Bengali Hindus | SabrangIndia News Related to Human Rights Thu, 05 Dec 2019 08:24:21 +0000 en-US hourly 1 https://wordpress.org/?v=6.2.2 https://sabrangindia.in/wp-content/uploads/2023/06/Favicon_0.png Bengali Hindus | SabrangIndia 32 32 EXCLUSIVE: BJP Govt plans to evict 70 lakh Muslims, 60 lakh Bengali Hindus through its Land Policy (2019) in Assam https://sabrangindia.in/exclusive-bjp-govt-plans-evict-70-lakh-muslims-60-lakh-bengali-hindus-through-its-land/ Thu, 05 Dec 2019 08:24:21 +0000 http://localhost/sabrangv4/2019/12/05/exclusive-bjp-govt-plans-evict-70-lakh-muslims-60-lakh-bengali-hindus-through-its-land/ Cong protests push back sinister plan through vociferous protests in the Assam assembly yesterday. Now the policy will be discussed in January or February 2020

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Assam

Guwahati, December 4, 2019: Assam’s Land Policy, 2019, framed by BJP-led government in Assam and tabled in the state assembly on November 28 (it was cleared by the Assam state cabinet on November 13) tribal belt and grazing lands and thereafter evict 13 million (130 lakhs) Indian citizens. Among these are 7 million (70 lakhs) Assamese Muslims and 6 million (60 lakhs) Bengali-speaking Hindu populations from the riverine, grazing and forest areas of the state. In furtherance of its overall ideological game plan to disenfranchise and invisibilise India’s minorities, the plot can be spotted in points 1.11 and 1.12 of the Land Policy 2019, exclusively sourced by Sabrangindia.

Plans were afoot to debate and pass the policy were stalled on December 4 until vociferous protests from the Congress members in the state assembly on Thursday (December4) thwarted the objectives of the treasury benches. These consistent protests compelled the treasury benches to retreat from their intent, for the time being. Two documents spearheaded under the present BJP run dispensation in the state, the Brahma committee report, 2017 and the tabled Land Policy-2019 provides for this land transfer. Without defining who the indigenous peoples of Assam are, deliberately excluding sections who have toiled in the state from the turn of the 20th century, both the Brahma Committee report followed by the Land Policy 2019 provide for a change of user of these lands. Lands in the tribal belt blocks and other government land (char riverine land) are proposed to be vacated and “re-distributed” among the other indigenous people of the state. Hence, about 70 lakh Assamese Muslims and 60 lakh Bengali-speaking Hindus face mass evictions and homelessness if the policy is allowed to be passed in the Assembly.

At present there are at least 35 lakhs of people living in char (riverine) area, out of them 95% are Muslim. They have no land pattas as once the river is washed away (and this is a regular phenomenon) their lands and their pattas (legal documents over the land) stand rejected. There is another 35 lakh strong Muslim population living in areas outside the riverine area but on government lands, periodic patta land or grazier (grazing) and forest lands. The population is marginal farming and fishing and lives a hand to mouth existence. Not only Assam’s Muslims but Bengali Hindus, who have been exclusively kept out of the preview of definition of ‘indigenous peoples’ in Assam will become vulnerable. Almost 60 lakhs Bengali Hindus, living in various refuge colonies established on grazing land, the tribal belt and blocks of the state will now face eviction.

Already hit and traumatized by the six year long exclusivist citizenship scrutiny process, under the NRC updating scheme, the poor sections of the Assamese people, Bengali speaking Hindus and Assamese and Bengali speaking Muslims now face the threat of a state driven eviction, bordering on invisibisation.

Both documents, the Brahma Committee Report, 2017 and the Land Policy, 2019 can be accessed below.
 

The Land Policy 2019 debated yesterday states

1.11. In permanent char areas settlement of land shall be made with the deserving landless indigenous person as per Land Policy. For this purpose, cadastral survey in char areas would be made on priority basis in a phased manner before such settlement in char area.

1.12. In case of temporary or semi permanent chars, the area fit for cultivation shall be determined and it will be considered for temporary use for the indigenous cultivators for agricultural purposed only for a particular agricultural cycle. (RDM-15023/7/2018-LS-REV/20, ECF No. 77629/2018/20 Revenue and Disaster Management Department, Dispur)

What transpired in the Assam Assembly yesterday

The much debated land policy, 2019 of Government of Assam was finalised by Revenue & Disaster Management Department on November 13, 2019 and was tabled in Assam Legislative Assembly on November 28, 2019. Though the session of the Assam state legislative assembly has been on every day since November 28, the opposition benches were silent on the issue until yesterday. Faced with grievances and protests from masses of people across the state, the opposition was finally compelled to take a stand on the contentious Land Policy-2019.

Strong opposition to the proposed Land Policy was raised in the assembly just after question hour, by a member of Congress legislature party, Sherman Ali Ahmed as a point of order. Referring to the issue, Sherman Ali Ahmed said, “Land Policy- 2019, mentions land allocation only for “indigenous peoples”. The definition of indigenous people has not been, so far, finalised (excluding toiling populations of Muslim/Hindu and Bengali origin). Without this definition in place, the Land Policy- 2019 has been repeatedly made mention of the fact that the ownership of land will be exclusively reserved for the indigenous people. This is a violation of Constitution”.

When Sherman Ali Ahmed tried to raise the issue as a point of order the Speaker, Hitendra Nath Goswami barred him from delivering his speech as, in the Speaker’s view, it did not fall under the rule and procedure of Assam Legislative Assembly! The other Congress members including Debabrata Saikia, the leader of the opposition, Rokybul Hussain,  the deputy leader of the opposition, Congress Legislature, Ajanta Neog, Rupjyoti Kurmi, Kamalakhya Dey Purakayastha, Zakir Hussain Sikdar, Nurul Huda  all came forward in support of Sherman Ali Ahmed and requested the speaker to allow him to speak on the issue, given its urgency. However, the Speaker still barred him from speaking. Members of the treasury benches were also vociferous in their opposition to Sherman Ali Ahmed and the Assam Legislative Assembly faced a chaotic situation. Nothing could be heard due to slogans shouting from treasury and opposition benches. The speaker in chair, Hitendra Nath Goswami then expelled Sherman Ali Ahmed from the house for the day. An agitated Sherman Ali Ahmed refused to leave the house, the Speaker then ordered the marshal to forcibly take away Sherman Ali from the house. When the marshal forcefully took him out of the Assembly, Ali slept in the entrance of the treasury bench with placards. The Congress members requested the speaker not to take such action to stifle discussion and dissent.

When things calmed down, the issue was, once again raised by Rokybul Hussain, deputy leader of the opposition and Congress legislature party. He said, that “the present minister in the BJP government, Himanta Biswa Sarma has said on the floor of the Assam Assembly on October 17, 2010 that the people who were living in Assam before March 25, 1971 are all indigenous people of Assam along with their descendants.” Further citing records of the Assembly, Rokybul Hussain said, “Then opposition leader and AGP legislature who is Industries Minister in the present Government had said that they are respectful for the Assam Accord. As per Assam Accord all people including their descendants who were living in Assam before 1971, all are indigenous people. However, the presently tabled 2019 land policy is ambiguous on this question: without proper definition of who is indigenous, land cannot be reserved for indigenous people.”

The speaker then asked Hussain to submit all documentary records but barred him from speaking, again. The issue again led to further turmoil in the Assembly. With the heated arguments that followed between the treasury and opposition benches, the Speaker suspended discussions on the issue. He said, “the land policy (that has been) tabled in the Assam Legislative assembly cannot be discussed in this session. The matter will be discussed seriously in coming session of Assam Legislative Assembly which will meet again in January or February, 2020.” After this assurance from the speaker, tempers in the house returned to normal. 

Soon after the clearance of the Land Policy- 2019 by the state cabinet on November 13, the Revenue and Disaster Management Department has already started with a massive cadastral mapping exercise all over the state especially in the riverine areas of Assam, where large sections of indigenous Muslims, from the first decade of the 20th century have been living and tilling char lands. In several revenue circle areas, the process of receiving applications for land allotments from indigenous people has been started. The purpose seems to be to rehabilitate large sections of the indigenous population here, at the cost of lands tilled by the Muslim minority and after evicting them, through the process of first converting the land use of these entire stretches of riverine, eroded char lands to Government land under the newly changed rules. Huge numbers of the Muslim minority, living here since the first decade of the 20th century face the threat of eviction if this Land policy- 2019 comes into force.                  

Assam, already reeling under the turmoil of the citizenship crisis faces more upheavals in the months to come.

Brahma Committee Report, 2017 may be read here

Assam Land Policy, 2019 may be read here

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In through the out door https://sabrangindia.in/through-out-door/ Fri, 10 Aug 2018 09:40:42 +0000 http://localhost/sabrangv4/2018/08/10/through-out-door/ On Tuesday, August 7, the entire BJP opposition in the Delhi assembly — all of three MLAs in a house of 70 — rose to a man and demanded that the Arvind Kejriwal-led Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) government implement a controversial measure — the National Register of Citizens (NRC) that the BJP-ruled government of Assam […]

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On Tuesday, August 7, the entire BJP opposition in the Delhi assembly — all of three MLAs in a house of 70 — rose to a man and demanded that the Arvind Kejriwal-led Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) government implement a controversial measure — the National Register of Citizens (NRC) that the BJP-ruled government of Assam is implementing vigorously in that state.

NRC Assam
 

The NRC wears many disguises. But it seems that in the mind and hand of BJP, it’s a blunt instrument to clobber India’s poorest, least-educated, landless, backward people — and Muslims. BJP president Amit Shah calls them ‘ghuspetiya’ (encroachers). His party reportedly wants NRC to be extended to all Indian states. Well, at least to West Bengal and Delhi, where BJP’s prospects are dim.
 

Citizen, Watch

Superficially, the NRC is an administrative exercise mandated by the Supreme Court to update the list of those people who qualify as citizens and those who don’t. Well, under India’s citizenship law, 1955, this is clear. Only those who are in India without proper papers and travel documents, or those who have overstayed their permits, are illegals.
 
So, why do we need an NRC? And if under this headcount, you’re found to be illegal, what can the administration do about it? Imprison you? Deport you? Take away access to State-funded resources? Nothing is clear. But according to the final ‘draft’ headcount in Assam, four million people are reportedly assumed to be non-citizens.
 
The sword of being held in ‘detention camps’, in jails, or being kicked out altogether — or at the very least the terror of endless harassment and state persecution — hangs over these folks. The history of this pernicious weapon of the state begins — and should, hopefully, end — in Assam. There, apologists for NRC say it is necessary because: (a) ‘Bengalis’ — Hindu? What caste? Muslim? — have swamped Assam, its language, culture, jobs and whatnot since 1947; (b) Assam has been swamped with ‘illegal’ immigrants and refugees; (c) the Assamese language is in danger; (d) Islam will soon become the majority religion.
 
Most people date the beginning of ‘anti-Muslim’, or ‘anti-Bengali’, or ‘get packing, outsider’ violence to 1979. That year, xenophobia, fed by decades of propaganda led by the Assam Sahitya Sabha (ASS) and other units, culminated in a violent surge led by the All Assam Students’ Union (AASU)-Asom Gana Parishad (AGP) combine.
 
This is untrue. On May 23, 1930, a Times of India headline read, ‘Communal Riot in Assam: Traces of Tension Still Exist’. It narrated how the purchase of a cow before Id in India’s first oil town, Digboi, led to full-blown riots across several districts. Amalendu Guha, the foremost historian of the region, writes that riots targeting ‘non-Asamiyas’ took place in 1948, 1950, 1960, 1968 and 1972. In July 1960, ToI headlined, ‘800 People Flee Assam, Exodus to W Bengal’.
 

Qaumiunal Who?

Communal infighting and xenophobia have deep roots here. The violence of 1979-85 is special only because it generously defined itself as anti-‘Ali, Coolie, Bongali/Nak sepeta [flat-nosed] Nepali’. Muslims, tea-garden workers (whose ancestors are from modern Jharkhand, Bihar, West Bengal’s Santhal Parganas), Bengalis, as well as Nepalis — everyone was fair game.
 
Is Assam under exceptional threat from refugees and immigrants? Data is scant, but here is a rare example of genuine numbers, cited by P N Luthra in the Economic and Political Weekly, December 1971. In the seven months from March to October 1971, a total of 9.5 million people flooded into India. Of these, 1.4 million (15%) went to Tripura and 0.7 million (6%) to Meghalaya. A staggering 7.1 million (76%) streamed into Bengal.
 
These months are crucial, because the cut-off date to be a legal resident of Assam is March 1971, when the Bangladesh Liberation War began. Luthra’s numbers show Assam hosted only 0.3 million (3%), the least among four affected states. Yet, it whines the loudest.
Is Assamese language and culture under threat from Bengal? Well, comparing Assamese vs Bengali speakers between 2001and 2011censuses, we see Assamese speakers decline marginally from 48.8% of the population to 48%. Bengali speakers have gone up marginally from 27.5% to 29%.
 
If that is an imminent threat, it is useful to remember that the colonial 1931census showed Assamese speakers as a meagre 23%, Bengali speakers outnumbering them at 30%. Today, it’s welcome that Assamese speakers are a majority in Assam. It’s also true that the language is under no threat from Bengali or Hindi, or anything else.
 
Finally, will Assam become a Muslim state? In 2011, 34% of its population was Muslim, up from 30% in 2001. From 20% in 1931 to today’s number seems a steady increase of Muslims. But even that assumption is false. Between 1951 and 1971(remember, the Bangladesh year), the proportion of Muslims actually fell marginally, from 25% to 24.6%.
 
The ‘Ali-Coolie-Bongali-Nepali’ combination is a bogeyman, fed and nurtured to be unleashed when xenophobia is the political flavour of the day. It was thus in 1979. It seems that the current BJP establishment hopes to resurrect it.
 
*Abheek Barman is Consulting Editor, ET Now. Views expressed above are the author’s own.
This blog first appeared on August 10 in Economic Times (ET) as a part of the Folk Theorem blog by the author.
 
Feature Image: People stand in line to check their names on the first draft of the National Register of Citizens (NRC) at Gumi village of Kamrup district in the Indian state of Assam on January 1, 2018. /VCG Photo

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From the ground: 40 lakh people excluded from draft NRC in Assam https://sabrangindia.in/ground-40-lakh-people-excluded-draft-nrc-assam/ Tue, 31 Jul 2018 13:10:20 +0000 http://localhost/sabrangv4/2018/07/31/ground-40-lakh-people-excluded-draft-nrc-assam/ The much-awaited final draft of the updated National Register of Citizens (NRC) was published on Monday, July 30, in Guwahati, Assam. Out of total 3,29,91,385 people who applied for inclusion in the updated NRC, 2,89,83,677 have been admitted, while 40,07,708 people have been excluded from the draft list. In a press conference held in Gauhati […]

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The much-awaited final draft of the updated National Register of Citizens (NRC) was published on Monday, July 30, in Guwahati, Assam. Out of total 3,29,91,385 people who applied for inclusion in the updated NRC, 2,89,83,677 have been admitted, while 40,07,708 people have been excluded from the draft list. In a press conference held in Gauhati yesterday, Registrar General of India, Sailesh was at pains to say that those not in the list are not all foreigners.

All applicants will able to collect information regarding this from NRC Seva Kendras (NSK Centres) or from the NRC website. From August 31to September 28, any person whose name has been dropped from the updated draft NRC will able to file a claim and objections application. After proper hearings of the claim and objections applications, the final list of the updated NRC will be published.
 
Mr. Prateek Hajela, the State Coordinator of the NRC also spoke alongside Mr. Sailesh at the press conference, also re-iterated that out of the 40,07,708 persons –approximately 12 % of the total applicants who had filed claims before the NRC—dropped from this draft, are not all foreigners. In many cases, the Legacy Person of the applicants family has been dropped from the draft NRC, while all his siblings have been included. This sort of injustice, I believe, has not been done without knowledge of the Government. From Union Home Minister Rajnath Singh to RGI Sri Sailesh, all are of the opinion that the latest draft is not the final updated NRC. All excluded applicants will have the opportunity to file claim and objections applications. This mammoth exercise, expected to be fair and Constitutional, has thrown up serious anomalies and while the rhetoric was in place at the press conference yesterday, there was a reluctance to even disclose how many of those excluded from the list were male, and how many female.
 
Although the draft of the NRC has been declared, the RGI and NRC State Coordinator declined to give facts and figures, such as how many male and female applicants have been excluded. Even the district-wise data for the number of people included and excluded from the NRC was not revealed. Unofficial sources indicate that of those excluded, 55% are female, and 45% are male.
 
It is evident that due to the hasty order of the State Coordinator of the NRC regarding weak documents, dated May 1, 2017, large numbers of women, minor boys and girls have been excluded from the updated draft NRC. Although the Supreme Court had allowed Panchayat certificates as linkage certificates, and the NRC State Coordinator was directed to examine their genuineness, the court directives have been violated by and large. Married women were directed to submit additional documents that were available before December 2015 as supporting documents for the Panchayat certificates. Due to this, large numbers of married women, minor girls and boys have been excluded.
 
Preliminary reports from the ground also suggest that though it was assumed that the updated NRC would largely affected the Muslim minority, ground reports indicate that large numbers of Bengali Hindus, especially from Dalit communities, some Indigenous Koch Rajbonshis, some sections of Nepali and other Indian labour and business class hailing from northern, western, and southern India, as well as large numbers of Muslims have been excluded from the updated draft NRC.
 

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