech, and holding them accountable under relevant Indian laws. The complaint also urges the Commission to monitor the progress of investigations, compel authorities to take action, and issue further directives to prevent the spread of such dangerous rhetoric. This intervention is vital to safeguard the secular fabric of India and uphold the rights of religious minorities, preventing further escalation of communal violence.

The complaint may be read here:

Related:

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CJP Maharashtra: Surge in communal and caste-based violence with six incidents in January 2025

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Rising tide of cow vigilante violence

A wave of violent attacks and harassment against Muslims has unfolded across various Indian states. Cow vigilantes, under the banner of cow protection, have increasingly taken the law into their own hands, targeting Muslims accused of smuggling or slaughtering cows. These self-declared protectors of cattle have escalated their campaigns, often resorting to physical violence, harassment, and public humiliation to enforce their agenda. The perpetrators, including prominent groups like the Gau Raksha Dal and other cow-protection outfits of right-wing organizations, operate with little regard for legal processes. The victims, often Muslim individuals involved in transporting cattle or related products, face unwarranted assault and threats. These vigilantes, operating without any legal authority, frequently use firearms and engage in reckless pursuits, putting lives at risk. Their unchecked violence has become a growing concern, with reports of accidents and injuries resulting from their dangerous actions. 

Timeline of assaults and harassment from December 2024, to January, 2025: –

States

Madhya Pradesh

Location – Bhopal

Date: January 8, 2025

On January 8, 2025, cow vigilantes, accompanied by the police, apprehended a truck that was transporting cattle. The driver was immediately accused of being involved in cow smuggling, a common allegation that has led to numerous such incidents across the country. Despite no proper verification or legal process, the vigilantes physically assaulted the driver.

Haryana

Date: January 7, 2025

In a disturbing incident, members of the Gau Raksha Dal in Haryana used firearms to intercept a truck suspected of transporting cattle. They accused the drivers of smuggling cows and proceeded to seize the vehicle.

Location – Rohtak

Date: December 25

Two Muslim drivers transporting bulls in a pickup truck were accosted and harassed by cow vigilantes. The men were wrongfully accused of smuggling cattle for illegal slaughter, despite providing no evidence to support these claims. The drivers were subjected to verbal abuse, physical threats, and intimidation.

Location – Tauru, Nuh,

Date: December 18

In a similar incident, cow vigilantes in Tauru, Nuh, harassed a Muslim truck driver transporting cattle, accusing him of cow smuggling. The driver faced severe harassment and was forced to endure hostile questioning, which was rooted in religious bias rather than any evidence of illegal activity.

Location – KMP Expressway

Date: December 20

On December 20, another truck carrying cattle was stopped by cow vigilantes on the KMP Expressway. The driver was physically assaulted and accused of smuggling cows for illegal slaughter.

Assam

Location – Rangia

Date: January 9, 2025

In Rangia, Assam, members of the Rashtriya Bajrang Dal physically harassed two Muslim drivers, accusing them of smuggling cow meat. Despite presenting the necessary documentation and repeatedly stating that the meat was buffalo, the vigilantes refused to listen and continued their assault.

Chhattisgarh

Location – Raipur

Date: January 8, 2025

A raid led by Bajrang Dal members, supported by the police, took place in Raipur, Chhattisgarh, where slaughtered cattle were discovered in a house. The butchers were harassed, publicly humiliated, and forced to chant slogans demanding the execution of those involved in cow slaughter. The police also paraded the accused through the streets, forcing them to chant that killing cows is a sin.

Location – Kumhari, Durg

Date: December 28, 2025

In Durg, Chhattisgarh, on December 28, cow vigilantes assaulted truck drivers transporting cowhide. The drivers were wrongfully accused of smuggling cows, and the vigilantes used physical intimidation to enforce their accusations.

In #Chhattisgarh‘s #Durg, cow vigilantes on Dec 28, assaulted the drivers of a truck transporting cowhide, alleging them to be cow smugglers. pic.twitter.com/LtQSGAhTPF

— Hate Detector (@HateDetectors) January 3, 2025

Maharashtra

Location – Chopda, Nandurbar

Date: December 6

On December 6, a dangerous situation unfolded in Nandurbar when cow vigilantes from the Pranin Foundation recklessly pursued three vehicles transporting cattle. The chase caused one vehicle to topple, while the vigilantes seized the other two vehicles and all the cattle

Location – Ahilyanagar

Date: November 30

In a similar incident, cow vigilantes intercepted trucks transporting cattle on November 30 in Ahilyanagar. They alleged that the cattle were being taken to illegal slaughterhouses, despite no legal confirmation of such claims. These vigilante groups are increasingly stopping vehicles and seizing cattle, often without evidence or legal authority to do so.

Location – Mirajgaon, Karjat, Ahmednagar

Date: November 8

A car chase by cow vigilantes on November 8 led to a car crash in Mirajgaon, Karjat, and Ahmednagar. Cow vigilantes cause a car crash by recklessly chasing it, followed by a team photo with local police reportedly assisting in the operation

Location – Mhasane, Parner Taluka, Ahmednagar

Date: October 20, 2024

In Ahmednagar, a group of vigilantes apprehended two Muslim cattle traders transporting cattle. The men were stripped, severely beaten, and then handed over to the police. The traders’ vehicle was vandalized, and the 52 cattle they were transporting were seized and sent to a local cow shelter. This brutal assault highlights the dangers faced by minority communities, particularly those involved in cattle trade, as they are often subjected to violence without evidence of wrongdoing.

Uttar Pradesh

Location – Mathura

Date: November 26

Members of the Gau Raksha Dal, led by Sonu Hindu Palwal, seized a truck transporting cattle and assaulted the driver, accusing him of smuggling cows for illegal slaughter. They also alleged that someone fired a gun at them from another car, but managed to escape

Location – Ghaziabad

Date: November 22, 2024

Members of cow-vigilante group Mahadev Seva Sangh assaulted the drivers of a truck transporting cattle on allegations of smuggling cows

Location – Chhutmalpur, Saharanpur

Date: November 19, 2024

Members of Gau Raksha Dal surround a Muslim woman and harass her after finding her with meat, which they claim is an illegally slaughtered cow

Punjab

Location – Rajpura, Patiala

Date: November 25, 2024

Members of the Gau Raksha Dal, led by their national president Satish Kumar, harassed three men, accusing them of being cow thieves

Karnataka

Location – Dakshin Kannada

Date: November 8, 2024

Cow vigilante Puneet Kerehalli urges people to boycott Muslim businessmen and halal-certified products, and instead buy products marked with the Swastik symbol and from Hindu-owned businesses

Jammu & Kashmir

Location – Ramban

Date: October 21, 2024

Cow vigilantes assaulted a group of men for allegedly transporting cattle

Gujrat

Location – Agol Village, Mahesana

Three Muslim youth were brutally beaten by cow vigilantes while passing through Valavadi village with their cattle in Gujarat’s Mahesana.

Sahil, a resident of Agol village was along with his two friends when they were caught and assaulted

Three #Muslim youth were brutally beaten by cow vigilantes while passing through #Valavadi village with their cattle in #Gujarat‘s #Mahesana.

Sahil, a resident of #Agol village was along with his two friends when they were caught and assualted. pic.twitter.com/CxGnfb6Www

— Hate Detector (@HateDetectors) October 24, 2024

Police complicity and the mockery of justice

In a deeply troubling development, law enforcement agencies have often been complicit in these violent incidents. In several cases, police have either supported the vigilante groups or turned a blind eye, allowing them to act with impunity. For instance, in Chhattisgarh, Bajrang Dal members, backed by the police, raided a house for slaughtered cattle, humiliating the accused. Similarly, in Bhopal, Madhya Pradesh, police were present when cow vigilantes assaulted a truck driver accused of smuggling cattle. These incidents signal a disturbing trend where the state machinery fails to uphold the law, reinforcing the power of vigilantes.

Weaponising cow protection

The rise of cow vigilante violence reflects a broader ideological and political agenda that weaponises the issue of cow protection. What began as a means to protect cattle has now become a tool to target religious minorities, particularly Muslims, based on their involvement in the cattle trade. These attacks, which often occur with little to no legal repercussions, highlight the growing communal tensions in India. The increasing involvement of police in protecting or supporting these groups exacerbates the situation, further entrenching the sense of fear and insecurity among vulnerable communities.

Violence spreads from rural to urban areas

This trend is not confined to rural areas but has spread to urban centres, where vigilantes increasingly accuse individuals of smuggling cattle or engaging in illegal slaughter. In many cases, there is no credible evidence to support these claims. Instead, the accusations seem rooted in religious bias and have led to widespread intimidation and violence. As a result, Muslim communities, particularly those involved in the cattle trade, are being subjected to escalating threats and physical harm.

A map showing the cow vigilantism across India may be viewed here.

Related:

November 2024 Surge in Cow Vigilantism: Rising Violence and Legal Apathy in North India

Sambhal’s darkest hour: 5 dead, scores injured in Mosque survey violence as UP police face allegations of excessive force

Uttarakhand High Court orders security, condemns hate speech over Uttarkashi Mosque

The post Rampant cow vigilantism unleashes violence on Muslim truck drivers across the country appeared first on SabrangIndia.

These events, which are meant to showcase religious pride and unity, have increasingly turned into platforms for radicalisation and hate, with organisers and speakers using the stage to openly call for violence, demonise minorities, and propagate the toxic ideology of Hindutva. What is most troubling, however, is the active collusion of the authorities in allowing these hate-filled gatherings to take place with impunity. Despite clear violations of laws that prohibit hate speech and incitement to violence, these events continue to receive routine approval from local police, demonstrating a disturbing pattern of state inaction or even complicity.

From encouraging communal unrest in cities like Indore, Mandsaur, and Sitapur to the violent calls echoed in smaller towns like Rudrapur and Curchorem, these yatras are marked by leaders, including elected MLAs, delivering speeches that glorify historical violence, spread unfounded fears about Muslim ‘conspiracy theories,’ and even openly incite the crowd to take up arms. Yet, remarkably, these actions are often not met with any meaningful intervention. Police authorities, tasked with upholding law and order, routinely turn a blind eye to the inflammatory content of these rallies, providing permits and facilitating their execution without so much as a word of caution. In some cases, police officers can be seen participating in or condoning these hate-fuelled events, raising questions about the selective enforcement of law and the complicity of the state in fostering an environment of religious tension.

This permissiveness is not a coincidence but a deliberate strategy employed by various state and political actors who benefit from the deepening communal divide. The political establishment, especially the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and its allied Hindutva groups, have long sought to consolidate their base by stoking Hindu-Muslim animosity and presenting themselves as the sole defenders of Hindu identity. The unchecked rise of such yatras is an outcome of this broader political strategy, wherein hate is weaponised to galvanize support and suppress dissent. The consequences of this are deeply troubling: instead of upholding India’s secular constitution, these rallies contribute to a toxic environment of fear, alienation, and violent polarisation, where Muslims are increasingly portrayed as enemies within, vulnerable to state-sanctioned violence.

Moreover, the very fact that these events are allowed to proliferate despite their clear violation of laws against hate speech speaks to a breakdown in the rule of law and the erosion of democratic norms. The failure to prosecute organisers or speakers, or even arrest those who incite violence, sends a clear message that the rights of minorities are secondary to the political needs of those in power. The environment in India today is one where the state has become complicit in the perpetuation of hate, and the idea of communal harmony seems to be a distant memory, systematically replaced by fear, mistrust, and violence. The unchecked rise of these yatras is a symptom of a deeper malaise that threatens the very fabric of Indian democracy.

Themes of hate speeches in Shaurya Diwas and Shaurya Yatra events

The hate speeches delivered, details of which are given below, during these rallies consistently present a few dangerous themes, which are crucial to understanding the ongoing communal tensions in India. These themes not only seek to deepen divisions but also actively promote hostility and exclusion.

1. Glorification of historical violence: A recurrent theme is the glorification of past acts of violence, particularly the demolition of the Babri Masjid. By framing these events as triumphs of Hindu unity and honour, speakers encourage a violent, revisionist narrative. In cities like Mandsaur, Indore, and Sitamau, participants celebrated the destruction of the Babri Masjid and called for similar actions in other religious sites such as the mosques in Kashi and Mathura. This narrative casts such acts not as crimes but as righteous deeds, and it emboldens further acts of aggression.
2. Portrayal of Muslims as threats: Numerous speeches depicted Muslims as an existential threat to the Hindu community, with claims that Muslims are engaged in covert warfare (e.g., “love jihad,” “land jihad,” “game jihad”). Speakers regularly framed Muslims as invaders or aggressors, with language like “sleeper cells,” “Jihadi population,” or “terrorists” used to demonise them. In some instances, the rhetoric escalated to violent calls for the removal of Muslims from India, particularly in speeches by figures like those in Dhampur and Sitapur, where a genocidal tone was evident.
3. Conspiracy theories and fear-mongering: A key tactic in many speeches was the propagation of baseless conspiracy theories. Claims about “love jihad,” a fictitious notion alleging that Muslim men are systematically targeting Hindu women for conversion, were a common thread, as were fears about a “demographic shift” and “Muslim population growth.” These theories aim to sow fear and suspicion, portraying Muslims as part of a coordinated effort to undermine Hindu identity and take over the country. Such rhetoric is intended to create a climate of distrust and hostility, polarising communities.
4. Rejection of coexistence: Many of the speeches explicitly rejected the notion of Hindu-Muslim coexistence, framing the two communities as fundamentally incompatible. For example, the speaker in Sitapur framed Hindus and Muslims as “eternal adversaries” and representatives of “two separate civilizations,” reinforcing the divisive “us vs them” narrative. This rhetoric directly undermines the pluralistic foundation of Indian society, rejecting the idea of a unified, multi-religious nation.
5. Incitement to violence and aggression: Multiple speakers openly incited violence, urging Hindus to take up arms and defend their religion against alleged Muslim threats. In multiple rallies, participants were seen brandishing swords, tridents, and other weapons, with leaders openly encouraging violence. For instance, in Curchorem, Goa, and Mathura, Uttar Pradesh, speakers called for violent retaliation against Muslims, while in Rudrapur, Uttarakhand, a leader described Muslim-majority areas as “sleeper cells” that needed to be eradicated. These speeches create an atmosphere of fear and aggression, normalising the idea that violence is justified in the name of religion.
6. Hindu supremacist ideology: The overarching narrative of these speeches often revolved around the idea of Hindutva, a Hindu nationalist ideology that seeks to define India as a Hindu-only nation. This ideology is used to justify the exclusion and marginalisation of Muslims, with calls for economic boycotts of Muslim businesses, as seen in Balunda, Rajasthan. The speeches also portrayed Muslims as “outsiders” who should either convert or leave the country, further alienating the community and denying them their rightful place as citizens.

Together, these themes reflect a growing trend of radicalisation and exclusion in Indian politics and society, particularly among far-right groups. The use of historical grievances, fear-mongering, and direct incitement to violence threatens the fragile communal harmony in many parts of India, contributing to an environment where hate and violence are increasingly normalised. These speeches also illustrate how political and religious leaders, including elected representatives, are systematically fostering division to consolidate power, rather than promoting unity and peace.

Details of the hate speeches and hate mongering

Below is a detailed account of some of these events:

1. Samastipur, Bihar (December 6)

In Samastipur, members of the VHP and Bajrang Dal gathered to mark “Shaurya Divas.” The rally featured participants openly brandishing swords, a symbolic act that evoked aggression and intimidation, while commemorating the demolition of Babri Masjid in Ayodhya. The event took place against the backdrop of presently heightened communal tensions in the country, amplifying fears among local Muslim communities. Such displays of weaponry at religious processions are not just provocative but also serve to instil a sense of impunity among those perpetuating hate.

2. Ambala, Haryana (December 6)

A similar rally was organised in Ambala, Haryana, where the VHP and Bajrang Dal again celebrated the demolition of the Babri Masjid. Although less overtly violent, these events contribute to a growing normalisation of hate-filled rhetoric under the guise of cultural celebrations. Ambala, with its historical communal harmony, has increasingly witnessed such events disrupting the delicate social fabric of the region.

3. Mandsaur, Madhya Pradesh (December 6)

In Mandsaur, the VHP chose a temple setting for their “Shaurya Divas” observance. While framed as a prayer meeting, the event subtly glorified the Babri Masjid demolition, embedding it within religious rituals to legitimise and sanctify communal violence. The choice of a temple as the venue further solidified the narrative of Hindutva as a defender of faith, using historical grievances to fuel contemporary animosities.

4. Bazpur, Uttarakhand (December 8)

In Bazpur, participants in a Shaurya Divas rally chanted inflammatory slogans, including “Put on Dabur’s oil and erase Babur’s name,” linking consumerism with communal hatred. Such rhetoric cleverly plays on cultural pride while stoking animosity against Muslims, whom Hindutva ideology associates with “Babur,” the Mughal emperor. The slogans exemplify the subtle but calculated mobilisation of everyday language to deepen religious divides.

5. Mathura, Uttar Pradesh (December 8)

Mathura, a city with historical and religious significance, witnessed a particularly charged Shaurya Yatra. During the rally, participants raised slogans like “Cut the hands of those who cut cows,” a direct threat aimed at Muslims. The choice of Mathura is deliberate, as it is a site of ongoing disputes over religious spaces, with extremist groups seeking to replicate the Babri Masjid-Ram Mandir narrative. The rally further strained communal relations in a region already fraught with tensions.

6. Curchorem, Goa (December 8)

In Goa’s Curchorem, BJP legislator T. Raja Singh used the Shaurya Yatra as a platform for hate speech, as he does habitually and with impunity. He spread conspiracy theories such as “love jihad,” “land jihad,” and “demographic change,” all of which have been repeatedly debunked but continue to fuel anti-Muslim narratives. The involvement of a public representative, as he in an elected MLA from the ruling party, in such rhetoric underscores the institutional support these divisive agendas enjoy. Raja Singh’s 48-minute speech exemplifies how Shaurya Yatras are not isolated events but part of a larger strategy to systematically marginalise minorities.

Some extracts from Singh’s speech are as follows:

“I was reading a statement made by the Governor of this state. He said the percentage of Muslims in Goa, which was 3 per cent 10-15 years ago, has now risen to 12 per cent. This is something to consider and carefully think about.”

“Wherever Hindu population has decreased, conversions of Hindus have occurred there.”

“If the Jihadi population in India continues to grow and if their MPs are 300, then which community will the Prime Minister be from? Unka hi hoga, na (from their’s, right)? And in countries where ‘their’ Prime Minister is elected, what has been the condition of Hindus. History is witness to that.”

Brandishing a sword, Singh could be heard saying, “This sword is not just to be kept in its sheath. This should be in the home of every Hindu.”

“Love Jihadis don’t only target Hindus. I want to appeal to our Christian brothers from Goa. You should watch the Kerala Files (Story) movie even though the film doesn’t tell the entire story. The movie shows how in the name of love jihad, Hindu and Christian girls were lured. Hindus have kept their doors open for Christian brothers to fight against love jihad. Do join hands…our strength will increase.”

“They are appealing for help. I want to say that ‘Bajrangi’ is ready to fight for the protection of Hindus in Bangladesh. Modi ji, just open the gates for 15 minutes and we will do it.”

“In the next 20-25 years, if Hindus follow ‘hum do hamare do’ dictum, then they will suffer the same fate and atrocities as Hindus in Pakistan.”

7. Ved Mandir, Masani, Mathura, Uttar Pradesh (December 8)

At a Shaurya Yatra rally, Bajrang Dal National Convenor Sohan Singh Solanki delivered a provocative speech, declaring that Hindus were ready to reclaim “Krishna Janmabhoomi” at a single call from the saints. He propagated conspiracy theories like “love jihad,” “land jihad,” and “thook jihad” while alleging an “anti-Hindu” conspiracy to convert Scheduled Tribes and Scheduled Castes. The speech not only incited division but also aimed to stoke fears and grievances, weaponising religion to justify aggression.

8. Barsana, Mathura, Uttar Pradesh (December 10)

In Barsana, a Shaurya Yatra rally organised by the VHP and Bajrang Dal saw participants brandishing swords, and several speakers incited violence under the guise of protecting religion and the nation. The choice of Mathura—an area central to Hindutva’s ideological focus on reclaiming “Krishna Janmabhoomi”—further underscores the agenda to exacerbate communal divides in a region already fraught with sensitivities.

9. Angul, Odisha (December 11)

The VHP organised a Shaurya Sanchalan (display of valour) rally in Angul, where members of the Maa Hingula Paika Akhada Seva Sangha paraded with swords and other weapons. This display of arms, framed as an assertion of cultural pride, masked a deliberate attempt to intimidate minorities and assert dominance. Odisha, historically less prone to communal violence, has seen a steady rise in such events after the change in the state government, reflecting a worrying trend of polarisation.

10. Indore, Madhya Pradesh (December 15)

At a VHP-Bajrang Dal Shaurya Sanchalan event in Indore, speaker Vinod Sharma openly praised the demolition of the Babri Masjid as a symbol of Hindu unity. He declared Ayodhya was merely the beginning, with plans to reclaim Mathura, Kashi, and temples in Bangladesh and Pakistan as part of an “Akhand Bharat.” Sharma also propagated vile conspiracy theories like “spit jihad” and “urine jihad” while dehumanising Muslims as deviants. His statements not only glorified violence but also legitimised future communal confrontations, painting them as part of a larger nationalist agenda.

11. Rudrapur, Udham Singh Nagar, Uttarakhand (December 15)

In Rudrapur, a speaker at a VHP-Bajrang Dal Shaurya Yatra spread conspiracies about Muslims “taking over” Hindu properties, recounting a fabricated story about a Maulana promising Muslim children possession over Hindu households. The speaker described areas with Muslim populations as “sleeper cells,” drawing parallels to Kashmir and Pakistan, thereby equating minority communities with security threats. This narrative seeks to delegitimise the presence of Muslims as citizens, portraying them as invaders within their own country.

12. Balunda, Pali, Rajasthan (December 15)

Far-right leader Yogi Laxman Nath addressed a Shaurya Sanchalan organised by the VHP-Bajrang Dal, calling for an economic boycott of Muslim-owned businesses. Promoting the conspiracy theory of “love jihad,” he incited economic and social ostracisation while sowing fear about the Muslim population’s growth. His rejection of communal harmony underscores the agenda to fracture India’s pluralistic ethos by fomenting suspicion and hostility.

13. Khajuha, Rae Bareli, Uttar Pradesh (December 15)

In Rae Bareli, participants of a Shaurya Yatra openly displayed swords and other weapons. This visual spectacle of aggression, staged in the heartland of Uttar Pradesh, is emblematic of how these rallies aim to intimidate minority communities. Such public demonstrations of force create an atmosphere of fear and insecurity, undermining communal harmony.

14. Rampur, Uttar Pradesh (December 15)

At a Shaurya Yatra in Rampur, participants raised inflammatory slogans like “Tel lagao Dabur ka, naam mitao Babar ka” and “Hindustan me rahna hoga, to Jai Shri Ram kehna hoga (if you want to continue living in India, you have to say Jai Shri Ram.” These chants not only invoke the Babri Masjid demolition but also demand conformity to Hindutva ideology as a precondition for living in India. The slogans are a direct threat to the secular character of the nation, weaponising religious identity to exclude and marginalise minorities.

15. Chandausi, Sambhal, Uttar Pradesh (December 15)

During the Shaurya Jagran Yatra, a VHP-Bajrang Dal leader propagated conspiracies of “love jihad” and “land jihad,” which are frequently used to vilify Muslims. By portraying Muslims as aggressors engaged in covert “jihad,” these speeches aim to radicalise Hindu audiences and perpetuate a cycle of fear and hatred. It is essential to note that in the past moth itself, Sambhal saw instances of communal violence and state excess, which resulted in the death of five Muslim men.

16. Mumbai, Maharashtra (December 15)

In Mumbai, Bajrang Dal leader Vivek Kulkarni used a Shaurya Sanchalan event to glorify the Babri Masjid demolition and spread conspiracies like “love jihad” and “land jihad.” The speech, delivered in India’s financial capital, highlights how communal polarisation is being pushed even in urban, multicultural spaces. The glorification of historical violence is intended to legitimise similar actions in the future, normalising hate and exclusion.

17. Dhampur, Uttar Pradesh (December 15)

In Dhampur, a leader at the Shaurya Jagran Yatra glorified the Babri Masjid demolition while spreading a range of conspiracy theories, including “love jihad,” “land jihad,” and “game jihad.” He explicitly urged violent retaliation against Muslims and called for their removal from India, underscoring the increasingly genocidal tone of such rallies. This event reflects the extreme rhetoric becoming normalised in public discourse, with open calls for violence going unchecked.

18. Morigaon, Assam (December 16)

A Shaurya Divas event organised in Morigaon included a speech dismissing the Babri Masjid as “just a structure” where no prayers were ever offered, reducing it to a relic unworthy of recognition. The event also featured a “Trishul Deeksha” ceremony, where participants swore oaths while holding miniature tridents, symbolising a militaristic approach to their ideological goals. These ceremonies are emblematic of efforts to radicalise attendees and normalise aggression under the guise of cultural pride.

December also saw multiple “Trishul Deekha events” being organised across India, a detailed report of which may be read here.

19. Sitamau, Mandsaur, Madhya Pradesh (December 17)

In Sitamau, Bajrang Dal district in-charge delivered an incendiary speech during a Shaurya Yatra rally. He glorified the Babri Masjid demolition, called for the “liberation” of Kashi, Mathura, and Bhojshala, and spread the “love jihad” conspiracy. Explicit threats were made, including a vow to “find all Bangladeshi supporters and give them a beating.” His declaration that “Yes, they should be scared of us” while referring to the Muslims highlights the deliberate cultivation of fear among minorities as a strategy to consolidate communal polarisation.

20. Allipur, Kanpur, Uttar Pradesh (December 20)

Speaker Narendra Hindu delivered an incendiary speech during a Shaurya Yatra, predicting a dystopian future where Hindu women would be captured, cows slaughtered, temples demolished, and Hindus exterminated. His rhetoric framed Muslims as existential threats, stoking communal fear and legitimising divisive and violent actions.

21. Mandsaur, Madhya Pradesh (December 20)

At a Shaurya Yatra, a Bajrang Dal leader glorified the demolition of the Babri Masjid, chanting slogans like “Ek dhakka aur do, Babri dhancha tod do (give another push, break the structure of Babri).” He called for similar actions in Kashi and Mathura mosques, and suggested adopting confrontational strategies to claim religious sites like Bhogshala and Sambhal. This narrative promotes an aggressive and revisionist agenda, seeking to rewrite history through violent reclamations.

22. Chhindwara, Madhya Pradesh (December 20)

During a Shaurya Divas event, Bajrang Dal leader Tarshvee Upadhyay used dehumanising language, referring to Muslims as “illegitimate children of Babur.” He boasted about breaking barricades to demolish the Babri Masjid, framing the act as a triumph over centuries of oppression. Such statements glorify past violence and incite further hostility.

23. Haridwar, Uttarakhand (December 22)

In Haridwar, Sohan Singh Solanki’s speech at a Shaurya Yatra demonised Muslims as terrorists and promoted a slew of conspiracies, including “land jihad.” He described Muslims as “pigs” and framed them as existential threats targeting women, cows, and land. Solanki also blamed Muslims for the caste system and untouchability, distorting historical realities to create a divisive narrative.

An extract from his speech is:

“When they are in the minority, they make idols; alleged when they become the majority, they destroy our idols.”

24. Jabalpur, Madhya Pradesh (December 24)

In Jabalpur, a Shaurya Yatra escalated into a physical altercation between VHP-Bajrang Dal members and police officers, after the police halted the rally for lacking proper permissions. Participants carried lathis and miniature tridents, symbolising their readiness for confrontation. This incident underscores how these events disrupt public order and embolden participants to defy legal authorities.

25. Sitapur, Uttar Pradesh (December 25)

During a Shaurya Diwas event in Sitapur, organised by the VHP and Bajrang Dal, an unidentified far-right leader delivered an incendiary speech portraying Muslims as eternal adversaries to Hindus. The speaker framed Hindus and Muslims as representatives of two fundamentally irreconcilable civilisations, reinforcing a divisive “us vs them” narrative. This rhetoric sought to deepen communal divides, explicitly rejecting the idea of coexistence or fraternity between the two communities. Such speeches amplify societal polarisation, legitimise exclusion, and fuel animosity, contributing to an environment where prejudice and violence against minorities can thrive.

A map showing the Shaurya Yatras held across India may be viewed here.

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