There are similar other tragic accounts in the report.

One of the eyewitnesses, narrates that the incidents at Kiradpura happened between 1 am to 4.00 am. She narrated that on April 30 (night of April 29-30), at around 1 am, there were futile attempts by the police to disperse the crowd. Two Maulanas also announced maintaining law and order from the Police Jeep, but since there was hardly any police protection, they got injured.

In terms of background, the team recorded that in previous years, during the Ram Navami celebrations, the communities have lived peacefully celebrated their festivals in this area in the past few years. On one side of the lane, there used to be Ram Navami Celebration, and on the other side, the market used to be lit with Iftar shops. This time, however, there was some sloganeering outside the temple. She narrated how those people who gave slogans of ‘Jai Shree Ram’ and incited violence in the area do not figure in the police’s chargesheets.

According to her, the crowd was not from the Kiradpura area. They were all wearing masks and hoodies, and everyone was wearing similar caps. Unlike the news reports claimed, it was a mob of around 50 people, not 500-600. She also claimed that these were all people from outside and not from Kiradpura as she had never seen those people in that area.

Ohar, a village around 10-12 kilometres from Aurangabad was not spared. According to the 2021 census, Ohar has a population of 2631[1] constituting the caste Hindus, Muslims, people from scheduled castes, and scheduled tribes. The team visited Ohar village. Interviewing a group of Muslim women whose tales were full of tragedy recounting the incidents after the Ram Navami celebrations. The women narrated that on March 31, some Hindus organised a procession outside the mosque with loud music and provocative lyrics related to Aurangzeb, the so-called new name Chattrapati Sambhajinagar calling for violence against Muslims. This procession also tore apart the ‘Tipu Sultan’ poster at the village entrance. Some of the Muslim men asked them to stop the DJ, but they refused to do so.

According to this version recorded by the team, the next morning at around 8.30 am, when most of them were sleeping after the Sehri, and no one was anticipating the tensions. But tensions were triggered, and it was believed that this tension would be resolved within the village by having discussions with each other like had happened in the past few years. However, there was stone pelting from both sides. Hindu women were also in the clashes. They were also pelting stones and attacking the men from the Muslim community. These women narrated that they were people from outside in the crowd, so they started calling the police, but there was no response. The Muslim women also stated that many men “mishandled Muslim women in these clashes” and “many people from the Muslim community got injured.”

One of the Muslim women who runs a small shop in the village got stabbed on the neck by a Hindu man. Several women received stitches and sutures after suffering serious wounds and were poorly injured. An injured woman Around the 30 people who were arrested were all Muslims from the village. These families also submitted the suggestion form at the collector’s office against the change in the name of the city Aurangabad to Chattrapati Sambhajinagar. These women, whose family members got arrested, still ask why the police came half an hour late to the site of violence? Why did the Police arrest the majority of the Muslims from the village? The incidents of such brutal assault, stabbing in the neck, being manhandled, and facing abusive slurs have impacted these women’s lives.

News of the nature of the violence and role of the police did not make it to any newspaper, and what happened to them remained within the bounds of that village.

Paldhi, a village in Jalgaon: around 14 km from Jalgaon, a small town Paldhi witnessed similar patterns of communal tensions that broke out on the night of 28th April. The team visited Paldhi and met women who shared their experiences; they recounted the horrors of the night of April 28.

Paldhi is a Muslim-dominated area. Many Muslim-owned shops were razed to the ground says the report, and for most families, this was the only source of livelihood. Rioters even broke down the board of the cemetery.[2] These women in Paldhi described how even the police attacked them after the violence. Police stormed their houses, broke the doors, dragged the residents, and gave abusive slurs to Muslim women resisting their entry. The police, according to what women have stated and that has been put in the Bebaak report, were in a drunken state and donning civil clothes, entered to search for lethal weapons in the houses of farmers and labourers.

All these houses of the Muslim community are either charred or damaged. The damaged doors of Muslim residents due to the Police crackdown Police dragged several Muslim youths out of their homes at midnight. These family members were in a state of immense despair while narrating these incidents. They have not slept for days.

A survivor of the 1992 riots in Paldhi recounted the horrible incident of a Hindu mob killing a Muslim man. The 1992 riots were permanently etched in the memory of a 70-year-old woman who did not step out of her house after this recent violence in her area. Each of these incidents made them conscious of their Muslim identity and brought flashbacks of loss and pain.

A Recurring Pattern of these Riots:

The Maharashtra Vikas Aghadi (MVA) led by Uddhav Thackery on the last day of its cabinet (June 2022) decided to rename Aurangabad as Sambhajinagar and Osmanabad as Dharashiv. The Shinde-Fadnavis led state government also approved the renaming of Aurangabad as Chhatrapati Sambhajinagar and Osmanabad as Dharashiv. The politics of renaming of the cities through which these political parties have envisioned their political prominence and electoral power has resulted in the site of ethnic conflict and violence, states the report.

“There is undoubtedly a broader recurring pattern. The script is to provoke a community by attacking the religious and worship spaces, specifically taking processions with loud music and provoking slogans in front of Muslim neighbourhoods and Mosques during the time of prayer (Namaz), inciting stone-pelting and then further targeting Muslims by indiscriminate arrests and destroying their businesses and properties.”

The Role of the Police:

“The role of the police has been highly disappointing, whether in a big city like Aurangabad, a small town of Paldhi, or a rural village like Ohar. Police were nowhere seen to be taking any actions against those who incited this violence. It is infuriating and shameful that the provocateurs are always sheltered with state impunity. The arbitrary and indiscriminate arrests of Muslim youth suggest the state’s complicity and apathy.

“The police administration has displayed a bias as there have been no actions taken against those persons belonging to the Hindu community who incited the violence by shouting provocative slogans. There is no accountability from the police regarding the death of a civilian in this violence and the firing conducted in a residential area such as Kiradpura Lane.

“The attempts by the police to disperse the mob directly through firing of bullets without preceding and laid down procedures like release of tear gas or lathi charge to disperse a mob has been habitual, even in the past.The state is mandated to provide protection and monetary compensation to victims of such violence, but the police filed a chargesheet against the victim.

“The police has refused to hand over the CCTV footage in front of the Ram Mandir in Kiradpura and take action according to the evidence. On the other hand, under the pretext of 40,000 calls made during the time of violence in Kiradpura, police have picked several innocents who were not even present in the vicinity. There is no accountability for the arrests of minors in this violence.

“In Ohar, the police administration took no immediate action despite the police being informed of mobs on the rampage. The media has remained silent and hence compliant by not reporting on reports of police intimidation and brutality and also the plight of Muslim women.

Violence against Muslim women and the Impact on Mental Health:

“The anti-Muslim violence during the Ram Navami festivals in Kiradpura, Ohar, and Paldhi has severely impacted the lives of Muslim women living in these areas. The impact of these religious extremists’ violence on Muslim women and their mental health often goes unacknowledged. People have spoken about the emotional trauma they have gone through during this time.

“The Muslim community is in a state t shock after witnessing such violence and hatred in their neighbourhood. The routine interaction with the police officials and visits to the jail to undergo these legal processes have resulted in burnout and loss of hope for a better future.

 “ मारेहदल मेंबहुत खौफ , मारेकारोबार सब बिंद  गए, रमजान के हदन …. पुलीस का बहुत डर – we are scared, our businesses and errands are now shut, these are the days of Ramzan and we are scared of the Police”

“मेरेो बच्चें वो अब ऐसेभागतेहफरतेरे तें  – My children are running here and there.” “ मारेआदहमयोंको उठाके लेगए, म अके लेऔरतेंथी, मको डर था की पुहलस मको उठा लेाएगी, इसहलए म गांव छोड़कर ररश्तेदारोंके य चलेगए थे– they took our men, we were all alone, we were scared that police will take us too, that’s why we left our village and went to our neighbour

“The nature of the investigation carried out by the police authorities the next day of violence has humiliated Muslim women. They were intimidated and threatened to submit their family members to police for questioning. In Paldhi, the police personnel verbally abused them and even made communal and sexual slurs. Due to the Police crackdown at midnight, damaging the property of the Muslim residents, the children, and other family members are still traumatised. After the police crackdown, many families started sleeping under the same roof.

“The loss of social and financial security because of these riots has put enormous burdens on women from the Muslim community. This also has impacted the mental health of the women and the children. Muslim youth are compelled to change their career paths and aspirations because of biases about their Muslim identity.

“बच्चेंघर के बा र नी, आदहमयांघर पर बैठेंहुए , औरतोंनेक्या करना, कै सेहिदिंगी पालना? – Children have stopped going outside, the men are sitting without any job, how will women sustain their family?”

“The police administration in Kiradpura, Ohar, and Paldhi have enjoyed complete impunity for the crackdown and violence against Muslim women. The routine violation of a Muslim person’s rights has aggravated feelings of isolation and immense fear among Muslim youth and women. The Muslim women from Rahmaniya colony, Ohar village and Paldhi all speaks of injustices committed by the administration.

“They demand justice and speaks of collective struggle and resilience during these times. “इन्साफ मांगता” – “We want Justice” 21 Muslim women in Paldhi sharing their experiences of the clashes Muniruddin used to sell parts of automobiles with some meager income to sustain his family. After the lockdown, their work got severely affected.

“Hina’s mother is a domestic worker, and her father is a plumber. Sohail and Javed were used to assist them with work. People in Ohar and Paldhi are small-scale traders, farmers, and daily wage labourers. These families come from a marginalized working-class socio-economic background. “The community living in these neighbourhoods and villages face food insecurity, job insecurity, and inaccessible healthcare services.

“Most of the affected have been labourers, and daily wage earners, who could not get their education and were forced to work at an early age. There are many families whose children and family members got arrested. Among the detained are primarily young men of around 20–30- year-olds; children 14-17 are also accused of rioting. Most of these families do not have money to hire a lawyer to release their children. Their families do not know how to proceed with legal matters or the loss of daily earnings when these families have to visit the jail. They do not know what to say to their children when they meet them inside the prison about what the future awaits them.

“A team of lawyers in Aurangabad is taking up these false cases and giving the family free counselling. Many of the Muslim youths who were framed with false claims have emerged as innocents. People never anticipated that they would grieve for their own in the month of Ramzan. These people were robbed of their festival and were made to suffer in a most hostile way. Families got separated, Roza- fasting turned into visits to jail, and with every dawn of Sehri, they saw their hopes dwindle.

“The following day (iimediately after the violence experienced), the Muslim community in Kiradpura offered Sherbet to those who came to celebrate Ram Navami outside Ram Mandir. After such violence, this act of offering peace seems more like the helplessness of a Muslim citizen in the face of such hate crimes.

“The case of Munniruddin is what any innocent Muslim citizen must pay to live in this nation ruled by the sole agenda of hatred. After 15-16 days after the violence, there is some hustle-bustle on the Kiradpura streets, and people are returning to the market for daily necessities.

“The shops in Kiradpura are now open, although police officials are still patrolling this area. Many residents hope to rebuild their lives against the hatred at every step.

Recommendations:

• We demand that the state take responsibility and necessary actions to ensure justice for the victims and survivors.
• It is the first and foremost responsibility of the state to maintain law and order, especially when two festivals of different religious groups are coinciding. The permission to organize religious rallies and gatherings should not be granted unconditionally.
• The police should review the chargesheet and remove Muniruddin Shaikh’s name as a rioter.
• Muniruddin’s family should be given monetary compensation from the state. There should be an action against the police personnel who shot Muniruddin Shaikh.
• The state shall provide legal services to the victims and persons falsely accused of this violence. It shall ensure that monetary compensation is paid to all victims.
• The state shall ensure a quick probe into those who incited the violence by provoking slogans and playing loud music in front of the Mosques. The police should review and consider the CCTV footages from the cameras installed in Ram Mandir.[3]
• The state shall take strict actions against the police administration for sexually assaulting Muslim women in Paldhi. It shall also ensure an effective legal representation to women victims of sexual assault in this violence and a committee sensitive to dealing with and assisting juveniles accused as rioters.
• The media shall behave non-partisan way and pressurize the ruling government to take necessary actions, take accountability for its actions, and control such communal clashes.
• The civil organizations in Maharashtra shall come in solidarity and raise their voices against the rising communal polarization, conflicts, and anti-Muslim violence.

The entire report of Bebaak Collective may be read here:

[1] Ohar Village Population – Aurangabad – Aurangabad, Maharashtra. (n.d.). https://www.census2011.co.in/data/village/548767-html#:~:text=The%20Ohar%20village%20has%20population,as%20per%20Population%20Census%20 2011. 14

[2] Shaikh, Z. (2023, April 5). Communal violence in Maharashtra’s Jalgaon district after row over music being played in front of mosque. The Indian Express. https://indianexpress.com/article/cities/mumbai/communal-violencemaharashtras-row-over-music-played-mosque-8526246/ 16

[3] Express News Service. (2023, May 25). Akola clashes: Instagram account handler, man who complained against him held. The Indian Express. https://indianexpress.com/article/cities/mumbai/akola-clashes-instagramaccount-handler-complainant-held-8625372/ 23

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The post 74 Muslims including 7 juveniles arrested, peacemaker Shaikh Muniruddin shot in Sambhajinagar police firing: Report appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The Bebaak Collective, an umbrella body of several women’s groups published the ‘Communalisation of Covid-19: Experiences from the Frontline’ report on January 21, 2021 during a virtual conference to highlight the rampant communalisation during the coronavirus lockdown.

The report, covering seven states from northern, central and western India, documents the discrimination and violence faced by Muslims due to communalisation of the pandemic. Authors Hasina Khan, Khawla Zainab and Umara Zainab interviewed various civil society organisations, student activists, human rights lawyers, other individuals and citizen groups working on the frontlines, and used media reportage to reveal the pattern of anti-Muslim violence during the pandemic.

Moreover, the report recommended measures such as: 

• an effective overseer over media that fail to follow journalistic ethics
• intervention of the Press Council of India and NBSA
• introduction of a religion-based anti-discrimination law similar to the SC/ST Prevention of Atrocities Act
• mental health support to Muslims who faced widespread stigma, hatred and discrimination
• implementation of the Sachar committee recommendations especially the Equal Opportunity Commission and Diversity Index
• Supreme Court cognisance of this gross hate propaganda.

In response, renowned journalist, activist and SabrangIndia co-founder Teesta Setalvad congratulated the Collective for taking up the initiative. She reminded the audience that the grievances suffered by Muslims, migrant workers, adivasis and other marginalised communities were the result of growing schisms in society that amplified institutional failures.

Further, she said, “We respond to moments of crisis rather than continuums of crisis. We need to seriously think about institutional lacunae and the short memory of the administration that fails to deliver its services.”

Setalvad warned that the dangers of amplification have become much more severe in times of social media. But still these “agents” did not work before. She said that the growing misinformation and manipulation of history demands a better understanding of historical events to solidify future actions, especially in the case of young activists.

Accordingly, she referenced interviews of Arundhati Roy that talked about communalisation of the pandemic and similar documentaries for a more comprehensive perspective.

Regarding Muslim ghettoisation, she said that real estate prices have soared to keep Muslims from affording houses in specific neighbourhood. However, less mixed neighbourhoods endanger all conversations from all perspectives.

“When we get limited to silos then these problems get much worse,” she said.

Taking this idea of silos a step ahead, Setalvad talked about the Wall Street journal article that talked about the giant corporate allying with powerful governments. Such partnership restricts communication between differing groups, meaning that Facebook algorithms circulate the same message in the same group.

Referring to the Global Dissemination report by Oxford, the activist said that Facebook and other social media platforms give us a false assurance that they are open. As such she recommended that the Collective’s report include a need for supporting independent media platforms.

“How do alternate media platforms function without the support of such groups? Without that support you cannot expect voices to carry on further,” she said.

Referring to Bebaak’s report, Setalvad said that while the report talks about High Court verdicts favouring minorities, it also needs to consider speaking order.

She told the audience that 205 FIRs were filed against 2,765 foreign nationals in 11 states of the country as reported by SabrangIndia. Yet every single one of these foreign nationals was exonerated.

Setalvad argued that the most important verdict was that of the Nagpur bench on August 21, 2020 that pulled up police and media for the actions against the community. She emphasised that unless the order is speaking, there is very limited relief, and pointed out that there was a lack of judicial action against hate speech.

“Nowhere do you have constitutional courts actually questioning the dangers of hate speech. I ask you all to visit Citizens for Justice and Peace website that shows five dozen complaints against the Ministry of Information and Broadcasting against digital and institutional platforms. We need to understand the relation between hate and media,” said Setalvad.

She referred to the growing hate as state project and the journalism as genocide and called for a more severe look at the way journ is progressing especially of online news and media channels.

Setalvad gave two examples of this point by referring to local newspaper Vijaya Karnataka that continues to spread hate speech and India Today’s coverage of the Tablighi Jamaat incident that campaigned Muslims as “corona spreader and super spreader.”

“Persons in positions of power need to be penalised for hate speech. Article 19 is not touched by hate speech. If an already organised community is targeted by repeated hate by people in power then Article 19 and 20’s non-discriminatory rights are affected,” she said.

Similarly, feminist historian Uma Chakravarti built on the notion that people in power sell hatred. However, she further added that “we have to promote humanity.”

Remembering the killing of Mahatma Gandhi, she said, “We need to consider the history of who we are and as citizens what kind of society we will build. After Gandhi’s murder, everyone wanted a society where all people have rights and securities. When I went to school in the south, I never saw any disc. The hatred seen now was never seen in the public sphere,” she said.

Chakravarti argued that the reason for this stark difference is that nowadays hatred rather than love, humanity, citizenship has been normalised.

“Hatred has been made legitimate. Hate speech is almost normal. What might have been said behind closed today is said on the public podium,” she said pointing out that one only needs to look at the family WhatsApp group to understand this.

She raised concern about the growing acceptability of hatred and people’s lack of reaction to hate speech seen on social media. Chakravarti emphasised that free speech and hate speech require a balance where generating hatred against a community is understood as violence.

“Today we have labelled the hatred corona but even before that such hatred had already begun,” she said.

Chakravarti said that before the coronavirus pandemic there was a political pandemic and referred to the citizenship amendment in 2003. The amendment created a bond between her and others such as Shaheen Bagh icon Bilkis Bano who claimed that she could tell the history of seven generations of her family but could not produce a document to prove it.

She lauded the anti-CAA protests and the farmers’ struggle that recorded two great public outpourings. Similarly, she praised women student Pinjra Tod activists who understood that “pinjras” (cages) existed outside hostels as well. She also highlighted that recent protests had recorded a large number of women activists being picked up and thrown in jail.

She ended by saying that she still hoped for a better India illustrating a secular example wherein a Muslim labourer got off a truck taking him home to stay with a dying Hindu labourer. The Muslim person ensured a proper funeral for the fellow worker personifying Chakravarti’s hope that, “We can still build a better India.”

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A 2020 Report of 10 Worst Victims of Apathy: India’s Migrant Workers
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Activists denounce Babri Masjid demolition judgment

The post Communalisation of COVID-19: A Bebaak Collective report appeared first on SabrangIndia.