On July 25, The Hindu reported that Human Rights Watch had documented expulsions being carried out without any verification of citizenship. Bangladesh’s own border guards confirmed that more than 1,500 people had been pushed out in just five weeks. The report of Deutsche Welle amplified these findings with testimonies of workers whose Aadhaar cards were torn up, who were beaten, and then forced across the border at gunpoint.

Article 14 described the atmosphere in Ahmedabad’s Chandola area, where residents say their neighbours vanish overnight. As one woman put it: “They’re taken, and we don’t even get to see them again.”

The Courts: Cautious but engaged

For weeks, the deportations took place largely outside the gaze of the judiciary. That shifted in August.

On August 14, LiveLaw reported that the Supreme Court had issued notice to the Union government and nine states on a petition filed by the West Bengal Migrant Workers’ Welfare Board. The Board alleged that under a May directive of the Ministry of Home Affairs, arbitrary deportations were being carried out by multiple state police forces, targeting Bengali-speaking workers.

A bench of Justices Surya Kant and Joymalya Bagchi pressed the Centre to respond. While the Solicitor General denied any targeting based on language, the Court reminded him that “action cannot be on the basis of language.” The bench stopped short of granting interim relief, but hinted at the need for a central coordination mechanism.

Meanwhile, the Calcutta High Court has taken a more pointed approach. On July 17, Scroll reported that the Court had sought answers about the case of Sunali Bibi, allegedly deported from Delhi while eight months pregnant. The petition was filed by her family, who say she was detained in Delhi despite showing Aadhaar and other documents.

According to the report of Madhyamam, it was revealed that the Delhi FRRO had issued an order on June 24 and executed it two days later. Delhi Police maintained that due process was followed. The Calcutta High Court, however, has asked the Union to explain why deportations suddenly escalated in June. The case is listed for hearing on August 20.

States push ahead

Even as courts are probing these deportations, state governments are moving aggressively.

• Maharashtra: On August 8, the Indian Express reported that Mumbai Police deported 112 people in a single operation using an Indian Air Force aircraft to the Assam–Bangladesh border. This brought the 2025 tally in Mumbai to 719 deportations — a staggering jump from 152 in all of 2024. Officials said they relied on call records, bank transactions, and site visits to identify foreigners. But the same report showed troubling patterns: entire families being targeted, and mothers with minor children deported without clarity about the children’s citizenship.
• Tamil Nadu: On August 12, the New Indian Express reported that the Attur district jail in Salem has been designated as a special camp for nearly 200 Bangladeshi nationals awaiting deportation. With existing camps overcrowded, Tamil Nadu’s move reflects how states are formalising and expanding detention infrastructure for cross-border removals.
• West Bengal: By contrast, West Bengal is resisting. On June 17, The Telegraph reported that three of five workers who had been pushed into Bangladesh were repatriated after the state government pressed the BSF to raise the matter with its Bangladeshi counterparts. Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee has publicly accused BJP-ruled states of using deportations to harass Bengali-speaking Indians. On July 19, The Hindu reported her charge that this is part of a political campaign. That same day, The Hindu carried the testimony of Sweety Bibi, who said she and her family were picked up in Delhi’s Rohini area and deported despite holding Aadhaar cards.

Anatomy of a “push-out”

What distinguishes these deportations is their method. Reports by Citizens for Justice and Peace have previously detailed how people are detained in distant cities, transported under guard to Assam, and then forced across informal stretches of the border by the BSF — sometimes through river channels. There are no FIRs, no magistrates, and no tribunal hearings. Families are often not informed, and the individuals vanish from Indian legal records.

As The Indian Express explained, the Foreigners Act, 1946, places the burden on individuals to prove citizenship, but it still mandates a legal process — notice, inquiry, and tribunal adjudication. Many have argued that skipping these steps transforms deportations into unlawful expulsions.

The human cost

Behind the legal arguments are human tragedies. Deutsche Welle carried accounts of men in Mumbai who were beaten, stripped of their IDs, and loaded onto buses for Assam. In Delhi, the case of Sunali Bibi raises urgent questions about the rights of her unborn child if she gives birth in Bangladesh.

In Ahmedabad, Article 14 reported that residents of Chandola — branded as “Bangladeshis” after a demolition drive — have been cut off from rentals, water supply, and even schools for their children. Fear of deportation now pervades everyday life.

The emotional fallout can be as devastating as the legal consequences. In a deeply tragic case documented by India Today, The Indian Express, NDTV, and The Telegraph, a 63-year-old Kolkata man named Dilip Kumar Saha—who had lived in the city since 1972 after migrating from Dhaka—died by suicide amid intense fear over being targeted by the proposed NRC. His family said that even though he possessed valid voter ID and other documentation, he was increasingly anxious about the possibility of being detained or “pushed out” to Bangladesh. No explicit mention of NRC appeared in his note, but his wife and local politicians blamed the atmosphere of uncertainty for driving him to depression

The bottom line

India is in the middle of a deportation surge unlike anything seen in decades. State governments like Maharashtra and Tamil Nadu are expanding infrastructure and accelerating deportations; West Bengal is contesting them and even securing the return of deported workers. The Supreme Court and High Courts are beginning to engage but have yet to halt the practice.

As documented across multiple media reports as well as the ground reports of CJP, what unites these cases is a disturbing absence of due process. Citizens and migrants alike are being swept up, disappeared across the border, and left to fight for recognition.

The months ahead will show whether India’s judiciary reasserts constitutional safeguards — or whether the “push-out” becomes an entrenched, silent feature of governance at the border.

Related:

India’s New Immigration Order 2025: Consolidation or continuity of exclusion?

Banasha Bibi, Bengali-speaking Muslim woman with disability, declared Indian in CJP-Led Legal Win

Assam’s Citizenship Crisis: How Foreigners Tribunals construct an architecture of exclusion and rights violations

“She Can’t Just Disappear”: Gauhati High Court told as state fails to produce handover certificate in Doyjan Bibi “pushback” case

The post India’s Silent Push-Out: Courts, states, and the deportation of Bengali-Speaking Muslims appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Conducting a fact-finding to understand the trend behind incidents of violence in the region that have been connected to this rumour-mongering, the team consisting of representatives of the Jharkhand Janadhikar Mahasabha and Loktantra Bachao Abhiyan went to the Santhal Pargana area to fact-check issues. The facts found have been recently shared in a press conference at Press Club, Ranchi.

The fact-finding team spoke in detail with the students, victims, accused individuals, villagers from both sides of the ethnic divide, village heads and local activists to understand the recent major incidents/cases in Pakur and Sahibganj, such as Gaibathan, Gopinathpur, Taranagar-Ilami, KKM College, etc. The team also studied the registered FIRs and related documents in these cases. Census data from 1901 till now was analysed, other related census reports were studied, and gazetteers and research papers related to demography of the area were also assessed. The team found that the ground reality is far from the shrill communal claims of the RSS-BJP.

Brief details of the cases: In Gaithbathan village, there was a dispute going on between the Adivasi family and a Muslim family over land for more than 30 years. The Muslim family tried to capture this Adivasi land recently, after which a scuffle took place on July 18.  Students of KKM College from Adivasi Chhatra Sangh protested against this on July 27. The night before, the police severely beat up students in the college hostel. In Taranagar-Ilami, Hindu families beat up a Muslim youth and his mother for allegedly sharing a photo of a Hindu girl on social media. A large number of Muslims vandalised and attacked the Hindu hamlet after the rumour of the death of the Muslim woman spread. In Gopinathpur, there was a dispute over sacrifice during Bakr Eid that resulted in violence between the Muslims of neighbouring Murshidabad village, the Hindus of Gopinathpur and the police.

Despite this being a local dispute, state and national level leaders of the BJP have been continuously twisting facts and saying that Bangladeshi Muslim infiltrators are responsible for these incidents. But during the fact-finding inquiry, the team found that all the hyped incidents were between different local communities and people. None of the villagers in these villages – Adivasi, Hindu or Muslim – talked about the settlement of Bangladeshi infiltrators. Even the BJP Mandal President living in Taranagar-Ilami said that all the Muslims of his area were locals and not infiltrators. Interestingly, BJP leader Nishiskant Dubey had raised the incident in this village dubbing it as “violence by Bangladeshi infiltrators!”

The team visited many villages and spoke to villagers, city dwellers, students, public representatives etcs whether anyone had information about even a single Bangladeshi infiltrator till date. Everyone said that they did not. When asked where they had heard about the infiltrators, everyone said that they had heard about it on social media but had not seen one till date. Be it the matter of grabbing and settling on Adivasi land, marriage with Adivasi women or the recent violence, there is no question of Bangladeshi infiltrators in these.

At present, a large section of the Muslim community living in Pakur and Sahebganj are Shershabadias have been living here for many decades. Apart from them, there are Pasmanda and other Muslim communities settled in Jharkhand who have come from neighbouring states. Many among them are Jamabandi Raiyats, and many have settled here in the past few decades, having come from nearby districts or states. Historically, the Shershabadia Muslim community settled along the banks of the river Ganga (from Rajmahal to present-day Rajshahi district in Bangladesh) since the Mughal era. It is also significant that in most of the villages where the BJP has raised issues, there is no history of communal violence.

The BJP has been consistently claiming that the Adivasi population has decreased by 10-16% in the past 24 years due to Bangladeshi infiltrators.  First of all, there is no evidence of Bangladeshi infiltrators settling here. Secondly, according to census data, in 1951, the Santhal Pargana region had 46.8% Adivasis, 9.44% Muslims, and 43.5% Hindus. By 1991, the Adivasi population became 31.89%, while the Muslim population became 18.25%. According to the latest census (2011), the region had 28.11% Adivasi, 22.73% Muslims, and 49% Hindus. Between 1951 and 2011, the Hindu population increased by 24 lakh, the Muslim population by 13.6 lakh, and the Adivasi population by 8.7 lakh.

It is clear that the data presented by the BJP in Parliament and the media are false. However, the declining proportion of Adivasis in the total population is a serious issue, and there is a need to understand its root causes. The significant decline in the proportion of Adivasis occurred between 1951 and 1991 and it is still going on. The three main reasons for this are: 1) For decades, the population growth rate among Adivasis was lower than non-Adivasi groups due to inadequate nutrition, insufficient healthcare, and economic hardship, 2) In the Santhal Pargana region, Muslims and Hindus from Jharkhand, Bengal, and Bihar have migrated and purchased land from Adivasis and settled down, 3) Adivasis across the state, including in Santhal Pargana, have been forced to migrate in large numbers for decades, which directly affects their population growth rate.

A major issue related to this situation is the continuing alienation of Adivasi land which is being overshadowed by BJP’s communal politics. The fact-finding team found that there is widespread violation of the Santhal Pargana Tenancy Act and Adivasis are selling their land through donation deeds and informal transactions (unofficial & illegal in nature) to non-Adivasis, including Muslims and Hindus, on a large-scale. Non-Adivasis from Santhal Pargana and neighbouring districts/states are buying this land. The Santhal Pargana Tenancy Act stipulates that Adivasi land is completely non-transferable, and even Adivasis themselves cannot buy it. However, due to economic hardship, Adivasis are selling their land through informal transactions to non-Adivasis. It has also been observed that non-Adivasis have better access to and support network among the local administration which often results in decisions being made in their favour in cases of disputes.

The BJP is also spreading the claim that Bangladeshi Muslims are marrying Adivasi women to loot their land. In this context, BJP leader Asha Lakra, a member of the Scheduled Tribes Commission, held a press conference on July 28 and released a list containing the names of 10 Adivasi women Panchayat representatives from the Santhal Pargana region and their Muslim husbands. She alleged that Rohingya Muslims and Bangladeshi infiltrators are trapping Adivasi women. The fact-finding team met several of these women and found no case where a Bangladeshi Muslim infiltrator was involved in such marriages. Local villagers are also unaware of any such cases. Among the 10 women, six married local Muslims, and the husbands of three are Adivasis themselves.

There are many examples in the region of Adivasi women marrying non-Adivasis, both Hindus and Muslims. Adivasi women married non-Adivasi men by mutual choice and consent.  It is also important to note that the dissemination of lists and personal information about these women on social media by political parties and individuals is a gross violation of their right to privacy.

It is clear that the BJP aims to create social and political rifts between Adivasis, Hindus, and Muslims by declaring Muslims of this region as Bangladeshi infiltrators. Their objective is to create religious and social polarization before the Jharkhand Assembly elections.

The socio-economic problems faced by Adivasis in Santhal Pargana also reflect the failures of both past and current state governments. The government continues to demonstrate apathy towards the core issues of Adivasis in Santhal Pargana and other areas of the state, such as the weak economic condition of Adivasis, violation of the SPTA by non-Adivasis purchasing land, capture of government jobs by non-Adivasis and people from other states, inadequate nutrition, insufficient healthcare, and the low population growth rate of Adivasis due to economic hardship.

Therefore the following demands have been made by the Jharkhand Janadhikar Mahasabha and the Loktantra Bachao Abhiyan of the state government:

• Action should be taken against the BJP and any other leaders or social organizations for using terms like “Bangladeshi infiltrators,” “land jihad,” and “love jihad,” which are used to spread communalism. Under no circumstances should they be allowed to disrupt the the fabric of society.
• In the incidents at Gaibathan, Taranagar-Ilami, Gopinathpur, Kulapahari, and KKM College, the police should take adequate action against the culprits. Severe action should be taken against police officers and personnel responsible for the violence against students in the KKM College hostel.
• The Santhal Pargana Tenancy Act should be strictly enforced. Under no circumstances should Adivasi land be sold to non-Adivasis. The revisional survey should be completed as soon as possible, and the survey report should be released. Fifth Schedule provisions and PESA (Panchayats (Extension to Scheduled Areas) Act) should be strictly implemented.
• The phone system established by the other district administrations of Santhal Pargana for the public to give information about Bangladeshi infiltrators should be immediately stopped.
• The state government should form a high level committee to study the economic condition of the Adivasis in all the fifth schedule areas of the state including Santhal Pargana, reasons for low population growth rate, settlement of non-Adivasis, capture of jobs by non-Adivasis, migration of Adivasis etc. The state government should take immediate action on the basic issues discussed in the report.

Related:

‘Inflammatory, communal’: Modi inciting hate in Jharkhand, poll official told

Union Govt: 1,043 families displaced in Jharkhand as more than 13,000 hectares of land acquired for coal mining

Adivasi (tribal) organisations protest against arrest of Former CM Hemant Soren in Jharkhand, state wide shutdown called for

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