Another businessman friend of Sunil claims that Vanjari women are pure vegetarians. So, one should not see Vanjaris as a criminal tribe. He also adds, “Suppose there comes a flood, then all the garbage gets washed away in it and the area gets clean. We are anticipating that it will be the same after this political power war gets over. One can imagine the destructive social impact of this whole eco-political power game has created by the fact that four ‘soyrik meetings’ in my Vanjari community (meetings in which marriages of young couples get fixed) were discarded as some of the people in such meetings had differences in their opinions. One can definitely say that the political happenings keep impacting the ‘Roti-Beti Vyavhar’ (family relations) deeply.

Shantabai Rathod is a social worker in Parli. She has fought many civic fights there. In our short meeting, she underlines the fact that there are hardly any women in active politics in a taluka place like Parli. Anyone can have a look at ZP and Panchayat Samiti politics and sense the lack of presence of women there. Our men don’t want any space to be created for women. And now, these dirty eco-political power games make politics as well as town-space more unsafe for women. Beed is a district where liquor visibly flows everywhere in criminal and political scenes.

There is a plant of Awada wind energy firm near Massajog. CRPF have been assigned to guard that firm. One of the CRPF officials said, “We are here on duty to maintain law and order. We don’t know what had happened earlier.” While traveling from Beed to Parli, I could see several large huge trucks up and down on the roads with enormous fins tied to their back.

Jyotiram Kande is an NRI working in an IT field in Canada. He was born and brought up in Parli. While sharing his thoughts on a phone call, he expresses deep sorrow about the changing environment of his beloved city. Jyotiram was born and brought up in Parli. While recalling his childhood days, he says, “I still remember my teenage and childhood days. Those days seem like a fairytale when I roam the streets of Parli nowadays. We, as teenagers, were into different things those days. Today’s teens have already started glorifying goons as ‘social workers’. I am just not able to imagine why common citizens are not aware of their rights when it comes to the basic needs like electricity, water, transport and health. Many of my friends are not able to think logically today. They just get driven into personal-political emotions. I can’t hold any constructive conversation with my own friends in such a situation. Even my well-educated, government officer friends are not an exception. Due to all these things, I have started to feel kind of helpless.”

Jyotiram also shared his observations about the young teenage boys who are being used as goons by various political leaders. He says, “Common people have always looked at political leaders as some God-like figures. None of these politicised youth are into serious academics. Their leaders are of the same ilk and have become career icons. These youth get addicted to cigarettes, alcohol, and gutka-mava very easily. Sexual frustration also plays a crucial role in their behaviour. Everyone wants a girlfriend but no one gets one. I am just not able to imagine the speed of transition as I look at the changed scenario to compare it with my childhood days. Everyone has a perception that some other person is going to grab his or her educational seat, job, opportunity, monetary gains etc. I don’t find any institution or government body sufficiently aligned, systematic or transparent so that this could solve the issues of the common man. In such a situation, political goons that are so called social workers easily fill this space. Within no time, they just come forward to be a bridge between this purposely failed system and common man. And within no time the godly image of such political goons assume a larger than life aura. One needs a truly good governance to circumvent this scenario. The enormous energy of youth should also be channelised pro-actively to avoid destructive consequences. At village level, Gram Panchayats and social organisations should start gyms and libraries for the young generation.”

One of the random vegetable sellers in Parli was also anxious about the changing surroundings. He said, “We can feel that there the casteism in the air. Though everyone is not experiencing it directly, it’s there. In many conversations. We need to think twice about the ‘caste location’ of the listener. It was not like that before. I needed to check the caste location of everyone online and offline. Because most of the time, people keep talking from their caste location and not from their conscious location.

Meanwhile, one of my friends in Parli anonymously told me his experience when he went to a Biryani eatery with one of his friends. “I was sitting at one of the popular Biryani joints in the outskirts of Parli. It was crowded as always. All the tables were full. Both of us were eating at a table where one chair was vacant. One young guy came up and sat on that chair. His friends grabbed other vacant chairs at different tables. That guy at our table was fully drunk. He was in the mood to have a conversation with us. So, he asked my name at first. As I responded, his second question was, what’s your caste? I just ignored his question with a smile. Then he got angry and started boasting about his money and muscle power. My friend and I were listening to his babbling with a cool mind. At the end of his conversation, he told us that he possessed a gun until the week before but now he has surrendered it. Me and my friend finished eating and went to wash our hands. That guy came to us again. I kept my hand on his shoulder with a friendly gesture and told him that I am Mali (one of the OBC castes). He suddenly smiled at me and said, ‘Jai OBC bhava!’ Caste has penetrated this deeply in everyone’s veins, much like hard liquor.”

Keshav Waghmare is an author and a senior activist from the Ambedkarite Movement who hails from Beed. He has a separate vision about this whole state-wide issue of Beed which has been the talk of the town for the past two months. Keshav says, “To understand the scenario in its entirety, one needs to understand the construction of the political economy of Beed at first. The Vanjari community has got geared up politically and socially when the politics of Gopinathrao Munde was dominant. Until then, the political power was in the hands of the Maratha community. This shift in power politics gave birth to a constant tussle and cold war. In Beed, the major economy is based on sugarcane cutting. The mukadams (contractors) of sugarcane workers are mostly Vanjaris. Most of the time, these contractors behave unfairly with men and women in his toli (sugar-cutting team). Once upon a time, these mukadams were the karyakartas (workers) of Gopinathrao Munde. When it comes to land, most of the land business is in the hands of Vanjaris.

I recall one incident that refuses to fade in memory. There was the weekly aathawdi bazaar (weekly market gathering) at a village called Wadwani. There appeared a mukadam with one of his labourers. Both belonged to the same caste, Vanjari. There started a heated argument between two of them over some monetary issues. The mukadam started beating that labourer with his shoes. Coincidentally, there was a programme of Gopinathrao Munde planned on that day. Munde’s helicopter suddenly started making rounds in the air. The worker stopped crying and started waving his hands in the air with joy, shouting, “O mukadam, bagha aaplya bhaucha helicopter…” (Hey, mukadam, see, there comes the helicopter of our beloved bhau!”) Isn’t this very symbolic?” These mukadams are kind of powerful goons in small villages of Marathwada. They have got political support. The roots of the constantly erupting violence in Beed could be found in this nexus.

It was an interesting encounter with a politically vocal truck driver. He showed me his facebook account where he keeps expressing his views deliberately. He said, “We keep experiencing virtual casteism as people keep fighting with each other on social media. The leaders should keep the politics limited to elections. They are not expected to encash caste as a cash cards from the common people. In old times, it was different. Leaders used to think beyond casts. In this particular case, political Maratha leaders like Suresh Dhas have glorified false and imaginary things which were not even mentioned in the post-mortem (PM) report of Sarpanch Deshmukh. In the winter session speech, he said, the eyes of Deshmukh were burnt with a lighter. He also said some goons in the mob might have peed in Deshmukh’s mouth when he was pleading for water before dying. These false narratives percolated have percolated among the mob like a wildfire. Who is accountable for the caste-based hate being spread in Maharashtra? Now the Zilla Parishad elections are imminent. No doubt the politicians will try and encash this caste based fragmentation. Despite the fact that there is a serious agrarian crisis here, none of our ‘leaders’ seems to pay heed to it.”

All of the accused in the Santosh Deshmukh murder case can be seen observing a particular lifestyle. They come from a lower or lower middle class family but possess vehicles like Scorpio with VIP numbers like 3333, 7777, 1010. They have a particular aesthetic with a lot of swag. They wear white linen or khadi clothes with very fragile egos on their sleeves. They like to flaunt gold ornaments. Addictions like Gutka, Maava, Pudi (tobacco) are very common, especially in Marathwada. From a very young age, distracted from academics, they start following some local or state level leader. The local level contractor-ship and extortion activities for the leaders are their main income source. Obviously most of them have a criminal background. On social media, especially on Facebook and Instagram, one can find thousands of accounts run by such Bhau, Dada or Anna. On Instagram they have thousands of followers. They keep making reels about their leader. For example, when Valmik Karad surrendered to CID, Vanjari Insta Reelstars made reels for him with these songs playing in background, “Bhetal java me gunhyaat, mala atak kara ho Punyaat” (As you will find me involved in some crime, just arrest me in Pune”). This song was originally written by Ajay Gaikwad for a Bailgada Sharyat Premi (Bullock cart racing lover Person) Pandhari Sheth Fadake. Sometimes they make romantic reels as well. In the time of political crisis, they start a virtual war supporting their leader. They keep trolling opposition leaders though statuses and reels.

This is the season of sugarcane cutting. The sugarcane workers keep migrating to West Maharashtra from Marathwada. I stopped at a temporary basti of some sugarcane workers on the Beed-Nagar road. The workers live in ‘Khopis’. These khopis are made out of dry shoots of sugarcane. The group of workers belonged to the SC Category (Scheduled Caste). They are the followers of Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar. While discussing the continuous outrages in Marathwada, these workers put their views bluntly. Neeta (Name has been changed to ensure anonymity)   says, “See, we are Ambedkarites. We have got the reservation as per the Indian Constitution. For a long time, In Maharashtra, upper castes like Maratha have looked at us as rivals. We deserve reservation. Maratha is a caste in Maharashtra which has been in political power continuously. If this is the reality, then who is to be blamed for this downfall of Marathas? Maratha leaders should be criticised for this and no other reservation-benefited castes.

Ram (Name has been changed to ensure anonymity) invited me for tea in his Khopi. He and his wife Seema have kept their one son back at their village. He studies in standard 10th. They have brought their elder son with them who will take his 12th exam in a few months. Seema has also brought her younger daughter with her. While making the tea on an earthen chulha (stove), Seema says, “Aamchya kashtachi sakhar aahe bagha he, bagha kasa lagatoy chaha…” (This sugar is made out of our own labour, see how the tea is flavoured” while adding sugar in the tea. Seema is concerned about the education of her children.

Ram says, “We are SC by caste, but as a sugarcane worker, we all worship our Lokneta (Leader of masses) Gopinath Munde (Former Union Minister for Rural Development and Panchayat Raj), who did revolutionary work for the sugarcane mazdoors (labourers) of all the castes and tribes. He is like a god for us despite his caste. But nowadays the environment of Maharashtra has got so toxic that most of the people are judging each other on the basis of caste. This is not going to lead us anywhere. As a state, we have got bigger problems to solve. As a sugarcane worker, I need to break this vicious cycle of migration and poverty within my family. I don’t want my next generation to do all this harsh labour.” I bid farewell to the khopi-residents as they needed to start the next day at 3 am and start for the sugarcane fields.

Fidel Chavan, CPI leader, is a lawyer at Beed district court. Fidel has an experience of making interventions in some of the path-breaking court cases. There is a windmill repairing centre at Massajog. The fins of the windmills are around 70 to 175 meters long. One needs to construct a runway to take these fins through the farming fields. The lands of the farmers have been taken on lease for this purpose.

One of the young leaders accused of extortion, I am told, is Sandeep Tandale. Tandale hails from a poor family but owns a Scorpio car. He leads a team of 10-12 small goons and pays each one 17-20 thousand rupees. And there are so many of such political goons all over the Beed District. Most of the more powerful political leaders have tamed such goons for their benefits. Both the parties share a mutual political and monetary benefit. I need to think twice before I speak nowadays. It was not like this before.’

Mitali Deshmukh (Name has been changed to ensure anonymity) works at a technology firm in Pune. She is back home in Beed for a few days, her native place. She expresses herself in a nervous voice, “Beed people are the best when it comes to maintaining friendships. But these days, we are getting trolled on the basis of which native place we belong to. Several WhatsApp group admins have limited their group settings for one way messaging only, ‘admins only’. All this is new for an educated, conscious social girl like me. I am upset to see this new, unwanted wave of division flowing through my beloved city. I have never discussed such dark things with my family ever. These are some exceptional, hard days. I hope they will pass soon”

Prakash Chavan is a senior journalist from Parli. He shares his experience of reporting on the Ash power nexus, “It was the year 1971.  A thermal power plant was constructed in Parli. Earlier no one knew the value of the ash which was the residue of the plant. There are two types of ash derived in the thermal power making process. One is dry ash (fly ash) and the other is bottom ash. This bottom ash is used for making bricks. Hence, the bottom ash has got a big market value in itself. This has given birth to many ‘Ash Mafias’ in Parli Taluka and Beed district. Along with this, there are many Sand Mafias in the same area. At Daudpur, there was a dam where all the ash was being dumped for a long time. People planted trees there. Some awards were also conferred on that project. But as the value of the ash was underlined over a course of time, things changed drastically. Same kind of ash-lake was there at Daabi as well. These Mafias illegally dug out all the ash five years ago. These mafias have vast political support which is what has made them both powerful and brazen about their acts.

Maratha was a capitalist caste when it comes to land, money and power. But in the last 30 years, Marathas have got stuck in an agrarian crisis. Basically, the struggle and articulations should be class based and not caste based. But the people in power need the fight to remain caste based as they are going to benefit from it without delivering structural change. Here, population wise, the Maratha is the most prominent caste but the power is in the hands of Vanjari caste. In India, one can sense the caste based scenario, that is, most of the times, the majoritarian caste overpowers other castes. Here, in Parli, population wise, the Maratha is the most prominent caste but the power is in the hands of Vanjari caste. That is one of the causes of political and social tensions which keep erupting constantly. In Ashti-Patoda, the Maratha caste overpowers Vanjaris.

I feel like this is the fight between large big elephants. They just don’t care about other ant-like castes and communities. I keep wondering what will be the future of micro-minorities now and over time. Now the newly elected state government in Maharashtra has completed three months but no one is in any mood to discuss real life issues. This is basically a fight to gain and save reservation. Parli has got three collages. But most of the school and college students prefer to migrate to Latur for their studies. What is the future of this city?”

One of the Dhangar youth expresses his feelings while the hunger strike of Maratha Leader Manoj Jarange has started once again at Antarwali Sarati (Dist Jalna). “All this hate against us OBC’s has been sowed purposefully so that the ‘crop of Maratha reservation can be harvested.’ There are political egos behind the murders and tension created in Beed district. We shall all be paying a price if we paint this murder of Santosh Deshmukh in the colour of caste. We, as OBC’s, have found our own voice, our own pathways now. I, as an OBC youth, have started feeling that Marathas have just used us, under the blanket of the term ‘Bahujan’. But now, we are enlightened enough to fight our own fight as OBCs and not as Bahujans.”

On the way back from Beed, I realise, there is a strong strain of identity politics in this region. Adverse geographical conditions, agrarian crisis, scarcity of quality education, lack of employment and development make this politics darker. Most of the trucks or dumpers could be seen carrying a strong identity of some Caste or a political leader. ‘Chatrapati’ (Maratha) ‘Jai Bhagwan’ (Vanjari), ‘Apna Bhidu Bachhu Kadu’ (Political leader Bacchu Kadu), ‘Hoy Hinduch!’ (Yes, I am a Hindu), Jai Bheem (Ambedkarites) are some of the popular and visible slogans. Among these slogans, the enormous fins of windmills also keep crossing the paths. This region keeps shouting, Caste is not a thing to be apologetic about! It’s a thing to be flaunted, to be encashed! For the politics of the vote bank, as well as for the politics of survival. Caste could be personal, but let’s not forget, personal is political!

(With special thanks to Ashok Abuj, Sukeshini Naikwade, Dyaneshwar Mauli Munde, Amol Waghmare, Mahadev Shinde, Fidel Chavan, Comrade Namdevrao Chavan, Keshav Waghmare, Dinkar Choure, Baban Wadmare, Prakash Chavan)

Part 1 may be read here.

Special Thanks to Adv. Pankaj Chavan 

All photos credit – Yogesh Bhausaheb Dhakne

(This is Part 2 of the ground report. The author is an independent journalist and can be reached at sharmishtha.2011@gmail.com)  

Related:

Special Report: ‘They came like monkeys; they came like Nazis.’ Ambedkari Bastis in Parbhani face the traumas of police brutality

Gruesome murder of Sarpanch Santosh Deshmukh in Beed triggers state-wide protests, political fallout in the ruling government, and rampant calls for justice

Massive all-party march in Parbhani demands justice for Dalit youth’s custodial death

The post Beed, Marathwada: A heady and dangerous mix of mafia-political nexus has tainted the social fabric appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Now, over five weeks ago, on December 9, 2024, a 44 year-old Sarpanch of Massajog village (Taluka Kej, district Beed) was brutally murdered by some goons. Walmik Karad, the prime accused, is also the accused in a Rs. 2 crore extortion case linked to this murder and –after vocal agitation –is currently finally undergoing 14 days judicial custody. There are MCOCA (Maharashtra Control of Organised Crime Act, 1999) charges against Karad who is also considered to be the right hand man of NCP minister Dhananjay Munde. The murdered Sarpanch was Maratha by caste and the other accused– as well as Walmik Karad- (including minister, Dhananjay Munde) belong to Vanjari caste (classified as an Other Backward Casre-OBC). Today, in Beed and Marathwada, the entire chain of events are being seen as a caste war. This incident of December 9, the murder of a loved Sarpanch has caused deep schisms and polarisation in Maharashtra. There are ongoing and consistent protests that refuse to be silenced. On a ground visit of Beed, Parli and Massajog, this journalist tried to understand the unfolding tensions in the air as also gauge the damages to the social fabric. 

As one enters Beed, Shivaji Chowk is one of the centres of the city. Right as we enter, at the corners of the imposing Chatrapati Shivaji Maharaj statue, the smiling photographs of Santosh Deshmukh can be seen hanging, signifying a vocal, not to be silenced cry for justice. Only days before, a march, ‘Samvidhan Bachao Morcha’ (‘Save the Constitution Rally’) had taken place. Such morchas, agitations and hunger strikes are not new to the struggling peoples and land of Marathwada.

Marathwada is a land of hardships. For the last 20 years, the agrarian crisis has gotten worse year after year. There are no big business projects, no major MIDCs (industrial development units), no mills which could fulfil the employment needs of the widely growing population. So, a major chunk of the young population tries hard for competitive and police services exams. There are, therefore, many, study centres at the district and Beed is no exception.

I went to one such study centre. One can easily sense the brewing anxiety amongst that group of 30-40 young girls and boys after a detailed discussion. All of them hail from small villages in the Beed district. A majority of these students belong to farmer families. We all had a heated discussion over reservation, law and order, the challenging events and the social-political future of Maharashtra. (Names have been changed to ensure anonymity)

According to Naresh, the occurrence of Maratha Morchas and the agitation for Maratha reservation was not this divisive or toxic before. Various social segments and castes, including Muslims supported the Marathas in their demand of reservation. As months progressed however, stances and speeches changed and became more radical. Maratha leaders like Manoj Jarange-Patil began targeting various OBC castes like the Mali, the Vanjaari. This is a purposeless turn of events as it achieves nothing constructive towards achieving the goal of Maratha reservation. Sheetal said, “We were brought up in an environment where we have friends from all castes. Our parents wanted me to be a broad minded and a rational Indian, always. But now, times are changing and that too, rapidly. Due to such prevalent tensions, many students have fled back to their native villages. Group-ism among the young has increased considerably. Not all, but some of my friends have started keeping a distance from me. This is reflective on the display status’ they flaunt on WhatsApp or Instagram. They keep posting and sharing particular things on Facebook. To say this out clearly, they have started to participate virtually in the war being fought between the Maratha and the Vanjari castes. They keep admiring their leaders along with trolling voices or leaders from the ‘opposite’ caste. Sometimes they use abusive language for the people who differ with their opinion. YouTube channels keep morphing the content as per their own limited agenda. Put together, these things are creating a deep impact on people, the masses. ”

Pratik belongs to the Maratha caste. He clearly expresses himself by saying, “My brothers and I are from the Maratha community and live deeply affected by poverty caused by the agrarian crisis. In my village, a large number of youth are frustrated. No good education, no employment. We are struggling to find a bridegroom as well. We need our share, we need reservation. We don’t find any answer to our unending problems except in the demand for reservation. If the central government is not able to give us any reservation, then it should also cancel the reservations of all the other castes. Why doesn’t the government give the facilities on an economic basis rather than on a caste basis?” Some of his friends nod their heads in agreement.

Anmol and some of his friends have a different view. They say, “We believe that one should keep a distance from politicians and their blind followers if one wants to be a successful person in life, acquiring a post or rank in government services. When it comes to gundaraaj and terror of some political baahubalis (mobsters), we believe that it is our fear makes them more influential. So, we should not keep being afraid of them. This is the same with politicians, they need us, and we don’t need them. We should use our voting power consciously. And if you ask us about reservation, government sectors are rapidly getting privatised. What then is the use of this reservation?”

After bidding farewell to these future government officers, I met Balu with his friends at a small Chai Thela. All of them are drivers in the intercity transport line. Balu and his friends try to tap my caste at first by saying, “Parli has become a different caste now. There is a blunt and subtle discrimination against us when we go to Pune, Mumbai or even Aurangabad. There are very few opportunities here in Marathwada, especially Beed. So people are forced to migrate from Beed to bigger cities. I am afraid this will lead to some sort of anarchy.”

Balu’s friend Rehman is a Muslim. Starting in a low but firm tone, Rehman pours out his heart, “We, as Muslims, have been the victims of religious discrimination. We can very much relate toh this grief –and hatred–caused by caste and region faced by my friends. I feel like now, similar to Muslims, many others people are sailing in the same boat, facing prejudices while accessing jobs or a home on rent. Meanwhile another friend of theirs, Shubham Gite, showed us a recent video which went viral on Instagram some weeks ago. This video shows a Vanjari sugarcane worker alleged being beaten by some men because of reportedly belonging to that caste. This video continues to be circulated widely on social media.

Black Scorpios and Fortuners (models of cars) keep passing alongside as one walks around on the streets of Beed city and district. Most of these vehicles possess VIP number-plates. Meanwhile Beed is a district known for its sugarcane workers who keep migrating to West Maharashtra in every season. Another dark identities of Beed are its drought driven agrarian crisis & considerable numbers of Atrocities on SC & ST community.

Dinkar Choure is one of the shopkeepers in Beed city. He was affiliated with AISF (All India Students Federation) in his student days. He had worked closely with sugarcane workers for a long time. Choure has a prominent question for politicians of Maharashtra. He asks, “Why do the politicians keep trying all the experiments here in our Marathwada alone? There was a time when Peshwai Yuva Manch Adhiveshan (seminars) were impacting the minds of thousands. Later there was a wave of Maratha Morchas which have changed their form now. I am sure that Marathwada has become an experiment lab for politicians. There are so many people here, living without aim or direction, due to lack of opportunities and employment. There hasn’t been any major government recruitment or any MHADA or MIDC project (industrial parks) initiated for the past several years here in Beed district. Our sugarcane workers have kept migrating to West Maharashtra for so many years. Beed got its electricity in 1985 and West Maharashtra got it in 1960. Isn’t this symbolic enough?

So, the frustration and anger keeps boiling in their young, raw mind. It is these emotions that allow young persons to become, at a call, part of a mob. Who understands this mob psychology better than politicians? One can decipher the traces of this motivated politics visibly on the ground, but few people realise that the politics brewing beneath this outer layer is even more dangerous.

We, as Marathwadis, have been losing and sacrificing so many things since the Nizam rule. The world knows that we got our freedom one year later on September 17, 1948. Today, decades later, we have nothing to lose but our land. Hence, the land acquisition for the Green Energy windmills project has now become a cash cow for businesses here in Beed district. Land which hardly commandeered Rs 10 lakhs was recently sold for 40 lakhs. This business is going to destroy the land capital of Marathas over the years but no one is serious about all this. Everyone just wants to be the ultimate leader of the Marathas. This is the only, narrow fight going on.

Though not dire, some people have already become selective while choosing a hotel or a shop in some small towns and villages. Several victims of the Maratha-OBC fight are among students and government officials. The environment in the school-collages and various government offices is getting more polluted with casteism day by day.”

One of the citizens in a tea stall anonymously told me that the colleges in the city have also allegedly got divided in the Maratha-OBC cold war. Balbheem College is mainly of the Maratha caste and the KSK College is being chosen by most of the OBC students over the past few years.

Baban Wadmare is an Ambedkarite activist. He has experienced the socio-political melting pot of Beed very closely. Wadmare was working in the State Transport Department and has recently opted for voluntary retirement. While talking about the political character of Beed, he says, “Beed has been a broad-minded district for decades. Babasaheb Paranjape, Kesharkaku Kshirsagar, Gangadhar Appa Burande, Rajanitai Patil and Babanrao Dhakne were the MLAs who got elected, in the past, from Beed. All of them belonged to different castes. The case of Babanrao Dhakne is even more interesting. He was a Vanjari and hailed from a different geographical region that is Ahmednagar district. But this now feels like a dream. Most people are behaving suspiciously with each other. No doubt there are exceptions, but in some cases I have seen people even cutting off friendships while arguing about Maratha reservation and the current Massajog issue. The tea-stalls, Paan-Beedi shops, barber saloons are the social addas (hang-out places) in India. In Beed these addas (places) are a centre for heated arguments. In this not so normal environment, Dalit & Muslims and micro-minorities are apprehensive, afraid. Muslims were earlier supporting Marathas, they even distributed water to the Maratha Morchas (agitations), but now they have backed out as Maratha Morchas have become toxic and the leaders are spreading hatred against specific castes.

While going from Beed to Massajog, I stopped at a tea stall. There was a prominent board with the name of the stall and photos of Bhagwan Baba (A respected saint & activist from the Vanjari caste) and Gopinath Munde (former Union Minister of India). With his worldly wisdom, within no time, Garje, the stall owner, sensed that I am not a native person, and I might be a journalist. After offering the tea, he spontaneously started a conversation. Garje was telling me that allegedly Maratha quota leader Manoj Jarange once stopped at his tea stall but as soon as he sensed that the stall was being run by a person of the Vanjari community, he suddenly asked his teammates to get up and then they together left from there. Garje continued to express himself, “You know, I am originally from Pathardi (Nagar dist) There I have voted for Monika Tai Rajale, who is a Maratha. Pratap Kaka Dhakne, who is a Vanjari, was defeated, stood against her. This is Maharashtra, beyond caste consciousness. We are common people, we need a work-oriented MLA, that’s it. As a common man, my life is already full of hardships, I am no more interested in these tug of wards between politicians. People like Jarange keep spreading hatred within Marathas against us OBCs. But being a Maratha Leader, I will say, Jarange has united OBCs more than Marathas. He has shown us the importance of being together in these toxic times. We should actually thank Jarange for this.

Massajog is a village with 3-4 thousand population with Maratha being a prominent caste along with some OBCs and SC families. Massajog, famous for its matki-poha dish, is situated on NH 348 highway. The economy of the village survives on the income of small shops and hotels along with farming. Now the village is in the national headlines because of the brutal murder of 44 year old sarpanch, Santosh Deshmukh, on December 9.

The village is experiencing a drama much like the ‘Peepli Live’ movie due to the overwhelming presence of media, visible for the whole month of December. When I went to Deshmukh’s home in the evening, all the women, including his wife Ashwini and mother Shardabai were sitting near his photo. One can sense that some pooja rituals had been concluded just a while ago. Shardabai says, “I want justice as soon as possible, nothing else. Hang the culprits till death. My son was the blue eyed boy for the whole village. He was admired by numerous government officials for the developmental work he was doing in Massajog.

Sudarshan Deshmukh is one of the relatives of the Sarpanch. Sudarshan says, “The criminal offenses registered in our village since the last 10 years are less than 2%. Massajog is known for its admirable work in sanitation & water supply. Our village was active during the Maratha Morchas from the start. As a village we have always been united.

Dhananjay Deshmukh, Sarpanch Santosh’s brother, was sitting in a temporary canopy where a photo of Santosh has been kept, decorated with flowers. Dhananjay, with some of the villagers, was getting ready to start for Aantarwali Sarati. Before that, I was able to have a short talk with him. Deshmukh proudly talks about the legacy of his brother Santosh. He says, “My brother has been elected as vice-president (upsarpanch) of the Massajog Gram Panchayat. Then for the second term, his wife Ashwini was the (president) Sarpanch. Then, for this third term, he became the President (Sarpanch), two years ago.

Our family is originally from Barshi (Dist. Dharashiv). A few generations ago, our family migrated from Barshi to Massajog due to drought conditions. My brother and his wife were literally the icons for the villagers. Police should have taken the atrocity complaint of the scheduled caste (SC) watchman who was beaten by the same goons who then killed my brother Santosh. This would have prevented the further tragedy. Now the whole village has united to demand justice for their beloved Sarpanch. We are wishing that this all hooliganism should forever stop soon. I can feel the tensions in the air, that just one mistake of mine can lead to some anarchy. That is why I am more than alert while reacting to any developments. The whole village is with us but we are not in any mood to show muscle power. As a family, we want a democratic justice.

The mother of Santosh Deshmukh, Shardabai, was in deep grief. After a while, she managed to talk to me while some women wiped her tears. “Maza sonyasarkha lekru gela. Navra aani lek nasal tar baichya jagnyala kay arth asto sanga…. He jyanni kelay tyanna fashi dya tarch santosh cha aatma shant hoil. (My beloved son is now no more. Without a husband and a son, the life of any woman is in vain. The goons responsible for my son’s murder should be hanged till death. Then only his soul will rest in peace.)”

One of the villagers told me, “We have lost our dear first man of the village. As that dreadful news came, not a single person cooked anything in their kitchen. Whole village was mourning in grief. Hotel owners kept the hotels closed for eight consecutive days. Isn’t this exceptional?”

While going from Massajog to Parli, I stopped at a tea stall at Kej. Suleman Bhai (name changed to ensure anonymity) runs the stall. This is where Santosh Deshmukh used to sit with his friends and colleagues. While sharing memories of Deshmukh, Suleman Bhai says, “He was a soft spoken and humble person. He has always worked hard for the betterment of his village. I strongly feel that the home minister should be held accountable for all this. Maharashtra is a state with law and order. No caste should overpower other castes in a democracy. Some people are really afraid these days, I have observed this while running my tea stall here. This is not an ideal situation in our democratic country. The people behind all this tragedy do not belong to any caste or religion. They are just sworn to power. However no person in power remains always in in power. This is the only truth. Minorities are being forced to live in a vulnerable condition today. Politics is just a game played by a few goons.”

On social media, virtually, one can witness the clashes between the young generation over the changing image of Beed and Parli. In one social media posts, a young boy outside Parli posted a mile-stone signboard of Parli Town and asked, ‘Shall I proceed or go back?’ In the same post, while commenting, several social-media users from Beed and Parli have expressed their deep anguish. Some of them logically expressed themselves by saying that a handful of people can’t decide the character of any city. Many of the users even abused that person for bad-naming their city. One can find such posts revolving around Beed and Parli with heated arguments in the comment box these days.

Parli Vaijnath is the second largest city in the Beed district when it comes to population. It is the birth place of Gopinath Munde. The city is famous for religious reasons. As one of the 12 Jyotirlingas of Shiva, Vaijanath is situated in Parli, the pilgrims from across India keep visiting the ancient temple. Nowadays, it is in headlines for different reasons.

Sunil (name changed to ensure anonymity) is a politician from Parli. He enjoys a large circle of friends which is a mix of diverse classes and castes. I went for a small tea party with Sunil and his friends. With a sarcastic tone, they started like, “We believe that the main profession in Parli is of people keeping alive heated discussions about politics with a cup of tea. If you ask us about Parli, this is a land which believes in the personality cult phenomenon. And this has its inevitable consequences.

One of Sunil’s friends says, Beed and Parli themselves have become a different caste now. When it comes to this geographical area, we are being treated as kind of ‘untouchables’. People outside Beed have already started treating us differently. Memes, sarcastic comments and jokes are enjoyable to a certain extent. There comes a time, however, when this hurts.

(To be continued)

(This is part one of the ground report. The author is an independent journalist and can be reached at sharmishtha.2011@gmail.com)

Images: Yogesh Bhausaheb Dhakne

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The protesters voiced demands for rehabilitation of the families affected by these incidents, especially Somnath Suryavanshi’s family, and called for the dismissal of high-ranking officials allegedly involved in covering up the cases. This protest, which started in Parbhani on the evening of January 17, follows weeks of growing tension in Marathwada over caste-related issues, with the protests intensifying in recent weeks due to the escalating violence and the perceived injustice in both incidents.

Samata Sainik Dal (Parbhani) is organizing a long march from Parbhani to Mumbai.

The main demand of this march is that when will the family of martyr Somnath Suryavanshi die/be murdered in police custody and due to the delay in this case, when will justice be given to his family… pic.twitter.com/km0agJjO2T

— हेमंत भाऊ (@NetaClix) January 17, 2025

Scheduled long March in Jalna district and Parbhani to Mumbai

From January 21 to 25, 2025, a significant long march will take place in Jalna District, aiming to raise awareness about the brutal murders of Somnath Suryavanshi and Santosh Deshmukh. The march will begin at Watur Phata, Watur, and will conclude at Badnapur.

Notably, the protesters from Parbhani have organized a long march from Parbhani to Mumbai in response to the recent incident and the ongoing atrocities against Dalits and killing of Santosh and Somnath.

Violence and tensions after Dalit youth dies in custody, following Constitution replica vandalism

The tension in Parbhani boiled over after an incident involving the vandalism of a constitution replica on December 10, 2024. As per eyewitnesses, the incident was allegedly carried out by Sopan Pawar, a 45-year-old Maratha man. This act triggered protests from Dalit groups and Ambedkarite organizations, with the Vanchit Bahujan Aaghadi (VBA) party playing a pivotal role in mobilizing the crowds.

The following day, a “Parbhani Bandh” (strike) was declared, which, while initially peaceful, later descended into chaos. Protesters clashed with the police, leading to multiple vehicles being torched and property being damaged. According to the police, they arrested 50 people involved in the unrest, among them Somnath Suryavanshi, a 35-year-old Dalit youth. Suryavanshi, who had been detained during the protests, later died in judicial custody on December 15 due to what was reported as “shock following multiple injuries” reported Frontline.

His death has sparked outrage, with many accusing the police of brutality. According to local sources, Suryavanshi’s mother, Vijaya, claimed that her son had been beaten by the police, leading to his death. Her claims were substantiated by a postmortem report, which confirmed external injuries. However, the police have denied allegations of abuse, stating that Suryavanshi’s death was due to natural causes.

Dalit groups have condemned the police’s treatment of protesters, especially the manner in which Dalit youth were targeted. Prakash Ambedkar, leader of the VBA, demanded an investigation into the police’s role, highlighting the ongoing issues of caste discrimination. He was quoted as saying, “The real battle for equality is still being fought, and we must ensure justice for every oppressed community.”

Dalit and political outrage over Police brutality and murder in Parbhani and Beed

Several political parties and social organizations are raising their voices in protest over the death of Somnath Suryavanshi in judicial custody and the kidnapping and subsequent murder of Santosh Deshmukh, the Maratha Sarpanch in Beed. According to Dalit groups, the police’s crackdown on protesters in Parbhani was disproportionately harsh, with claims of excessive use of force against Dalit youth and women.

In response to the incidents, the Matang Ekta Andolan and Republican Party of India (RPI) staged protests in Pune, demanding an independent inquiry into the events. As per sources, the police have been accused of carrying out violent search operations, targeting individuals without any solid evidence of involvement in unlawful activities.

Further compounding the unrest was the murder of Deshmukh, which escalated tensions between the Maratha and OBC communities. According to reports, Vishnu Chate, the alleged kidnapper and murderer, belongs to the Vanjari OBC community, and the growing friction over reservation issues has deepened the divide between caste groups.

The tragic events in Parbhani and Beed have led to an outpouring of support for both families involved, with political leaders from across Maharashtra rallying behind the victims. Prakash Ambedkar, addressing the media, drew parallels between these incidents and the historical struggles against discrimination, notably the Koregaon Bhima battle, marking over 200 years of ongoing battles for equality.

Struggle for equality in Beed and Parbhani echoes historical caste struggles

Prakash Ambedkar, while commemorating the 207th anniversary of the Koregaon Bhima battle, linked the present-day struggles in Parbhani and Beed to the ongoing battle for equality in India. As per Ambedkar’s statement, despite the long history of caste discrimination, the incidents in Parbhani and Beed reveal that the struggle for social justice and equality is far from over.

Ambedkar cautioned the Maharashtra government about the sensitive handling of the Beed murder case, which has been cast in a Maratha versus Vanjari OBC context. He stressed the importance of avoiding further division and ensuring that justice prevails for all communities involved. Meanwhile, Chandrashekhar Azad of Bhim Army visited Parbhani to meet Suryavanshi’s family and vowed to continue the protests to expose the government’s failures in addressing the plight of Dalits and marginalized communities.

These events have thrown the spotlight on the persistent caste fault lines in Maharashtra, exacerbated by the government’s handling of these incidents. The continuing unrest calls for a deeper introspection into the state’s caste politics and its impact on the marginalized sections of society, reported Times of India.

Massive all-party march in Parbhani over Beed sarpanch’s murder

According to reports, a massive all-party march was organized in Parbhani, Maharashtra, demanding a thorough and unbiased investigation into the murder of Santosh Deshmukh, the sarpanch of Massajog village in Beed district. The protest also targeted the state’s food and civil supplies minister, Dhananjay Munde, who stands accused of shielding Walmik Karad, the alleged mastermind of the murder. Karad surrendered to the police just days prior, adding fuel to the fire of political and caste tensions.

The march, which saw a turnout of thousands, included elected representatives, political leaders, and Maratha community organizations. It marks the second major protest following Deshmukh’s murder. The previous protest on December 28, 2024, in Beed had also garnered massive support, with around 50,000 participants. The Parbhani march was attended by influential figures from both ruling and opposition parties, underlining the political ramifications of the crime.

As per the march organizers, the demands were clear: an impartial investigation, punishment for the politically powerful individuals behind the crime, and the immediate resignation of Dhananjay Munde. BJP MLA Suresh Dhas, speaking at the rally, argued that Munde was deeply involved in a multi-crore crop insurance scam in the region, which he claimed had far-reaching implications.

The murder of Santosh Deshmukh, a Maratha leader, has been exacerbated by the caste dynamics at play. Karad, the primary accused, hails from the Vanjari community, an OBC group, and this has sparked a war of words between Maratha and OBC factions in the region. As per the leaders present at the protest, the case is symptomatic of a larger political crisis within Maharashtra’s power structure.

Panel formed for Judicial probe into Beed Sarpanch’s murder and Parbhani protester’s custodial death

In response to mounting public outrage, the Maharashtra Government has appointed two judicial committees to probe significant incidents in Beed and Parbhani. A single-member panel, led by retired High Court Judge M.L. Tahaliyani, has been established to investigate the murder of Sarpanch Santosh Deshmukh in Beed district. The violence that led to Deshmukh’s murder sparked intense political and social unrest, prompting the state to initiate the judicial inquiry.

Additionally, the government has appointed retired Judge V.L. Achliya to investigate the custodial death of Dalit protester Somnath Suryavanshi in Parbhani. The investigation will assess the role of law enforcement, examine the handling of the protests, and determine if there were any lapses in maintaining public order.

As per report, both inquiries aim to hold accountable those responsible for the incidents and evaluate the preparedness of local authorities.

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The post Massive all-party march in Parbhani demands justice for Dalit youth’s custodial death appeared first on SabrangIndia.

According to police investigations, local NCP leader Vishnu Chate had demanded ₹2 crore from the energy company, threatening to disrupt its operations. When Deshmukh intervened to protect the company, he was targeted. Reports indicate that he was forcibly dragged into an SUV in broad daylight, assaulted for hours, and his lifeless body was later dumped on a road near his village.

Chate and three others have been arrested in connection with the crime. However, one of the key accused, Walmik Karad, an alleged close associate of NCP minister Dhananjay Munde, remains at large. This has intensified public outrage, with calls for Munde’s resignation and Karad’s immediate arrest. His daughter, Vaibhavi Deshmukh, made a heartfelt appeal for justice, stating, “My father gave his life trying to save someone from the Dalit community. He stood for justice, and now we demand the same for him.”

December 28, 2024: The Aakrosh morcha

The murder and subsequent protest have exposed fault lines within Maharashtra’s political landscape. NCP (Sharad Pawar faction) president Sharad Pawar and Congress leader Rahul Gandhi previously visited Deshmukh’s family, expressing solidarity. Gandhi linked the case to a larger pattern of threats to constitutional values. Shiv Sena (UBT) leader Uddhav Thackeray announced plans to visit Beed and Parbhani in early January to meet the families of both Deshmukh and another victim, Somnath Suryavanshi.

On December 28, the “Aakrosh Morcha” (March of Anger) in Beed brought together thousands of people, including legislators from both the ruling MahaYuti alliance and the opposition Maha Vikas Aghadi. The protest was a rare show of unity among political rivals, alongside activists, social leaders, and members of the Maratha community, all demanding justice for Deshmukh and his family.

Prominent figures at the rally included Maratha quota activist Manoj Jarange-Patil, Chhatrapati Sambhaji Raje, BJP MLAs Suresh Dhas and Abhimanyu Pawar, NCP MLAs Prakash Solanke and Sandeep Kshirsagar, and NCP (Sharad Pawar faction) leader Jitendra Awhad. Anti-corruption activist Anjali Damania and social activist Dr. Jyoti Mete also joined the protest.

During the rally, Deshmukh’s daughter, Vaibhavi, made an emotional plea, saying, “My father gave his life for justice. He was doing social work and stood for the rights of the people. Now, we demand the same justice for him. Please ensure no one meets a similar fate.”

The murder has led to intense political scrutiny, with accusations of corruption and complicity being levelled against senior politicians. As per multiple media reports, speakers at the protest sharply criticised the government’s alleged inaction. BJP MLA Abhimanyu Pawar declared, “If the accused are not arrested soon, these protests will spread across Maharashtra. Justice cannot wait.” NCP MLA Prakash Solanke demanded that Munde step down, asserting, “To ensure an impartial investigation, Munde must resign until the accused are convicted.”

The protest also saw serious allegations against Munde, who is under scrutiny for his alleged links to the crime. BJP MLA Suresh Dhas accused Munde of winning the Parli Assembly seat using fraudulent means, including bogus votes. Dhas also alleged that Munde’s associate, Karad, controlled key administrative decisions in Beed in exchange for bribes. “Files were cleared only after payments of ₹40 lakh, with ₹9 lakh going directly to Karad,” he claimed. In response, Maharashtra BJP chief Chandrashekhar Bawankule cautioned against public statements that could hinder the investigation, urging Dhas to share evidence directly with Chief Minister Fadnavis.

In addition to this, BJP MLA Suresh Dhas alleged that Karad and his “Akka-boss” (a veiled reference to Munde) are linked to a ₹900-crore money laundering operation tied to the Mahadev online betting scandal. This amount, reportedly transferred from Beed, has connections extending as far as Malaysia. Dhas demanded a thorough investigation by the Enforcement Directorate (ED), highlighting the government’s double standards in investigating financial crimes.

Meanwhile, the proliferation of gun licences in Beed has also drawn scrutiny. Social activist Anjali Damania pointed out that Beed has issued 1,222 gun permits, far exceeding neighbouring districts like Parbhani, which has only 32. Damania has called for an investigation into how so many licences were approved and whether political recommendations played a role in enabling the district’s alarming weaponisation.

Chhatrapati Sambhaji Raje expressed deep concern about the deteriorating law and order in Beed. “The district has been in the grip of criminals for years. The government must act decisively to restore justice,” he said. Sambhaji Raje also criticised the district administration for issuing over 1,200 gun licences, alleging that even the minister flaunted weapons in public.

As per the Hindustan Times, Maratha quota activist Manoj Jarange-Patil warned of state-wide agitation if the government failed to act decisively. “If those shielding the accused are not exposed, the Maratha community will not remain silent. The government must ensure justice, no matter how powerful the accused are,” he said.

December 27, 2024: Protest in Latur

On Friday, December 27, 2024, thousands gathered in Latur to demand justice for the brutal murder. The demonstration, fuelled by public outrage and organised by the Sakal Maratha Samaj, underscored mounting pressure on the ruling Mahayuti government to act against those responsible for the crime, including Karad. Protesters alleged that Karad played a key role in orchestrating the murder.

The march commenced at Sane Guruji Vidyalaya and proceeded to the tehsildar’s office, where a memorandum listing key demands was submitted to local authorities. These demands included the swift arrest of all accused individuals, justice for Deshmukh’s grieving family, and the resignation of Minister Munde, whose links to Karad have drawn intense scrutiny. The rally, which stretched over a kilometre, drew people from various walks of life, all united in their call for action against what they saw as a failure of law enforcement.

Santosh Deshmukh’s teenage daughter, Vaibhavi, became a focal point of the said protest, delivering an emotional plea to the crowd. Fighting back tears, she thanked the participants for their support and urged them to stand by her family in their pursuit of justice. “You all know what happened to my father. He was brutally murdered. I ask you to remain with us and ensure justice is done,” she said, her voice resonating with the pain and determination shared by the crowd.

Addressing the gathering, Vaibhavi shared the immense loss and anguish her family has endured since her father’s death. “The pain of losing him is unbearable. My father was a man of principles who always stood for justice. We will not rest until those who did this to him are held accountable. I consider all of you part of our family now, and together, we must ensure this never happens to anyone again,” she declared, her words drawing applause and chants of solidarity.

The protesters criticised the slow pace of the investigation and the alleged shielding of powerful individuals involved in the case. They also called for systemic reforms to prevent such crimes in the future, urging the government to demonstrate its commitment to justice. The protest served as a prelude to an even larger demonstration planned in Beed, reflecting the growing anger among the public over the state’s failure to provide security and justice for its citizens.

Beed’s crime wave and Santosh Deshmukh’s murder

Shiv Sena (UBT) leader Sanjay Raut has launched a scathing attack on Maharashtra Chief Minister and Home Minister Devendra Fadnavis over the deteriorating law-and-order situation in Beed district, which has witnessed 38 murders in 2024 alone. Talking to the media, Raut accused Fadnavis of failing in his duties as Home Minister, suggesting he was protecting influential figures connected to the crime. Specifically, Raut pointed to Walmik Karad as the alleged mastermind behind Deshmukh’s murder. Despite being named in an extortion case linked to the incident, Karad has not been apprehended, fuelling allegations of political interference. “If the public believes the real culprit is being shielded, it tarnishes the reputation of the Home Minister,” Raut declared, adding that such a scenario is “unlikely to happen without political blessings.”

Raut also criticised the proliferation of firearms in Beed, where young men are reportedly seen flaunting weapons and uploading videos to intimidate locals. “What kind of generation are we building? Guns and pistols are used for extortion and killings, all under the patronage of powerful leaders,” he remarked, as per the Indian Express.

Ministers have rallied against Fadnavis, accusing him of incompetence and a failure to deliver justice for Deshmukh’s grieving family. BJP MLA Suresh Das accused Munde and his associate Walmik Karad of illegally acquiring land belonging to the Banjara tribal community under the guise of charitable trust development.

Brief background of the case

Deshmukh, a well-respected sarpanch who served for 15 years, was abducted in broad daylight on December 9, 2024. Witnesses reported that he was forced into a black Scorpio vehicle and tortured for three hours before succumbing to severe injuries. His body was discarded near his village, with a post-mortem revealing death from haemorrhage and shock due to multiple injuries. Deshmukh, survived by his elderly parents, wife, and two children aged 13 and 17, had recently opposed an extortion racket allegedly operated by local NCP leaders. His brother, Dhananjay, claimed that the perpetrators sought to silence Deshmukh to set an example. He stated that his brother was killed for attempting to stop the illegal extortion business the accused were running.

As per a report of the Indian Express from their visit to the village where the incident took place, a pandal had been set up beside a local temple, where Deshmukh’s brother, Dhananjay, sat on the ground, receiving visitors who came to offer condolences. A garlanded photo of Deshmukh rested on a table with a Marathi inscription reading: “Nyay pahije” (justice is needed), and another poster in the village boldly stated, “Aamcha rajala nyay pahije” (justice for our king). Villagers spoke of Deshmukh’s unwavering commitment to his community. Mihi More, a 70-year-old resident, described him as someone who helped anyone in need without caring about the benefits of his position as sarpanch. His sole focus, she said, was the development of the village, which is why he held the post for 15 years.

Dhananjay, Deshmukh’s brother, firmly believes that the murder was orchestrated because Deshmukh had attempted to stop an extortion racket being run by the accused. “They wanted to set an example through my brother,” he said. Meanwhile, Deshmukh’s elder daughter, Vaibhavi, who is in class 12, voiced her demand for swift justice and announced her participation in an all-party protest planned in Beed.

The case, initially handled by a Special Investigation Team (SIT), has now been transferred to the Maharashtra State CID. Chief Minister Fadnavis has ordered the confiscation of properties belonging to the accused and the cancellation of gun licences for those found flaunting weapons in public. He emphasised that no political connections would protect the perpetrators.

Meanwhile, the police have arrested four individuals, including Vishnu Chate, but Karad’s continued evasion of law enforcement has fuelled public outrage. The investigation has now been handed over to the Maharashtra State CID to ensure a thorough and impartial probe. Deputy Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis assured the legislature that no political affiliations would shield the culprits, promising swift and decisive action.

This incident has become a flashpoint in Maharashtra, exposing cracks in the political and judicial systems while rallying citizens and leaders alike in a collective demand for justice. The growing unrest underscores the public’s frustration with perceived inaction and impunity for those in positions of power. This high-profile case, also with layers of caste-based violence, continues to resonate across Maharashtra, with demands for accountability, an impartial probe, and systemic reforms to prevent such tragedies in the future. For the people of Beed, Santosh Deshmukh’s murder is not just a crime but a symbol of the fight against corruption, extortion, and impunity.

CM Fadnavis’s response amidst mounting pressure

Under mounting pressure, Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis assured the assembly that Karad, already booked under the Maharashtra Control of Organised Crimes Act (MCOCA), would face murder charges if evidence supports his involvement. Fadnavis also transferred the Beed superintendent of police, acknowledging lapses in handling the case.

Minister Munde, facing growing scrutiny, has denied involvement and labelled the accusations as a politically motivated campaign to tarnish his image. Speaking to reporters, he reiterated his demand for the accused to be “hanged to death” and accused the media of conducting a trial aimed at politically “finishing him off.” Despite his denials, the controversy has intensified, with opposition leaders and activists questioning his alleged role in shielding Karad and others implicated in the extortion racket. Notably, Karad holds influential positions in Beed, serving as a group leader in Parli Nagar Parishad, president of the Ladki Bahin Yojana, and as a member of the Beed district planning committee. Both Karad and Chate had been named in an extortion FIR filed just days before Deshmukh’s murder.

Related:

Special Report: ‘They came like monkeys; they came like Nazis.’ Ambedkari Bastis in Parbhani face the traumas of police brutality

State-sanctioned brutality? Dalit communities targeted in Parbhani “combing operations”, women, children abused

Protests rage in Parbhani after Dalit activist dies in custody, allegations of police torture

The post Gruesome murder of Sarpanch Santosh Deshmukh in Beed triggers state-wide protests, political fallout in the ruling government, and rampant calls for justice appeared first on SabrangIndia.

This complaint has been filed at Dindrud police station in Majalgaon tehsil of Beed district, alleges that officials at the Pune and Colaba Met Department “colluded” with manufacturers and caused losses of lakhs of rupees to farmers who sowed their fields based on the IMD forecast.

Gangabhishan Thaware, 54, a farmer from Anandgaon village in Beed district and a complainant, said IMD officials misled farmers with a forecast that said there would be ample rain during the kharif season in June and July. “Farmers sowed their fields based on the IMD forecast, but after a brief initial spell, there has been no rain and farmers are staring at a bleak future. The sowing operations having gone waste,” Mr. Thaware said.  In the complaint, he has added, “Farmers in our region completed pre-sowing operations before June, based on the IMD forecast which said there will be ample rains in June and July. They spent lakhs of rupees on seeds, fertilisers, pesticides and labourers wages. But it hasn’t rained since. IMD officials and seed and fertiliser companies who colluded and gave an inflated monsoon forecast are responsible for the plight of farmers and should be taken to task.” Mr. Thaware said farmers have also written to Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis seeking his intervention.

Dr. P.K. Nandankar, senior scientist, IMD, Pune said information they provide are advisories to the Central and State governments to aid the planning process. “It is up to citizens, including farmers, to interpret them. Every monsoon has a couple of dry spells, and our forecasts had made it clear that the usually arid Marathwada region is going through a dry patch.”

Dismissing the farmers’ allegations, Dr. Nandankar said newspapers had reported extensively on the dry spell in Marathwada. He added that IMD bulletins are sent to the State Department of Agriculture twice a week, and agricultural universities are updated through messages and alerts to help them advise farmers better.

“Our daily 30-page forecast bulletins are not region-specific and cover the whole country. Our short-range forecasts give approximate weather conditions over a five-day period. If we say, for instance, that Marathwada will receive 700 mm rainfall this monsoon as compared to its average 500 mm, we are not exaggerating but merely making a long-term prediction. It entirely depends on how people and farmers use this data,” he said.

An official at Majalgaon police station said they have received the farmers’ complaint and were looking into the matter.
 

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During her tour of three districts of Marathwada which are reeling under a severe drought, former Rajya Sabha and CPI(M)’s politbureau member, Brinda Karat found the Maharashtra government’s relief schemes woefully inadequate and the local administration lethargic. The result: Agricultural labourers as well as kisans (famers) are in deep distress.

Highlights of her findings:

• The publicised relief measures are in reality either non-existent or highly adequate.
• The government’s promise of providing 150 days of work under MGNREGA is just that: an empty promise.
• In one of the villages Karat visited, labourers had not been paid for 6 weeks. This in effect is pushing them into a debt trap.
• The acute drought has made the soil hard and stony. Because of the unrealistic schedule of rates, though the daily wages are pegged at Rs. 191 per day, no labourer is able to earn more than Rs. 125.
• With successive drought years, farmers are heavily in debt. Already in the first 100 days of the current year, 320 farmers have committed suicide. A majority of the farmers have yet to receive compensation for crop loss for the previous year. Instead of relief from government, farmers are receiving notices from banks adding to their trauma and despair.
• With water and fodder in short supply, desperate farmers have to sell off their cattle at half the price.
• Despite the publicity of water being supplied to villages by the administration, most of the water requirement is being met through private parties who are reaping huge profits.

In a memorandum submitted to the commissioner, Aurangabad, Karat has pointed to some urgent remedial measures. Here is the full text of her memorandum:
 
The Commissioner,
Aurangabad Division
 
Dear Shri Dangat ji,

The Kisan Sabha is holding a campaign on the issues of acute agrarian distress in the Marathwada region. As part of the campaign I had been to a number of villages, cattle fairs, cattle shelters and met approximately 200 kisans and agricultural and MNREGA workers from around  15-20 villages from the districts of Aurangabad, Beed and Jalna.

The Kisan Sabha will undoubtedly give you a comprehensive charter of demands in the coming days. Meanwhile, I would like to draw your urgent attention to the following issues. These are only related to the immediate short term issues which obviously have to be within the framework of a long term plan to deal with water scarcity, water conservation, forestry, etc:

1. The declared government schemes are not seen on the ground in large parts of the area and where they are in operation they are inadequate. The depth of the distress requires administrative measures in a mission mode to bring relief. Unfortunately this is not the case as the following examples show:

2. MGNREGA: I was told by the collector of Beed district that the number of workers on MGNREGA sites has increased from 10,000 to 55,000. However, in all the villages I had reports from there was no work available, not even for the large number of cane cutting migrant workers who have returned to their villages and are desperately looking for work. The government promise of providing 150 days of work is a mockery in the face of this reality.

Even assuming that the official records are all of real workers and not substantially "ghost" workers, as is being alleged by many of the workers seeking work, it is clearly inadequate. With no agricultural work available, the importance of MGNREGA cannot be overemphasised. I believe this requires much greater attention and monitoring to provide work on demand as mandated by the law. 

3. I met MGNREGA workers at the worksite in village Takarwan. They were wearing black ribbons on their wrists as a sign of protest since they have not been paid a single paisa since the work on the project started one and a half months ago. When I checked with the collector, he said that the funds were slow in coming but that it would be done shortly.

It is extreme callousness that in times of such distress wages for work completed are not paid forcing the workers into debt. This is an example of government created and driven debt. I would request you to ensure immediate payment as per the law.

4. The other critical issue on MGNREGA is the current schedule of rates. The soil has turned hard and stony. Yet the work norms are so high as to be impossible for any worker to fulfill. I was informed by the women workers that they have to dig and lift approximately 5,000 kilos of mud a day to reach the work norm for a minimum wage. This is the extent of the cruelty of the government to deprive the workers of the minimum wage. 

It is no surprise therefore that according to the measurement of work done, not a single worker is eligible for the full wage of Rs 191 but the average works out to around Rs 125. It is urgently required to ensure payment of the full wage and reduction of the SORs.

5. As far as kisans are concerned the urgent issue is that of immediate debt relief. Instead, banks are sending notices leading to further trauma and distress. As it is in this region till mid-April, the suicides this year are as high as 320.

Fruit growing kisans such as orange farmers stated that they have had to cut and burn their dried up trees for lack of water. In Beed district it was said that the compensation for crop loss of last year has still not been received by the vast majority of kisans. This again shows the absence of sensitivity on behalf of the government. It is essential to ensure debt relief as well as crop compensation on a war footing.

6. Distress sale of animals is a critical issue driven by debt as well as by the huge expenditure required to maintain the animals with no water availability and no fodder. In the cattle fair at Pachod in Paitha tehsil, Aurangabad, kisans were selling a pair of bullocks priced at Rs 70,000 for just Rs. 30,000-35,000. This is linked to the failure to provide water and cheap fodder.

There are two issues which need to be dealt with urgently. Firstly, the scheme for cattle shelters if implemented properly can be of great help. But these are far too inadequate in number. Also the government must directly run these shelters instead of handing them over to societies which are not being paid in time leading to further problems. Secondly, the amount of assistance does not cover the actual cost of maintaining the animal.

It was shocking to hear that of the amount of Rs 70 rupees to be disbursed per animal pay day,  Rs 8 was being cut by government for the projected price of the manure from each animal per day. This is perhaps the most bizarre approach which depicts the callousness of the government and should be removed and adequate expenditure provided.

7. While the government has publicised its efforts to provide water, in the areas I had visited the main supplies were provided by private  water companies. There were reports of a nexus between government suppliers and private companies.  In any case, it is a fact that the private water companies are making windfall profits, exploiting the desperate need of the people for minimum supplies of water which the government has utterly failed to provide, leaving the field open for private suppliers. There is no regulation or control over the prices being charged. This is an urgent issue which needs to be addressed by the administration.

These are a few of the issues which I wanted to bring to your attention. The deep distress is the region demands a much more comprehensive and mission approach which is sadly lacking.

Yours sincerely,
Brinda Karat

(Along with  colleagues in the Kisan Sabha and CPI(M) including comrades PS Ghadge,  Bhausaheb Zhirpe, B Potbhare and B Bhumbe).

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