The entire political class is silent.

The ruling party has not attempted to hide what easily could be called its genocidal actions in Bastar. Union home minister Amit Shah proclaims it loud and clear. But no opposition leader raises a voice. On the political stage, otherwise, Shah is cornered on a number of things he does. Except this. There is no delegation to meet the President, no hurried press conference, no demand for a white paper, or an investigation. The opposition seems to act as though it has not heard anything, not seen anything, not noticed anything.

Are we seeing the tragic and evil consensus of India’s political class? Are we witness to the outer limits of the democratic idea of India, even in the best version as proposed by the most progressive forces in India’s parliament? Rahul Gandhi, Mahua Mitra, Shashi Tharoor, Asaduddin Owaisi…they have all been silent.

Some of them might be privately attempting to wash their guilt by avidly following the news of the killings, but it is as though they are following a secret medieval covenant not to say anything in public. True to form, the media doles news of the killings as though these are reports of a natural calamity, like death due to lightning or a thunderstorm. What is there to discuss or deliberate? Nothing at all.

Various political parties represent or claim to represent the different social sections, castes, tribes, regions and religious communities that comprise India. Even Adivasi representatives sit in the parliament. They are all silent. In effect, the parliament is sanctioning vigilante action.

What is the covenant which binds them all? What tells them that it is best to quietly focus on other things, and look the other way?

They seem to agree on a so-called structural necessity of the Bastar killings.

Given this scenario, we must step up and act in conscience. We should lobby and sensitise parliament and go on to appeal to the legislators to uphold a moral conscience and intervene to “save democracy”.

But this will only add to the pool of self-righteousness ailing the world. Instead let us recognise how things really stand. Let us read the writing on the wall. Just pause and take note. And learn about the consensus – the silent and rather lethal consensus – which sustains India’s democracy. We must try to learn about the much vaunted “constitutional morality” the republic serves platitudes about – the constitutional morality which the opposition always claims to struggle to save, uphold and defend.

Perhaps the first thing we get to learn is that the political class as a whole has a common enemy. This opposition to that enemy binds all the stakeholders of India’s democracy. They all fear an enemy. And they must unite to kill and finish off that enemy.

Amidst the fractious squabbling between the BJP and the opposition parties, national and regional, it might be difficult to perceive the internal coherence of the Indian political class and the establishment. So consider this: Manmohan Singh might have declared that Maoists are the greatest internal security threat, but it is Amit Shah who acts on it. So does Salwa Judum and Special Police Officers, the others.

This is an issue on which Shah and Chidambaram are on the same page. If there is one thing RSS and the Congress agree on, it would be this. Secularism and communalism appear as one.

The struggle towards the just that morally and politically legitimises the republic loses its efficacy. The moral fibre of the republic is at its weakest here. No wonder then that the Indian parliament recoils from ever having to come face to face with such deep moral blind spots where hypocrisy runs free.

The post Why Indian Democracy Feels No Shame About the Bastar Killings appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Azoulay called for a “thorough and transparent investigation” into Chandrakar’s death, urging authorities to ensure that those responsible are held accountable. “Investigative journalists take great risks to inform society of wrongdoing, and their safety is therefore crucial in empowering populations to safeguard the public good,” she stated.

“I condemn the killing of Mukesh Chandrakar and call for a thorough and transparent investigation to ensure that the perpetrators are brought to justice. Investigative journalists take great risks to inform society of wrongdoing, and their safety is therefore crucial in empowering populations to safeguard the public good.”

• Audrey Azoulay, UNESCO Director-General

Who is Mukesh Chandrakar?

Mukesh Chandrakar, a 32-year-old investigative journalist from Chhattisgarh, was found dead in a septic tank on January 3, 2025, in Bijapur, after being missing since New Year’s Day. Known for his fearless reporting on corruption in road construction projects and the Maoist conflict in the Bastar region, Mukesh’s tragic death is suspected to be linked to his exposure of a corruption scandal. His body was discovered in the compound of Suresh Chandrakar, a contractor involved in road projects, under fresh concrete slabs.

Mukesh’s rise to prominence was marked by his unique path to journalism, transitioning from selling mahua liquor and working as a mechanic to creating the popular YouTube channel Bastar Junction, which gained 1.66 lakh subscribers. His reports on poorly maintained roads, particularly in Bijapur, led to official inquiries. His cousin, contractor Suresh Chandrakar, allegedly orchestrated the murder after being angered by Mukesh’s reporting. Mukesh’s brother, Yukesh, revealed in a heartfelt video on the channel that Mukesh had been receiving threats prior to his death.

Days after a Chhattisgarh-based journalist was found murdered, the key suspect in the murder of Bastar journalist and YouTuber Mukesh Chandrakar, Suresh Chandrakar, was arrested by a Special Investigation Team (SIT) of the Bijapur police from Hyderabad on the night of January 5, 2025. Police confirmed the arrest after the body of Mukesh was discovered on January 3, hidden in a septic tank at a property owned by Suresh in Chattanpara Basti, Bijapur. Three others involved in the crime—Ritesh Chandrakar, Dinesh Chandrakar, and supervisor Mahendra Ramteke—have already been arrested in connection with the case and remanded to police custody by the Court.

The incident sparked widespread protests and seeking justice for Chandrakar. The Editors Guild and the Press Club of India also condemned the murder, concerning the dangers faced by journalists in conflict zones.

Chandrakar’s Postmortem: fractures to head, heart ripped out, broken neck

The Postpartum report of Mukesh Chandrakar revealed the shocking details in the killing of journalist. Chandrakar had 15 fractures to his head and his heart being ripped out. Chandrakar’s neck was also broken, reported the Free Press Journal. As per report, doctors also found pieces of liver and five broken ribs. After the postmortem, the doctors believed that there must have been two people involved in killing the 28-year-old journalist.

Prime suspect in Chandrakar’s murder withdraws ‘big amount’ from bank, SIT reveals

The SIT, in its statement, said that during the investigation and based on information from the banks, the prime accused, Suresh Chandrakar, had withdrawn a large sum of money from his account on December 27, four days before the incident. This matter is currently under investigation, SIT said.

However, when asked about the amount of money withdrawn from Suresh’s bank account, a senior police officer stated that it was a subject of investigation. ““Revealing the amount would hamper our investigation at this stage but money trail is being investigated,” he said, according to the Indian Express.

Asthi Kalash (urn with ashes) shattered and lying spread on the ground

In a disturbing turn of events, the disintegrated ‘Asthi Kalash’ (urn containing ashes) of journalist Mukesh Chandrakar was found scattered near the cremation ground in Bijapur district, Chhattisgarh, about 50 meters from its original location.

On January 19, when Chandrakar’s family arrived at Muktidham, they discovered that the ‘Asthi Kalash’ had gone missing from its designated spot. A subsequent search in the vicinity led them to the shattered urn, with ashes scattered across the ground. Police confirmed the discovery, though no immediate explanation has been given for the urn’s disintegration, reported Indian Express.

Mukesh Chandrakar’s cousin, Yukesh Chandrakar, took to his X handle @youareYukesh to express his anguish. He said that, “We had kept Mukesh’s ashes, someone broke the urn and scattered the ashes. Today the ritual of immersion of Mukesh’s ashes is to be completed. I came to know from somewhere that my brother was beaten to death and a bulldozer was used on him.

Are we human?”

मुकेश की अस्थियां उठाकर रखी थीं हमने, किसी ने अस्थि कलश को फोड़कर अस्थियां बिखेर डालीं ! आज मुकेश के अस्थि विसर्जन की रस्म पूरी की जानी है । मुझे कहीं से पता चला था कि भाई को अधमरा होने तक मारकर उस पर बुलडोजर चलाई गई थी !
हम इंसान हैं ?@PMOIndia @ChhattisgarhCMO@vijaysharmacg… pic.twitter.com/sbkVuBcMAN

— Yukesh Chandrakar (@youareYukesh) January 13, 2025

The urn was intended for the sacred Asthi Visarjan ritual in Kaleshwaram, Telangana, where the ashes of the deceased are immersed in holy waters.

Chhattisgarh CM announces Rs 10 Lakh aid to Chandrakar’s family

On January 14, Chhattisgarh Chief Minister Vishnu Deo Sai announced an aid of Rs 10 lakh to the kin of murdered journalist Mukesh Chandrakar. Speaking to reporters at the helipad in Police Lines, Sai said, “The family of the deceased journalist will be given ₹10 lakh assistance. A building will be constructed for journalists, and it will be named after him” as Hindustan Times reported

The CM’s announcement that the construction of a dedicated building for journalists in Chandrakar’s name is seen as a tribute to his work and legacy.

Related:

Investigative Journalist Mukesh Chandrakar killed for exposing corruption

Gauri Lankesh assassination: 6 years down, no closure for family and friends, justice elusive

Gauri Lankesh Assassination: Accused denied bail by Aurangabad HC

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In any case, the film is certainly a cinematic version of Vivek Agnihotri’s “Urban Naxal” theory. It is a tale of how the comfortably situated urban intelligentsia (aka Urban Naxals) conveniently influences (read brainwashes) the urban public discourse and supports the Naxal movement through all possible means; cultural, legal, financial, entertainment and (even) paid news! The film operates through depictions of the parallel war happening in the forests of Bastar and in the courtroom over the legality of Salwa Judum [1], which the film not only justifies but even valorises. The other parallel (until it is resolved) remains between the mother and son duo, the former fighting against the Naxals while her son is fascinated by the Naxals and even joins them before “realising his mistake”. The graphic tale of terror committed against the ordinary villagers by the Maoists becomes a point of revolt for them, especially for the mother (who also happens to be the wife before turning widow as her husband is hacked to death by the Maoists in the film). It remains a monologic tale, primarily told through a woman CRPF officer (played by Adah Sharma as Neerja Madhavan) and the mother-wife character starred by Indira Tiwari, both of whom are are determined to fight the Naxals.

Bastar: The Naxal Story remains a sensationalist and graphic tale of horror without any systematic engagement with the topic, jumping from one thing to the next, stereotyping the Adivasis, intelligentsia and women.

The Plot and the Story

The film begins with a series of newspaper cuttings depicting the brutality and violence conducted in Bastar by Naxals and the broader Naxalite movement, including the killing of ordinary citizens, defence forces, and destruction of roads. The opening scene is the court room drama where the lawyers (played by Shilpa Shukla as Neelam Nagpal and Yashpal Sharma as Utpal Trivedi respectively) are arguing over the legality of Salwa Judum and the recruitment of Special Police Officers. The case (under discussion) also involves the charge against a professor (Starring Raima Sen as Vanya Roy) who is accused of helping Maoists. She is accused of doing this by passing the list of villagers to Maoists suspected of being informers for the police. These persons (informers) are eventually were killed by the Maoists. The opening scene is intertwined between the scene of a hospital and courtroom. In the first shot of the hospital is the CRFP officer undergoing medical tests for the health of her unborn child even as she is getting ready to take on Naxals; in the courtroom, the lawyer (Neelam) is narrating the cases of extra-judicial killings committed by security forces and Salwa Judum.

The drama begins as the villagers saluting the national flag and singing national anthem are caught by the Maoists, and taken to their camp in Abujmarh forest, accused of defying the authority of Naxal rule and engaging in the “blasphemous” act of aligning with the Indian State. The apparent leader of the group (starring Subrata Dutta as Milind Kashyap)  who led the villagers to such an “unholy act”, and spoke about “shanti”, “shiksha”, and “vikaas” was hacked to death, quite graphically, by the Maoist leader Lanka Reddy (played by Vijay Krishna)– first the limbs and finally the head. The execution was only after the Jan Adalat pronounced Milind guilty, which was depicted as a kangaroo court even as Milind’s wife (Ratna) and children pleaded for his innocence before witnessing his bloody execution.

Here onwards, the Che Guevara styled Maoist leader Lanka Reddy remains the primary villain till the end of the film, when he would come to meet the very same fate; committed by the wife of the hacked villager (played by Indira Tiwari as Ratna). Lanka Reddy’s personality is depicted as a brave and violent Maoist leader. He delivers a fiery speech in the camp during which he talks about how bloody stained rivers will flow out of the blood of enemies. He resolves to raise the red flag on the Red Fort. For the director such depiction was clearly necessary to highlight the violent nature of the Maoist movement, and depict their brutal tactics due to which, in the film, ordinary villagers of Bastar were shown to be suffering.

The film at no point feels like a historical narrative, it takes a convenient position of depicting the villagers as “affected with the problem of Maoism” but does not trace the history of the issue at all. It seems like just, out of blue, one day the Naxals, overpowered the villagers without any logical chain of events, and then the brave CRPF officer Neerja Madhavan comes to fight them out. The good ordinary villagers vs bad Maoists, depicted in stark black and white, remains the motif throughout, without investigating the origin of the movement or the conflict that has affected the region for so long. There is no discussion around the failure of the independent Indian state and its welfare or development arms to reach the Adivasis of Bastar; the abysmal failure on health, education, inclusion. We find, through the film, statements loosely thrown at the audience in order to attract the attention of viewers. At one point the filmmakers claim that the Indian Maoist movement is third deadliest after the ISIS and Boko Haram, without adding much value to the assertion.

In the next movement of high drama in the film, the focus has now briefly shifted to show how the unholy nexus between intelligentsia and Maoists operates. Professor Vanya Roy (for director the villain professor continues to remain either Roy or Menon for some reason) and the senior intellectual Maoist leader (Narayan Baghchi) is seen meeting with the foreign delegation comprising of the member from Lashkar-e-Toiba and LTTE. Roy is praised by the LeT representative for expressing the view that Kashmir is not an integral part of India. There is also one ‘Gandhian’ in the meeting, comrade Irshad, who has a non-governmental organisation (NGO) in local villages and handles arms and money for the Maoist. The irony is deliberate and intended by Sen, as everything that is non-Gandhian is associated with this ‘Gandhian’ Maoist. Clearly such collaging was perhaps the only means for the director to take forward the otherwise struggling film.

The anti-intellectual and even vulgar stance of the film is revealed when it depicts university students dancing and singing to the killings of CRPF jawans by Maoists. Even without naming the university, the reference is apparent to any thoughtful eye that it is a premier central government university known for its active involvement in politics. A/the student leader is shown addressing the frenzied crowd and celebrating over (in the words of that student leader) the killing of “76 dogs”. Professor Roy is of course there and enjoying the whole show. The film interchangeably and, in parallel, shows the celebration of the students and that of the Maoists in the jungle after the latter had ambushed and killed the CRPF personnel while they were asleep by kindling their camp.

The CRPF officer Neerja Madhavan is all this while fighting and strategising the defeat of the Naxals. She is shown as an upright and intelligent officer who can take on the degenerate political class. Prior to the ambush that cost the lives of 76 CRPF jawans, she had got the hint that the Maoists had planned to attack the specific camps and requested additional reinforcement from the higher ups in the police ranks and even politicians, but was refused citing lack of credible intelligence. After the incident, the minister asked her why this attack happened and who should be held responsible for the costly lives of our jawans? She retaliates back, saying that you (the minister) are responsible for it. The film shows that deep political connections, corruption and nexus is involved in the sustenance of the conflict, which ultimately benefit the politicians. Thus, the politicians are often hand in glove with the troublemakers, caring naught about the lives of either civilians or jawans. But such mindful recognitions are few and in-between, and overshadowed by the film’s single-minded pursuit to achieve a narrow political end.

Following the killings of CRPF personnel, the focus has now turned on eliminating the dreaded Lanka Reddy, and the film takes on Mission Mode to achieve that end. Lanka Reddy has got the intimation that he is now on the active target of the security forces, and he accordingly starts preparing his escape plan to cross the state border to avoid getting caught. In one of the encounters before the final showdown, the mother son duo faces each other, unable to shoot at each other. Ratna discourses with her son about his decision to join Maoist movement, arguing that it was futile and wrong, especially given the fact that his father (and her husband) was brutally killed when he (the son) was taken away to be trained with the Maoists. While the encounter is ongoing between Maoist and security forces, CRPF officer Neerja is injured in the battle and rushed to hospitalised, where she learns about losing her unborn child.

After the resolution of the conflict between mother and son there remains only one thing to be done, catching hold of Lanka Reddy before he crosses the borders and manages to escape the forces. In the final anti-climax Lanka Reddy is initially tricked, believing that he has successfully managed to slip away from clutches of the security forces before seeing a helicopter hovering over his head. The game ends as he finds himself surrounded by security forces from all sides. Though he could have been arrested by the force the filmmakers have retained the conventional end: Ratna takes up the sickle and strikes him hard. Lanka Reddy lies dead on the ground, killed by the same weapon that was apparently the symbol of the revolution.

In the meantime, the court has pronounced its judgment and Salwa Judum is banned, which is depicted in the movie –not as a rapacious counter-insurgency militia—but as a self-defence measure necessary for the safety of villagers who are threatened by Naxals, again drawing imaginary foes without representing the inconvenient facts. There seems to be a pensive sadness about the fact that the court has banned Salwa Judum (It was the Supreme Court that banned this militia in a historic judgement in 2008). While Neerja Madhavan is at the hospital, still recuperating, members of judicial committee have reached the hospital to question her for her role in extra judicial killings. The film has no hesitation in suggesting that you may sacrifice rule of law for achieving the greater end, but one does not even know what actually the intended end is!

The film is not yet over. Almost in a seriocomic manner, the film ends with the fictionalised factoids. Statements pours in, “Neerja Madhavan is now exonerated from all court cases” and “Tourism in Bastar has increased by more than 80% in last 5 years.”

Does the film succeed? Work? One has to be a particularly gullible viewer without any historical knowledge to actually digest this piece of fiction as a film based on reality or fact; the cherry picking of a few facts do not make composite fiction.

Unfortunately, also, the film becomes simply a rather crass tale of personal battles and the social is lost somewhere behind the violent strikes. By the end of the film, one realises that Bastar becomes mere plot, the story is something else, and the else remains elusive for the viewer. Ultimately, in the final analysis, this film adds itself to the growing list of propaganda led factoid cinema, devoid of any value that is extremely painful to watch.

Best Bets: Recommended by Our Team

Of writing and films that give a more nuanced picture of the conflict in Bastar and the Naxal Movement:

1. The Burning Forest: India’s War in Bastar by Nandini Sundar
2. Maoist and Other Armed Conflicts by Anuradha M. Chenoy and Kamal Mitra Chenoy
3. Hello Bastar: The Untold Story of India’s Maoist Movement by Rahul Pandita
4. Red Ant Dream by Sanjay Kak
5. I Pravir the Adivasi GOD by Vivek Kumar
6. The Hunt by Biju Toppo

[1] A counter-insurgency militia that the Supreme Court, in 2008, had effectively ordered the disbanding of

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The post Bastar: The Naxal Story is poorly written, incoherent, and grotesque appeared first on SabrangIndia.

He has been active in the democratic rights struggle against the creation of military camps in Chhattisgarh which have displaced numerous Adivasis and facilitated the loot of land and natural resources in the region. Around the same time period, on 22nd October in Kanker district, farmers Moda Ram Pada and Kanha Ram were murdered in a fake encounter under the allegation of being Maoists when they were travelling back from a trip to buy rice. Their family members allege that after being killed, the two were dressed in Maoist uniforms. One of them, Moda Ram, was just 18 years old.

The anti-camp movement in opposition to the overt militarization of Chhattisgarh sprouted after the police fired on unsuspecting Adivasis in Silger. It is currently still active in seven districts of Chhattisgarh, including Bijapur, Kanker, Narainpur, Sukma, Dantewada and Bastar. Tens of thousands of Adivasis have participated in this movement where the large-scale sit-in protests have been taking place against big corporations displacing Adivasis for the sake of looting natural resources and grabbing their lands with the military assistance of the Indian state.

For this purpose, the Indian state has even undertaken cross-state border operations with Maharashtra police coming into Ambelli, Bijapur district where anti-camp movement is going strong. One of the successes of the movement can be seen in Bechaghat, Kanker where the contract for a highway that would have displaced numerous Adivasis was cancelled after an 18-month sit-in protest against the camps and the highways which connect the mines and the camps. Democratic rights activists taking part in this struggle have had to face all sorts of police violence, be it false charges, abductions or arrests and fake encounters.

What is even more insidious is that the arrest of Sarju Tekam is the third arrest from a team of activists which had come to Delhi last year for raising awareness of the struggle for Jal-Jangal-Jameen in Bastar. There is a concerted attempt by the Indian state to silence journalists and activists who are trying to raise their voices against state repression in Bastar and the arrests of these activists ensures a “chilling effect” to create fear among others who wish to raise their voices against state repression.

Arrests, raids, false encounters and red scare tactics are currency of Indian state when it comes to democratic dissent

At the same time, fake encounters have become commonplace in Chhattisgarh. In 2012, a judicial probe led by Justice Vijay Kumar Aggrawal had found that 17 villagers were killed in a completely staged gunfight by the police in the name of fighting Maoists. In 2018, independent media outlet Newslaundry also published a ground report exposing how the police’s claim of killing 15 Maoists in an encounter in Sukma was actually a case of police firing upon unarmed civilians to prop up their numbers regarding Naxal deaths, a statistic built on the corpses of hundreds of unarmed civilians killed in many such fake encounters.

In a manner highly similar to the encounter in Kanker, Sodhi Deva and Rava Deva were killed in Chintafuga police station and dragged to the forests as purported Maoists in Tadmetla district last month. Large scale protests took place as people gathered from 25 villages in opposition to these fake encounters. Along with these activities, the NIA has committed raids all across the country, with the neighbouring state of Jharkhand witnessing 64 organizations, ranging from democratic, civil liberties, human rights, labour rights, anti-caste, women’s rights, Marxist-Leninist to even Gandhian ideologies being labelled as part of a list of potential Maoist-linked organizations. Arrests, raids, false encounters and red scare tactics are the currency of the Indian state when it comes to democratic dissent, of which Tirumal Sarju Tekam is the latest victim.

Campaign Against State Repression (C.A.S.R.) strongly condemns the continuous arrests and harassments of democratic rights activists such as Tirumal Sarju Tekam as well as the fake encounters of Modu Ram and Kanha Ram.

CASR demands the immediate and unconditional release of Tirumal Sarju Tekam, independent inquiry into the state-sponsored murders of Modu Ram and Kanha Ram and the end of state repression upon the democratic struggle in Chhattisgarh.

*AIRSO,AISA, AISF, APCR,BASF, BSM, Bhim Army, Bigul Mazdoor Dasta, bsCEM, CEM, CRPP, CTF, Disha, DISSC, DSU, DTF, Forum Against Repression Telangana, Fraternity ,IAPL, Innocence Network, Karnataka Janashakti, LAA,Mazdoor Adhikar Sangathan, Mazdoor Patrika, , Morcha Patrika, NAPM, NBS, Nishant Natya Manch, Nowruz, NTUI, People’s Watch, Rihai Manch, Samajwadi Janparishad, Samajwadi Lok Manch, Bahujan Samjavadi Mnach, SFI, United Against Hate, United Peace Alliance, WSS, Y4S

Courtesy: CounterView

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Operation Samadhan-Prahar has to be seen in the context of the Changing Nature of the Indian State, a new feature of the Second Republic that is in the offing, now called ‘New India.’

It is estimated that the Adivasi (indigenous peoples’) population is about 10 crores, 40 lakhs in India.  They live primarily concentrated in Madhya Pradesh, Chhattisgarh, Orissa, Andhra Pradesh, Jharkhand, Maharashtra, etc[1]. These states are richly endowed with natural resources that have underground mineral wealth that needs to be mined. These regions also have dense forests that have to be shorn and cut for this exploitation of mineral wealth.

Even though the areas where Operation Samadhan-Prahar is deployed are protected under the Provisions of the PESA or Panchayats (Extension to Scheduled Areas) Act, of 1996 and Schedules V and VI of the Indian Constitution, the government has auctioned the mines located there to several corporates houses like Adani, Birla, and Vedanta, TATA and Jindal groups of industries without requisite consent of the gram sabhas of communities authorised under statute for prior sanction.

Adani is exploiting Hasdeo Aranya and Dantewada for Coal and Iron Ore. Aditya Birla, L&T, and Utkal Alumina are exploiting Rayagada/Kashipur in Odisha for Bauxite, Vedanta for Bauxite in Lanjigarh, Niyamgiri, Odisha, TATA steel for Iron ore in Jajpur, Kalinganagar, Odisha and JSW Utkal Steel in Dhinkia village, Jagatsinghpur for Iron. All this assault on India’s forests where Adivasis and indigenous peoples live has and will have a severe impact on climate change but then, who cares?

These corporates are allegedly paying the bureaucrat of the state and union governments to freely exploit minerals resources. However, this institutionalised plunder is also being met with stiff resistance by the indigenous population. The tribal gram sabhas empowered under the PESA Act have been organising rallies, dharnas, and other forms of peaceful protests to resist the exploitation of their natural habitat and natural resources. Cynically, the government (Indian State) has erringly dubbed them as “Maoist insurgency.’

It is in this context that Operation Samadhan-Prahar needs to be assessed, especially in terms of methods employed to eliminate the indigenous population of India. In January 2023, Home Minister Amit Shah said that the government’s effort is to make the country “free of Maoism” and this narrative is likely to be central to the upcoming 2024 parliamentary polls. Later in March 2023 he again reiterated that the fight against “the Maoist is in its final phase”. In saying this, he has vowed to “eliminate the tribal resistance” in the country.

Violence under operation Samadhan-Prahar 

On April 7, 2023, bombs were dropped aerially with the help of drones on the tribal of Bhattum, Kavurugatta, Meenagatta, and Jabbagatta villages of Bastar district, Chhattisgarh. This was the fourth bombing since 2021, the first happened on April 19, 2021, the second on April 15, 2022, third on January 11, 2023. After the bombing, three helicopters were used by the Air Force for firing at the local tribal population.

Integral to Operation Samadhan-Prahar, are the government-established military camps in the tribal areas. The armed forces have turned the rich, forested local habitat of Adivasis including their land, forest, and water bodies into jails or concentration camps!

On May 17, 2021, four Adivasis were killed by CRPF for protesting against the setting up of a CRPF camp on a 10-acre agricultural field in Silger, Bastar. On May 22, 2021, an Adivasi youth was shot dead by CRPF for collecting mangoes near the CRPF camp in Silger. On January 14, 2022, the villagers were physically attacked ruthlessly by 500-member paramilitary and state police after they protested against the encroachment of their land.

It is not only government forces but also the private militia of corporates that are deployed against the indigenous tribal and forest dweller population in the region. The infamous Salwa Judum militia which widely burned houses and murdered and was even accused of raping Adivasis was allegedly funded by TATA and trained by government forces. In fact, close to a dozen years back, in 2011, the Supreme Court had declared as illegal and unconstitutional the deployment of tribal youths as Special Police Officers. [2]Though the primary source for funding the government forces is public money, in reality and practice, large sections of the Indian armed forces (in these regions at least) have become the private armies of the corporates.

In 2016, the government introduced the Road Connectivity Project in the Left Wing Extremism Affected Areas (RCPLWEA) for “development purposes of the region”.  Though proclaiming development, in reality, these roads were used by corporate companies to move their vehicles, transport their mining machinery, and for patrolling local populations and movement. The security forces reportedly used military vehicles manufactured by TATA to protect the corporates.

Defaming the Resistance

The union government has therefore left no stone unturned to defame the local, indigenous and tribal resistance to the state and corporate encroachment of their habitat. The state has actually unleashed a barrage of fake news and propaganda, a sinister campaign to defame this resistance through the mass media. When Adivasis have resisted the security forces’ occupation of their schools, the news flashed carried headlines like, “Maoist’s attack schools.” The extra-judicial targeted killings of protesters were presented “as genuine, in the public interest” by the media and the dead were described as “Maoist insurgents”. In later days when public memory faded, judicial investigations have found many of them to be fake encounters.

Often, in the changed and polarised public atmosphere with an increasingly aggressive Indian state, even the courts are now being used to defame this tribal resistance blaming Maoist insurgency. Chhatisgarh-based Gandhian, Himanshu Kumar has been penalised five lakhs by Supreme Court along while dismissing a petition filed by him and 12 Adivasi villagers in 2009 that demanded an independent probe into the extra-judicial killings of Adivasis in Gompad, Chattisgarh. The judgement that has attracted widespread criticism was passed on July 13, 2022.[3]

The infamous Gompad Massacre led to 16 Adivasis belonging to the villages of Belpocha, Nulkatong, Gompad, and Gachanpalli being murdered by armed forces and Salwa Judum militia between 17 September 2009 and October 1, 2009. During the same onslaught, a two-year-old baby’s finger was chopped off by those wielding guns for the Indian state after allegedly raping and killing his mother.

However the Supreme Court, based on the version put forward by the state, concluded that it was Maoists who had killed the Adivasis despite relatives of victims, villagers, human rights organisations, and social activists saying that the massacre was committed by the forces representing the government.

Arrests of activists and human rights defenders under UAPA are also strategies employed by Operation Samadhan Prahar. The murder of Fr. Stan Swamy who fought for Adivasis and against their displacement, the jailing of Prof GN Saibaba for protesting against corporatisation and militarization, and the incarceration of Adivasi woman Hidma Marke for leading the protest against Adani’s Bailadila iron-ore mine in Chhattisgarh are all directly or indirectly connected with  operation Samadhan Prahar.

Under Operation Samadhan Prahar such fake encounters, torture, sexual violence, rape, and enforced disappearances are reportedly deployed as “tactics of counter-insurgency”. The government justifies combing operations against left-wing extremism as a counter-insurgency method, but in reality, it is indirectly facilitating corporates to plunder the natural wealth of the region and displace the local, indigenous tribal population inhabiting those places.

Conclusion

“Development Challenges in Extremist Affected Areas- Report of an Expert Group to India’s Planning Commission”, has concluded with the finding that military suppression cannot finish the resistance of Adivasis and Maoists. It also analyses the phenomenon of locals support for the Maoists in terms of the one-sided exploitation by the Indian state that includes violent and enforced displacement and capture of resources by corporates. This is the primary factor responsible for compelling people to engage in this “war to protect themselves” against the government which is under Oath to the Constitution to protect lives, liberty and resources of all its citizens.

The unilateral war declared under Operation Samadhan Prahar by the Indian state is aimed at more than the ten crore forty lacks Adivasis and their natural habitats. It is in fact a war against all the Indian people, the entire country, motivated by a desire to align with and help a handful of corporates. This is the unique feature of New India. This will be proclaimed as as the Second Republic, in all likelihood, in 2024.

(The author is a journalist based in Chennai)

[1] Though Assam and other states of the North-East, Bengal, Jammu & Kashmir and Uttarakhand also have indigenous populations some not recognized officially as Scheduled Tribes (STs) by state governments.

[2]
In a blow to both the Chhattisgarh government—then ruled by the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and the union government led by the Congress dominated United Progressive Alliance (UPA), the Supreme Court had declared as illegal and unconstitutional the deployment of tribal youths as Special Police Officers – either as ‘Koya Commandos’, Salwa Judum or any other force – in the fight against the Maoist insurgency and ordered their immediate disarming. The ruling, delivered by Justice B. Sudershan Reddy and Justice S.S. Nijjar on a writ petition filed by social anthropologist Prof. Nandini Sundar and others – strongly indicted the Indian State for violating Constitutional principles in arming youth who had passed only fifth standard and conferring on them the powers of police.

[3]  A Division Bench consisting of Justices AM Khanwilkar and JB Pardiwala y dismissed a writ petition filed in 2009 seeking independent investigation into alleged extra-judicial killings of tribals in Chhattisgarh by security forces filed by activist Himanshu Kumar and 12 others.

The post Operation Samadhan-Prahar & the Changing Nature of Indian State appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The three-day long Amcho Bastar travel meet (September 17 to 19) was organised by the district administration to showcase the potential of Bastar district in the southern part of Chhattisgarh. Outsiders and tourists mostly have a fixed notion about Bastar, which they feel is affected by Left-wing extremism. But Bastar with its vibrant Adivasi culture, varied cuisine and beautiful locales is a haven for tourists.

To highlight the positive side of Bastar, which also has a rich and interesting history, bloggers, journalists and social media influencers visited many places during these three days to explore it to the fullest. The district’s most distinctive feature is its 75-day long Bastar Dussehra which starts from October.

These photographs are a reason why Bastar should be on every traveller’s bucket list.

Mushrooms, both big and small in size, are savoured by the vast Adivasi population of Bastar. Such scenes of rural women selling white mushrooms by the roadside are pretty common across the district. No doubt such a scene offers visitors a distinct local flavour. Image by Deepanwita Gita Niyogi

Bastar’s famous tuma or tumba art is the practice of making such hollow containers for holding either water or mahua drink. These are made in the villages from dried gourd shells after drying the gourd and cleaning the interior. Lamps made of gourd shells are also made by skilled artisans. When hung from ceilings, these create intricate lighting patterns based on the designs carved on the surface of the dried gourd shell. Tuma is a sustainable and natural alternative to plastic water bottles and can be carried by Adivasis during field work. Image by Deepanwita Gita Niyogi

For those who crave for adventure, Bastar offers exciting treks and views of scenic waterfalls. There are quite a few famous waterfalls in the district. The Tirathgarh waterfalls is a must visit during monsoon. Image by Deepanwita Gita Niyogi

A view of the mammoth chariots kept in Jagdalpur, the district headquarters of Bastar. The chariots having either four or eight wheels are taken out during the Bastar Dussehra festival every year. Image by Deepanwita Gita Niyogi

For the religious-minded, there are several temples in Jagdalpur which can be covered during the morning heritage walk in the city. Here is a glimpse of the beautiful arches at the Ramchandra Mandir. Image by Deepanwita Gita Niyogi

A glimpse of the Bastar Rajmahal or the royal palace, one of the main attractions of Jagdalpur. The current ceremonial ruler is Maharaja Kamal Chandra Bhanjdeo of Bastar. Image by Deepanwita Gita Niyogi

At once a busy and lively place, the weekly rural markets or haats of Bastar are a must visit. Here, women are seen selling dried mahua flowers. Items like dried fish, poultry, fresh vegetables, colourful bangles, clothes and bamboo baskets are also sold. Men can be spotted gossiping and resting in between work; women are seen chatting or consuming mahua drink. Image by Deepanwita Gita Niyogi

Savouries, both sweet and fried, like these are a treat if you go hungry at a rural market. Notice the intricate tattoo on the woman’s arms. Image by Deepanwita Gita Niyogi

Murals on an orange-painted wall at BADAL (Bastar Academia of Dance, Arts & Language), where artisans can come, stay and learn. It is on the outskirts of Jagdalpur. Image by Deepanwita Gita Niyogi
 

The famous Chitrakote waterfalls on the Indravati river where tourists can enjoy overnight camping. The famed Bodh fish, known as the shark of Bastar, is also found in the Indravati. Image by Deepanwita Gita Niyogi

A Pondicherry in Bastar? One can spot French style buildings with pretty windows at the Bastar Art Gallery site beside Dalpat Sagar in Jagdalpur. It is a perfect place to chill out and click great pictures. A conservation architect from Nagpur, Shivani Sharma, has worked on the place, says Jeet Singh Arya of Unexplored Bastar, a travel start-up aimed at highlighting the beauty of Bastar. It was a pump house during the colonial time. There is an ancient tree here which has been protected. Image by Deepanwita Gita Niyogi

Other photo-features by Deepanwita Gita Niyogi:

Pathalgadi: Assertion of Adivasi rights over land

Stone quarrying, development projects threatening Jharkhand’s sacred groves

Save the Sarnas!

Adivasi identity at stake

Under the shadow of coal mining

The post Photo Feature: Sights and sounds of Bastar appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Image Courtesy: Two Circles
 
Bastar: Human rights defender and tribal leaders Soni Sori and Lingaram Kodopi released a statement on the murder of 10 innocent people by security forces in Bastar, Chhattisgarh. They spoke about how the truth was shoved under the carpet about the continuing onslaught of violence against the indigenous Adivasi population of Bastar, especially after the incident of February 7 in village Tadiballa, Tehsil Bhairamgarh, Bijapur situated in the hills of Abujhmad.
 
“It is notable that the government and the Home Minister are presenting this as a great victory of the security forces, but if one asks just a few questions and conducts even a small inquiry, a chilling reality emerges. We, the residents of many villages of Bastar, have gathered at Bhairamgarh today, on March 5, to expose the lies of the government, to tell our story to the world, and to seek justice,” they said in their statement.
 
Security forces gunned down at least 10 alleged Maoists during an encounter in Bijapur and claimed that 11 weapons were found by them.
 
The activists claimed that none of the ten people killed that day by the security forces were Naxalites, and no encounter took place on that day. “Most of the villagers who died that day were our children, who had gathered that day to participate in village sports. The security forces came and started firing indiscriminately on the crowd of villagers without any warning, as a result of which people panicked and there was utter chaos. Those hit with bullets were brutalized further by the security forces. Two girls were raped, of whom a young girl of 12 years was not only raped, but her nose and private parts were mutilated.  All the dead were subjected to brutal torture, despite the security forces clearly knowing that they were only villagers. The force personnel also burned all the clothes, vessels, containers etc present at the incident site,” the activists said.

Video Courtesy: Two Circles

“We want to know why the security forces behave so badly each and every time they visit our village on routine patrol. From where do they get these orders? Every day, without any reason or any evidence, Adivasis are being rounded up, taken to a camp or police station where they are being detained for days on end and beaten up.  Their family members are denied any information about their whereabouts, at the end of which they are either let go or arrested in a false Naxalite case. Under whose orders do the security forces consider women’s bodies as their own property to assault and violate at their will? Even pregnant women, young girls and mothers with children at their breasts are not spared. When we file complaints, they come up with casteist defences – that Adivasi women have a foul smell, and none of these men would even touch them. What kind of orders are these which call for brutal extermination of hundreds of innocent Adivasi civilians?” they said in their statement.
 
The Adivasi population in Bastar continuously lives in the shadow of death and destruction. “Our houses are looted and burned, and our carefully earned money, clothes, cash, crops, sheep and cattle, chicken, and all our wealth is like an eyesore for the government. What kind of militarization is this, supposedly for the protection of Bastar’s population, but something which only arouses utmost fear in us? What we have lost, what torture we have borne, what misery the government has bestowed on us is immeasurable, but today it is the duty of the government to answer our questions and give us justice,” they said while making the following demands from the government-
 
1. As per our description of the event, a counter-FIR should be lodged into the incident under sections 302, 307, 376(2)(c), 201 of the Indian Penal Code and Section 5(b) of the Protection of Children from Sexual Offences Act, which should be investigated in an unbiased and transparent manner
 
2. To get to the bottom of this matter, a Commission of Inquiry should be instituted, presided by a retired High Court Judge.
 
3. The family members of the deceased should be given copies of the FIR and the Post Mortem.
 
4. The Magisterial Inquiry should be conducted as per the guidelines of the NHRC and in a manner making it possible for the family members of the deceased to give their testimonies fearlessly.
 
Two Adivasi women were also shot at by CRPF officers on February 2 in in the forest of Rengaiguda village, around 450 kms from Raipur, under Polampalli police station limits, when a joint team of security forces was returning after an area domination operation.
 
While a woman named Podiyam Sukki died of the gunshot wounds, another woman Kalmi Dewe was wounded and is currently being treated at a hospital. The police have been calling them Maoists but villagers have rejected these claims and said that they were not involved in any skirmish. The officers were also seen changing the women’s clothes and dressing them up in Naxal uniforms.
 
Read Also:
Sukma fake encounter: Jawans were dressing up victim in Naxal uniform after shooting her
 

The post Tribal leaders in Bastar claim that security forces killed 10 innocent people and raped children appeared first on SabrangIndia.

This appeared in the news as an encounter in which 10 Naxalites were killed by the security forces and the state government and the Home Minister hailed this as a victory.

But the people from many villages of Bastar gathered at Bhairamgarh on 5th March 2019 to protest these killings because they want to tell the world the truth and expose the lies of the Government and demand justice.

TwoCircles.net contacted one activist and also an Adivasi Lingaram Kodopi, who explained the incident that took place on 7th February. He affirmed the facts mentioned in their press release that no encounter took place that day instead the security forced fired indiscriminately at the crowd who had gathered to participate in the village sports. And as a result of the firings, even children died. The security personnel did not stop there they tortured the dead bodies and even raped 2 girls. One of the girls, who was 12 years was raped and her nose and privates mutilated. Further, the security forces also burned the materials they found at the site like vessels, clothes etc.
 

 

Lingaram also said, “ The forced behave atrociously every time they visit the village. We don’t know whom to ask for help under these circumstances. This time we all gathered in large numbers because they killed our children.”

Lingaram further said, “ Even I have not been spared. Nor other activists. I have faced the atrocities of the police and have been jailed for 3 years under false allegations. Every now and then I get death threats. But we have not given up. We will keep fighting for our rights.”

Every single day the Adivasi men are rounded up, taken to a police station, beaten up or detained for days and sometimes even arrested by being labelled as Naxalites. The women are not spared either, they are sexually assaulted. The livestock, the food grains, cash are also seized.  Their complaints are not entertained. This happens in many villages across the region.

Lingaram says that the reason the security forces behave in this manner is to instil fear in our hearts so that out of fear for our lives we will leave the forests. They want to occupy our forests, our lands and our resources. But we have nowhere to go. So we will just keep on fighting”.

The demands of the Adivasis at the protest today are:
 

• FIR be filed against the police officials for murder, rape and sexual abuse under the POCSO Act (Protection of Children from Sexual Offences Act);
• Set up a commission of inquiry headed by a retired judge ;
• The family members of the deceased are given copies of FIR and post mortem reports
• The enquiry should be conducted as per the guidelines of the National Human Rights commission wherein the victimised Adivasis can give their testimonies fearlessly.

After the protest they submitted their memorandum or demands to the high officials and to the MLA of their region.

Lingaram Kopodi told TwoCircles.net, “ Apart from the MLA of Bijapur, Vikram Shah Mandavi, nobody has given us a word of assurance. The MLA has promised that he will inquire into the matter and ensure that the guilty are punished”.

He also said, “ We want the world to know the truth. And friends of the media are our only hope.”

First published on Two circles
 

The post Bastar Adivasis demand justice for the alleged killing of children by security forces appeared first on SabrangIndia.

 
The number of seats, names of candidates, who filed their nomination, who withdrew it, the date of polling, who won, who lost, who abused whom and more such instances are the only issues being allowed in the electoral coverage by the media. The releases by the police are sometimes the only news people get here. The government here has suppressed democratic processes here. Among the 12 seats in Bastar that are being contested in Assembly elections, many areas in these constituencies are so dangerous that people don’t step out of their houses here. There are many more areas where journalists are prohibited. (Although this is an undeclared prohibition, like an undeclared emergency.)
 
The Chattisgarh assembly elections will take place in two phases. In the first phase, 18 seats will go to the  polls on November 12 out of which six are in Rajnandgaon and 12 in Bastar area. On Nov 1, the state of Chattisgarh completed 18 years of its existence. The BJP has been in power here for the last 15 years. In these period, the state has faced heavy social instability. The way the constitution is subverted in this state is stark as compared to any other state. Chhattisgarh is a state with a sizeable Adivasi and tribal population but it is the Adivasis who have to pay the biggest price for this neglect. There were 36% Adivasis in this state when it was carved out 18 years ago. Now this figure is down to only 32%. The rights and provisions given to tribals according to the fifth schedule of the constitution have remained confined to books. They are sometimes mentioned during electoral speeches by politicians and forgotten soon after.
 
Governments stifling grip on journalists who show the truth
An environment of panic and intimidation has been created against journalists and social activists. Reporters who question the police and their unethical practices are intimidated and threatened, they are arrested and sent to jail on fake and arbitrary cases or are forced to leave Bastar. In the last few years, many journalists have been arrested here. Somaru Nag was arrested in July 2015 and Santosh Yadav was arrested in August 2015. Nag was confined to the jail for a year. No evidence could be provided for his forced arrest and he was let go. A case was filed under Arms Act, UAPA and even CSPSA against Yadav. He was jailed for 17 months. In February 2017, he was granted bail by the Supreme Court. The police and institutions funded by them forced Malini Subramaniam to leave her home in September 2015. Prabhat Singh and Deepak Jaiswal were also arrested after a few days. A case of treason was filed on independent journalist Kamal Shukla from Bastar. The Editors Guild visited Bastar, Bijapur and other nearby areas in March 2016 to ascertain the working conditions of local journalists and observed that they didn’t find a single reporter working without fear.
 
Crores benefitting from ‘Naxal eradication’
The Raman Singh government of Chattisgarh takes pride in saying that thousands of kms of forest area are untouched by the outer world. The govt should include itself in the outer world. In this great expanse of untouched land, it is obvious that a human population resides there, which is an equal part of this democratic country. These areas have been left isolated and destitute by being branded Naxal areas. The government has left no stone unturned to profit from this neglected area. The areas which can be reached by the govt have been looted of their natural resources and for the areas which can’t be accessed, the govt gets crores of rupees from the state in the name of Naxal eradication there.  Politicians and bureaucrats have lined their pockets with this fund.
 
The situation was not this bad in these Adivasi areas 15 years ago. The government was targeting Adivasis back then too but journalists were able to write about it and expose these atrocities. You could still provide independent and honest journalism while reporting from tribal areas. At least you didn’t have to live in fear that the police may shoot you for writing the truth. Journalists had the freedom to ask questions. Social activists were not being openly threatened by government-funded goons. The social activists and journalists who were exposing the bad policies of the government were not persecuted under sedition charges. The conditions have changed completely today.
 
Journalism free Bastar Election
Independent journalist from Bastar, Kamal Shukla, says that the 2018 Bastar elections are completely media free. He says that the conspiracy to keep the media away from the electoral activities is not new. Past elections have had to face the same situation. It is not just during elections that such interference with journalism takes place. Besides the main election fields in Bastar’s constituencies (Antagarh, Bhanupratappur, Kanker, Keshkal, Kondagaon, Narayanpur, Bastar, Jagdalpur, Chitrakot, Dantewada, Bijapur, Konta) where polls are to be held on November 12, no other areas or remote locations have got any media coverage. Journalists don’t have access to many of these regions.
 
The atmosphere of a battlefield
For Konta, Bijapur, Dantewada and Narayanpur seats, Kamal Shukla says, “There is a war-like atmosphere in many of these areas. Forget media persons, even the movements of common people are hard in these areas. In urban areas, you can still see some work being done but it is in the remote Adivasi areas where you can all the failed government promises laid bare and the proof of govt stolen natural resources.” In the Konta constituency, giving the example of Jagargunda village, Shukla says, “There was a time when the village had operational schools, hospitals and more. Today, there isn’t even a good road to reach there. Even if you do undertake the journey on the wobbly roads, it is impossible to cross more than 10 camps of security forces that fall on the way. They behave badly with journalists and interrogate us as if we are terrorists.”
 
Media is banned so the government can hide its ugly activities
When Chattisgarh state came into being in 2000, only three development zones were affected by Naxalism. Today there are 16 affected districts. The BJP govt has neither heard the voices of countless Adivasis nor has it taken any step to counter Naxalism in the state. The ruling govt says that Naxalism has reduced but the incidents of the last 15 years paint a different picture. Naxalism has actually increased in the state. It is a clear sign that the govt doesn’t want Naxalism to end because they have their eyes trained on the 9000-crore fund which the centre has allotted to Chattisgarh to counter it. There are scores of such incidences where innocent Adivasis have been forcibly labelled Naxals and encountered by the police, who then were showered with praises. This complex puzzle is run by the police on the behest of the govt.
 
This is being done so that the corporates can benefit. The government is plotting to evict tribals from their lands so that these priceless resources can be given to industrialists. In Dantewada, Jagdalpur, Bastar and Narayanpur districts, a vast amount of mineral wealth can be found which the govt wants to sell to Adani and others at a subsidised cost.
 
Adivasi land was drowned to generate electricity from the dam built upon it but those villagers that were displaced and other Adivasi villages still don’t have electricity. Irrigation projects were set up on their lands but their fields don’t receive any water. They are earning a profit of crores from the destroyed forest land but the Adivasis are becoming poorer and are becoming destitute. Their children are malnourished. They are not being provided with basic provisions like education, healthcare or drinking water. The govt thinks these mines are a sign of development. But this blind, deaf and dumb govt can’t see the terrible price the state has to pay for this development
 
Lakhs of Adivasis have migrated from the state. This year, the Modi government had made significant cuts to the support prices of small forest produce. They justified this by saying that it was a loss-making area and they had to scale down the prices. The Raman govt accepted it silently. It was a huge loss to people whose livelihoods depend on the income from forest produce.
 
Forest Produce    Old Support Price/Rupees   New Support Price   Change Percentage
Coloured Lac       230                                           100                              56.52
Kusumi Lac          320                                           100                              53.13
Tamarind              22                                             18                               18.6
Karanj seed         20                                             18                                10
Mahua                 22                                              20                                9.09
Chironji               100                                             60                               40
Harra                   11                                               8                                 27.27
 
In the case of small forest produce, 75% of the cost is given by the centre and 25% by the state govt. In a state which has 40% forest area and 32% Adivasi population, most tribal population makes a living from this produce. The CM should’ve taken some action here. The govt showed no compassion.
 
In the mining operations being carried out by NMDC in the state since 1968, only 31 Adivasis have been given permanent jobs. All others are paid contractual wages when it is on their land that these mines are operating.
 
The pipelines carrying the iron ore mined by NMDC from Kirandul to Vishakhapatnam were made by Essar. The poisonous residue from this mine flows into Shankini and Dankini rivers. With the rivers polluted, the cattle is dying, the land has become barren and the environment of more than 52 tribal villages has worsened.
 
The Chattisgarh government brought a law in the legislative assembly which allowed them to acquire Adivasi land more easily. Now with the mutual consent of the govt, it can give this land to any industrialist. Instead of paying the compensation (four times the actual value of land) to the tribals, the promises of employment in factories or mines are made but never fulfilled. The plight of tribals in areas like Bastar, Dantewada, Jagdalpur, Kanta, Bijapur and Narayanpur can be easily seen.
 
In the last two decade, 30,000 girls from Bastar have been caught in the human trafficking net. The govt is not investigating the matter, they are not searching for them, they are not helping the families of these missing girls, they are not trying to stop it and nor are they trying to prevent it. Here, incidences of the police holding tribal girls hostage have come forward. But the Raman government, instead of punishing these police officials, promotes and rewards such people.
 
Farming tools are weapons for the police
Farm tools used by tribals are considered dangerous weapons by the Chattisgarh police. According to the Arms Act, 1959, it is clearly stated that farming tools are not counted as weapons. Despite these, many people have been booked under the Arms Act for keeping these tools. About 2000 Adivasis have been booked for having connections with Maoists under this Act.
 
Village tribals are being forcibly jailed in large numbers. The police and paramilitary forces enter their houses without warrants and steal money, goats, poultry, ducks and their belongings. They are threatened that if they said a word to anybody, their children will be killed. For every tribal arrested, the policeman gets a reward.
 
Around 3000 schools have been shut in Adivasi areas. The PESA law is being violated openly. If an industry fails, the land acquired for the said industry has to be returned to the original owner within five years. The Tata plant is yet to do so. These areas have been put in the land bank. This proves that the government is greedy and corrupt.
 
In the tribal areas where the fifth schedule is applicable, the Tribal Council of Ministers is formulated for constitutional facilitation. The president of this council has to be a tribal. But in Chhattisgarh, Chief Minister Raman Singh has always been the president of this council.
 
The death of DD cameraman raises a lot of questions
Two security guards and DD cameraman Achyutananda Sahu were killed in a crossfire between security forces and Maoists in Aranpur, 30 kms from Dantewada. Incidentally, it was reported that Doordarshan was asked to film a documentary in Bastar to showcase the good work being done by the government in the area. Anybody being killed on the line of duty is saddening but the death of the cameraman in the Naxal ambush raises a lot of questions.

Everyone in Bastar knows that Naxals and Police are often caught in a crossfire but journalists are never targeted. Maoists in Bastar had even released a letter stating that journalists are free to report from any area in the region and nobody will stop them. They had also instructed them to not come with any security force. The situation is that policemen can visit these areas by wearing plain clothes and with a vehicle which has a Press stamp. Sending journalists with police forces in such a situation is precarious. The govt never allows journalists to visit these areas by claiming that it is a security risk. Then why was the DD team allowed to go? Was it because they were going to make a report describing the governments work? Using this event as a shield, the govt will make reporting from these areas even more difficult.
 
Gun-toting Indian government
The tribals of Ambujman and Jagargunda know the Indian government only in the form of a gun. They have seen the Indian govt’s service only in the form of Army jawans. They have known Indian govt as the person who enters their village, snatches their loved ones away and sometimes kills them. When a journalist or a social activist reaches such a village after escaping the eyes of the police or security forces, they greet the unarmed person with hopeful eyes and asks them, “Are you from the Indian government? Can you send them a message from us that we are not Naxals and stop putting us in jails. Bring a machine to our village, we want to vote.” They point to a school building and say, “Ask someone to come here, we want to learn.” If someone falls sick in the areas which don’t have roads, the nearest dispensary is 20 kms away and the 20 kms in a jungle are more difficult than 200 kms in the city.
 
We want to vote but nobody comes here
Talking about his experience of meeting people from remote villages, Journalist Kamal Shukla says, “Bastar’s Adivasis want to vote, they want to participate in the electoral celebrations but the government doesn’t want to consider them as Indians. Polling booths are made at a distance of 40 kms from these villages. The elections are now limited only to urban areas. The govt and police spread the fake news that villagers don’t want to vote due to Maoists. Police says that Maoists cut off the fingers of voters from these villages even though no such case has been reported so far. The govt has conspired to keep the media and Adivasis away from the elections.”
 
Media distancing itself from Bastar
No major media house has a permanent correspondent in this area. Even everyday news is not reported from this region, forget election coverage. The reporters who do work for newspapers either don’t get good salaries or don’t get the necessary attention. The few journalists who did want to visit the state to cover the elections are now changing their plans after the DD cameraman’s death. Some due to fear and others due to Police interference.
 
Journalist Rajkumar Soni, who wrote on tribal issues, has been transferred to Coimbatore before the election. Two Chattisgarh journalists, Renu Awasthi and Shailendra Vishwakarma committed suicide after being mentally tortured. Their case is gathering dust. A journalist from New York, Siddhartha Rai and independent journalist Kamal Shukla, who were covering elections in Bastar a few weeks ago, were harassed for hours in a police station and their cameras were searched.
 
In Bastar, life-threatening attacks on freedom of press and democracy continue.

[This article is an English translation of the original Hindi article]

Read Also:
Election Watch Chhattisgarh: No winners or losers in this non-starter election
 Whither Freedom: The Chhatisgarh attack on journalists
 Attacking the Defenders of Freedom, Chhatisgarh: Lawyers and Journos being Forced Out
Where every human rights activist is labelled a Maoist: Chhatisgarh

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There was however no sign of him till 3pm and then suddenly we were told that he has “appeared” on the stage. It was informed by several residents of IIMC that he had been lodged much earlier inside IIMC campus by the organizers so as to avoid the protestors. We continued our protest outside. Now the question is why is Mr. Kalluri so scared of even placards, slogans and questions from students? What makes him scared to face protests? Why couldn’t the so called “Bastar tiger” muster enough courage to even face largely a group of students?

That’s because our questions are far more heavier than his smug arrogance. It’s because we have the power to tear apart the halo and show the real horror that he has unleashed in Bastar while he was an IG there. The protesters today made it clear that it is simply unacceptable to invite an ex-IG who is the architect of a Satya Judgment type vigilante gang; one who has presided over numerous instances of fake encounters, gang-rapes, torture and fake arrests of the adivasis; and one who has been sent on “long leave” after an investigation by the NHRC due to gross human right violations. He has also in fact presided over the threats, attacks and hounding of all those voices that have dared to expose his bloody tenure. This includes Soni Sori, Lingaram Kodopi, Bela Bhatia, Nandini Sundar and so on. He even went to the extent of telling a journalist, Kamal Shukla, “Either leave journalism, or leave Bastar.” The protestors today condemned the IIMC administration for inviting such a character to lecture on “journalism”. We condemned the design of the IIMC administration to produce stenographers instead of journalists, ones who will jot ask question, who will not look for the truth, but will parrot the likes of Kalluri. The protestors raised their voice against not just the individual or an institution, but also demanded an end to the war on people being waged by the state-corporate nexus to facilitate the loot of resources at the cost of thousands of adivasi lives and livelihood. Kalluri has just been one of its hit-men. We thereby reiterated our demand of ending Operation Green Hunt and pledged to stand by the struggle of the adivasis for their jal-jangal-jameen.

Some have put forth the question as to why did we protest Kalluri’s invitation to IIMC. They asked, aren’t we who talk about free speech not being hypocritical here? Well, Kalluri throttled free speech every day in Bastar, he arrested activists and journalists, he sent goons to intimidate anyone speaking out. The express agenda being to make the ongoing brutal war against adivasis a war without witness. In such a context to protest against Kalluri, in fact, becomes an act of defending free speech, and not the other way around. Ultimately, the fight for free speech is fundamentally a fight against power.

From Bastar Solidarity Network – Delhi Chapter, we congratulate and salute all those who stood their ground today and raised their fists, their placards and their slogans against the killer Kalluri, against Operation Green Hunt, against the puppet IIMC administration and the powers that be.

Courtesy: Kafila.online
 

The post “Killer Kalluri go back”: Protest over IIMC invite to cop slammed by NHRC for serious rights violations in Bastar appeared first on SabrangIndia.