Historical figures like Jotirao Phule and Bhimrao Ambedkar have highlighted the exploitation experiences of marginalized groups, which led to upper-caste organizations promoting ideas of a glorious Hindu past and the concept of a Hindu nation, drawing from the values propagated in the Manusmriti.

In recent years, particularly under the influence of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), a narrative has emerged portraying all castes as equal. RSS ideologues have produced numerous publications that assert an egalitarian history among different castes.

Nevertheless, some RSS leaders attribute the emergence of Dalits and tribal communities to “Muslim invasion” during medieval history. Bhaiyyaji Joshi, a prominent figure within the RSS, argues that the category of ‘shudras’ was never synonymous with untouchables in Hindu scriptures, claiming that so-called “Islamic atrocities” gave rise to this social stratification. He elaborates that historical foreign invaders forced Hindu communities into degrading labor, perpetuating a caste engaged in tasks like skinning animals as a punitive measure.

Amidst the rising calls for a caste census, there is an orchestrated effort to recast the caste system in a favorable light, portraying it as a protective structure of Hindu society. An article in the RSS publication Panchjanya, penned by Hitesh Shankar on August 5, 2024, asserts that foreign aggressors failed to dismantle the caste system and that it has been integral to maintaining the well-being of the nation. The piece even references former Bombay Bishop Louis George Milne, suggesting that caste is inherently tied to both social structure and religious identity.

Shankar’s article posits that just as missionaries once criticized caste, the Indian National Congress (INC) – likened to the colonial East India Company – similarly perceives it as a societal impediment. It suggests that those invaders could not breach the “caste fortress,” instead relegating upper-caste individuals to menial tasks, an assertion the author argues lacks historical grounding.

Ambedkar famously denounced the Manusmriti, while the RSS promotes its values of caste inequality

However, this perspective is rife with inaccuracies. The caste system, as delineated in the Manusmriti, predates foreign invasions and laid the groundwork for practices of untouchability and manual scavenging, steeped in notions of purity and pollution. Works like the Narada Samhita and the Vajasaneyi Samhita explicitly describe roles and duties tied to caste hierarchies, including tasks involving sanitation.

Dr. Ambedkar, a key advocate for the rights of the oppressed, viewed caste as a Brahminical constriction on society and called for its complete eradication. In stark contrast to the pro-caste sentiments expressed in the RSS’s narrative, many radical Dalit scholars and activists identify the caste system as a grave ailment of Hindu society.

While the call for proportionate representation and a caste census is viewed as a threat by Hindu nationalists led by the RSS, its roots can be traced back to the historic Poona Pact between Gandhi and Ambedkar. The caste census eventually found its place within the Indian Constitution, even as opposition efforts have historically manifested through violence, such as the riots in Ahmedabad in the 1980s.

The claim is that the INC is merely a vestige of the East India Company and its founder, A.O. Hume, is a distortion of history. Key figures in the INC, from Lokmanya Tilak to Gandhi, actively resisted British colonial rule. Grassroots organizations, such as the Madras Mahajan Sabha and the Bombay Association, sought platforms to voice their demands, eventually aligning with the INC to champion the aspirations of a burgeoning national consciousness.

The INC evolved to call for ‘Total Independence’ and the ‘Quit India’ movement. Its agenda included social justice principles championed by Ambedkar, a stark contrast to the RSS’s hierarchy-defending ideology.

In conclusion, the divergence between Ambedkar, who fought for the equitable ideals embedded in the Indian Constitution, and the RSS, which advocates for Hindu nationalism and caste hierarchy, remains profound. Ambedkar famously denounced the Manusmriti, while the RSS promotes its values of caste inequality.

Ambedkar’s role in drafting the Indian Constitution stands in opposition to the long-standing resistance from the RSS, reflecting deep ideological divides in contemporary Indian society.

Author is Political commentator

Courtesy: CounterView

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As per the survey report, the total population in the state stood a little over 13 crore. The report has now revealed that the Other Backward Classes (OBCs) constitute 63 per cent of the state’s population. The census also shows that Scheduled Castes account for over 19 per cent of the 13-crore population, while Scheduled Tribes make up 1.68 per cent. 

As the Bihar Government released the survey months away from away from the upcoming General Election of 2024, it also clarified that the same is only a compiled data and no analysis of it has been done yet.

A detailed break-up of the caste constitution in the state

The caste survey had 17-point socio-economic indicators, including caste. Beginning from January 2023, the survey got completed in a three phased exercise in August this year with around 2.64 lakh enumerators documenting the details of 29 million registered households. The 214 castes mentioned in the survey were allotted different individual codes.

The survey has provided that the extremely backward classes (EBCs) formulate the largest segment of the population of Bihar as they comprise of about 36 per cent (4.7 crore) of the state. The backward classes constitute 27 per cent (3.5 crore) of the population. Together, these two depict that the OBCs make up 63% of the whole state’s population. Notably, the survey also revealed that among the Other Backward Class group, the Yadavas comprises 14.26% while the Kushwaha and Kurmi castes forms 4.27% and 2.87% respectively. 

It is further essential to note that the survey revealed that the Scheduled Caste population in Bihar is at 19.6518% (2.6 crore) while the Scheduled Tribe population is 1.6824% (22 lakh). Accordingly, the population of general population or “upper caste” groups has come out to be 15.52%. Among upper castes, the population of Brahmins is the highest at 3.65%. The population of Rajputs stands at 3.45% and the Bhumihars population at 2.86%.

The report also revealed that the state enjoys a Hindu majority, with Hindus comprising 81.9% of the population while the Muslim share is at 17.7%. Furthermore, Christians, Sikhs, Jains and those following other religions as also the non-believers have a miniscule presence, together making up for less than 1 per cent

“Historic Moment”- Reactions to the survey from the Bihar government

The Bihar government has maintained that conducting the survey is a necessary step towards ensuring and achieving social justice. Additionally, the process of carrying out a caste survey in Bihar has found support from all political parties. Chief Minister Nitish Kumar took over to X (formerly known as Twitter) and congratulated the survey team on the completion and release of the findings even after facing so many hurdles. CM Kumar wrote, “Today on the auspicious occasion of Gandhi Jayanti, the data of the caste based census conducted in Bihar has been published. Many congratulations to the entire team engaged in the work of caste based enumeration. The proposal for the caste based survey was passed unanimously in the State legislature.” He further informed that “All nine political parties of the State assembly will now be called for a meeting to apprise them about the caste based survey report”.

It is noteworthy that Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD) has been demanding a caste census in Bihar since it was in opposition. Janata Dal (United) party and CM Kumar has been on the same path as well. Maintaining the same stance, CM Kumar stated that the report would aid in the state government’s initiatives for the development and upliftment of all sections. “Caste-based census also provides information about the economic condition of everyone. On the basis of this report, further action will be taken for the development and upliftment of all sections,” CM Kumar shared on ‘X’.

The last time a caste-based headcount was conducted was in the year 1931.

RJD chief Lalu Yadav and Deputy Chief Minister Tejashwi Yadav termed the occasion as a “historic moment”. Lalu Yadav wrote on ‘X’ that “Today, on Gandhi Jayanti, we all have become witness to this historic moment. Despite many conspiracies by the BJP and legal hurdles, the Bihar government released the caste-based survey.”

Deputy Chief Minister, and Rashtriya Janata Dal leader, Tejashwi Yadav said, “Bihar once again became witness of a historic moment with the compilation of caste based survey data and its release thereafter in such a short time. Bihar has now drawn a long line and set an example before the country. What has happened in Bihar today, shall have its voice heard tomorrow across the whole country. And tomorrow is not far ahead. Bihar once again has shown light to the country.”

‘Eye Wash’- Reactions of the union government, opposition

Leaders from the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has termed the caste census report to be an ‘Eye Wash’. Many leaders took to ‘X’ (formerly known as Twitter) to express their opposition and criticism of the caste census survey. Bihar BJP President Samrat Choudhary said that “Lalu Prasad Yadav and Nitish Kumar play caste-based politics. Backward class plays a vital role but Nitish Kumar has not done anything for the backward class… Bihar CM has done nothing for the development of the state.”

Senior BJP leader and Union Minister Giriraj Singh further called the caste census as nothing more than “spreading ‘bhrahm‘ (misunderstanding) among the poor” of the state. The minister further stated that “They should have given a report card that Nitish Kumar ruled the state for 18 years and Lalu Yadav ruled the state for 15 years but did not develop the state. Report card of caste census is just an eye wash.”

Lok Janshakti Party chief Chirag Paswan accused the the Janata Dal (United) of trying to “divide” the people of Bihar by conducting the said survey. Paswan provided that “We had said earlier that JD(U) will be segmented and in the coming days, JD(U) will be wiped out…Some people in Bihar are creating a divide on the basis of caste and religion. People of the state do not trust CM Nitish Kumar due to his policies.”

Notably, hours after the caste census survey result was released, Prime Minister Narendra Modi delivered a speech in Madhya Pradesh wherein he accused the opposition of “trying to divide the country in the name of caste”. While he did not specifically mention the caste census, a report of the NDTV provided that through his speech, PM Modi lashed out at the opposition for having failed to secure development while in power and attacked them for “playing with the feelings of the poor”.

“They played with emotions of the poor back then… and even today they are playing the same game,” PM Modi stated

The Prime Minister also called any attempt at “division on caste lines” a “sin”. “Earlier they divided the country in the name of caste… and today they are committing the same sin. Earlier they were guilty of corruption… and today they are even more corrupt,” he said in Gwalior. It is also essential to note that the Congress party has also promised to conduct a caste census survey if they return to power in poll bound Madhya Pradesh. 

The origin of the caste survey:

Four years ago, on February 18, 2019, the proposal for a caste based census was passed in the Bihar legislative assembly when Janata Dal (United) and Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) were together.

Last year, on June 1, after an all-party meeting CM Kumar had announced that all nine parties including the Bihar BJP unit had unanimously decided to go ahead with the caste census. Notably, the survey was ordered last year after the Narendra Modi government at the Centre made it clear that it would not be able to undertake a headcount of castes other than SCs and STs as part of the census. Pursuant to this decision, the state’s Council of Ministers had also approved the proposal to conduct the survey using Bihar’s own resources and Rs. 500 crore from its contingency fund for the exercise.

After JDU walked out of the BJP-led National Democratic Alliance last year, CM Kumar’s government, together with its alliance partner RJD, expedited the work on caste census. The survey’s first phase, which involved counting the total number of households in Bihar, began on January 7 of this year and ended on January 21. The second and final phase kick started on April 15 to collect data on people from all castes, religions and economic backgrounds, among other aspects like the number of family members living in and outside the state. 

In May, the survey was briefly paused owing to the stay put on it by the Patna high court which was hearing a bunch of petitions challenging the exercise. As per various media reports, the petitions were allegedly being filed by supporters of the BJP party to ensure that this exercise does not get completed. Notably, the caste survey was challenged in the Patna High Court under two significant grounds: that it violated a citizen’s fundamental right to privacy and that the state had no power to carry out such a survey. 

On August 1, after hearing the arguments raised by the petitioners against the census, the Patna HC decided that the survey was “perfectly valid”. The HC noted that “the action of the State to be perfectly valid, initiated with due competence, with the legitimate aim of providing ‘Development with Justice’; as proclaimed in the address to both Houses and the actual survey to have neither exercised nor contemplated any coercion to divulge the details and having passed the test of proportionality, thus not having violated the rights of privacy of the individual especially since it is in furtherance of a ‘compelling public interest’ which in effect is the ‘legitimate State interest’”.

The said survey had concluded on August 25, 2023. 

It is crucial to highlight that both RJD and JDU have called for caste-based enumeration across the country and CM Kumar and Tejashwi Yadav had also called on Prime Minister Narendra Modi to pitch for the same.

A deep analysis of the caste based census can be read here. 

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The Whys behind a caste-based census point to an urgent imperative

While Modi plays the OBC card, backward castes & Adivasis remain excluded from Central University

Dalit families found to be living in fear of violence at the hands of dominant caste neighbours in Karnataka

The post Caste Census Survey Result: 63% OBCs, 19% SCs and 1.68% STs constitute Bihar’s total population appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The ongoing survey, launched by the Bihar government, seeks to collect comprehensive data on caste demographics and socio-economic conditions within the state’s population. The survey’s implications are far-reaching, with potential impacts on policy-making, representation, and the fight against caste-based discrimination. However, this initiative has not been without entrenched opposition, these leading to legal challenges and debates about its necessity and consequences.

Historical Context and Importance of Caste Data:

The historical context of caste-based census in India dates back to 1931, during the time of British colonial rule. This comprehensive census attempted to capture the intricate tapestry of caste identities that make up the social fabric of the country. However, since then, the endeavour to gather caste-related data has been met with various challenges, often rooted in concerns related to “privacy, discrimination, and the potential for political manipulation.” Hidden by these stated concerns, however lies a caste privilege based resistance reluctance to be faced with data that will, in every likelihood, upturb propagandist views.

Despite the passage of time and the evolution of Indian society, the question of caste remains deeply embedded within its social, economic, and political dynamics. The consequences and continued widespread prevalence of the caste system continue to shape access to education, employment opportunities, and even political representation. In recognition of these enduring inequalities, the concept of affirmative action emerged in the form of the caste-based reservation system.

The reservation system was conceived with the intention of addressing historical injustices, ensuring that historically marginalized and oppressed communities receive opportunities for advancement and upliftment. However, the efficacy of this system hinges on the availability of accurate and up-to-date data. Without reliable caste data, it becomes increasingly challenging to implement targeted policies that can effectively address the complex socio-economic disparities arising from centuries of caste-based discrimination.

In this context, the revival of caste-based census is not merely a statistical exercise; it carries significant socio-political and policy implications. Accurate and current data on caste demographics is essential for designing and implementing policies that cater to the unique needs and challenges faced by various communities. It empowers the government to allocate resources, develop educational programs, and establish affirmative action initiatives based on a nuanced understanding of the prevailing disparities.

The reservation system, intended as a tool of social justice, can only fulfill its purpose when it is backed by comprehensive and precise caste data. By ensuring that benefits are distributed fairly and equitably among disadvantaged communities, the system can effectively counteract the historical biases that have entrenched inequalities for generations.

The reluctance to undertake a caste-based census, fueled by concerns over data privacy and potential political consequences, must be balanced against the urgent need to address the deep-rooted inequalities that persist within Indian society. By embracing a caste-based census with transparency, thoughtful implementation, and sensitivity to concerns, the Indian government has an opportunity to harness accurate data as a powerful tool for positive change. This change is not only about numbers and categories; it is about acknowledging historical wrongs, enabling social mobility, and fostering an inclusive society where every citizen can thrive regardless of their caste background.

Caste as an Intrinsic Marker within Indian Democracy:

Caste, a deeply ingrained social hierarchy based on birth, has historically been an intrinsic marker  of Indian society. Its roots trace back to ancient times, shaping relationships, professions, and even religious practices. Despite the significant changes that accompanied India’s transition to a democratic nation, caste continues to play a substantial role in both social and political spheres, to the extent of causing restrictions and exclusions.

In Indian democracy, caste manifests itself in several ways:

Impact on Social and Political Spheres:

The enduring influence of caste has far-reaching implications for Indian society:

Nation Builders’ Intentions and Post-Independence Efforts:

The framers of India’s constitution recognised the detrimental impact of the caste system on social cohesion and sought to create a modern, egalitarian nation. With the aim of eradicating caste-based discrimination and inequality, they incorporated provisions for social justice, reservations, and equal rights for all citizens.

However, erasing centuries of caste-based discrimination proved challenging. Despite the idealistic vision of India as a casteless society, the deeply entrenched nature of caste required more than legal reforms. Over time, political leaders recognised that caste could not be ignored, leading to policies such as affirmative action to uplift marginalized communities.

While India has made progress, the legacy of caste endures. The challenge lies in reconciling the aspiration for a modern, inclusive society with the reality of deeply embedded caste identities. Acknowledging and addressing caste-based inequalities is essential for building a truly democratic nation where every citizen enjoys equal rights, opportunities, and dignity.

Current Scenario: The Bihar Caste-Based Census:

The Bihar government’s initiation of a caste-based survey seeks to gather comprehensive data on the socio-economic conditions of various caste groups, with a focus on historically marginalized and disadvantaged communities. The objectives of this survey are multi-fold:

While the Bihar government’s intent to conduct a caste-based survey is laudable, the recent Patna High Court order reflects an opposing view.

The concerns raised by various communities and activists highlight the importance of ensuring that the survey is designed and executed in a manner that respects the identities and rights of all individuals, while also fulfilling its objectives of collecting accurate socio-economic data for effective policy formulation and inclusive development.

Patna High Court’s Ruling:

The Patna High Court’s recent judgment instructed the Bihar government to immediately halt the ongoing caste-based survey. The court’s decision was prompted by concerns raised in petitions filed by various groups and activists. The key issues highlighted in the petitions included data integrity, data security, allocation of substantial funds for the survey, and the overall legality of conducting such an exercise. The petitioners contended that the survey’s approach was flawed and failed to adequately address the concerns of marginalised communities, particularly transgender individuals and Extremely Backward Class groups.

Reshma Prasad, a transgender activist, raised specific objections regarding the classification of the transgender community as a caste in the census, arguing that it misrepresented their identity and further marginalized an already vulnerable population. Other groups from the Lohar community and some from the Extremely Backward Class also expressed concerns about the survey’s methodology and potential consequences.

The court’s interim order to stop the survey reflects the complexity of the issue and the need for thorough examination. The court’s decision has provided an opportunity for the Bihar government to address the concerns raised by various communities and activists and potentially refine the survey’s approach to ensure accurate and comprehensive data collection.

Benefits of Caste-Based Census:

Addressing Inequalities and Formulating Effective Policies:

Accurate caste data is essential for addressing deep-rooted inequalities that persist in Indian society. The caste system has historically marginalised certain communities, depriving them of opportunities and resources. A caste-based census would provide a comprehensive picture of the socio-economic conditions of different caste groups, allowing policymakers to design targeted interventions and policies. This data-driven approach is crucial for dismantling caste-based discrimination, promoting social justice, and ensuring inclusive development.

Caste-based disparities affect various aspects of life, including education, employment, healthcare, and political representation. Without accurate data, efforts to tackle these inequalities lack precision and impact. A caste-based census would enable authorities to identify the most vulnerable communities and tailor policies that uplift them, ultimately leading to a more equitable and just society.

Insights into Wealth, Education, and Representation Gaps:

Critically, a caste-based census would yield invaluable insights into wealth distribution, educational attainment, and representation across different caste groups. The data would reveal the extent of economic disparities between upper-caste groups and historically marginalized communities. This information is crucial for understanding the socio-economic structure of Indian society and developing strategies to bridge the wealth gap.

Moreover, the census would shed light on education gaps among caste groups. It would show which communities have better access to quality education and which are lagging behind. This data would highlight the need for targeted educational reforms and initiatives to ensure that every child, regardless of their caste, has equal access to quality education.

Representation in political institutions is another vital aspect that a caste-based census would illuminate. It would provide data on the underrepresentation of certain caste groups in positions of power and decision-making. This information would prompt efforts to increase political participation and representation for historically marginalized communities, fostering a more inclusive and representative democracy.

In essence, a caste-based census is a comprehensive tool for identifying and understanding the multi-dimensional disparities that exist within Indian society. It provides a data-driven foundation for formulating policies that address these disparities and promote inclusive growth, thereby contributing to the advancement of the nation as a whole.

Opposition to Caste-Based Census:

Fear of Exposing Privilege and Dismantling Reservations:

Upper-caste and Hindutva groups oppose a caste-based census due to the fear that it would expose the extent of their socio-economic privilege and highlight the systemic advantages they have enjoyed for centuries. The data from such a census would clearly reveal the concentration of wealth, education, and power within these groups, undermining their claim to meritocracy and equal opportunity. The prospect of exposing this entrenched advantage threatens the narratives of merit-based success and could lead to a broader societal questioning of their positions and dominance.

Moreover, a caste-based census has the potential to challenge the basis of reservations and affirmative action programs that are meant to uplift historically marginalized communities. Accurate data would help in recalibrating reservation policies by considering the actual socio-economic conditions of different caste groups rather than relying on outdated statistics. This recalibration might result in more equitable distribution of reserved seats and benefits, leading to a reduction in the privileges that upper-caste groups have historically enjoyed.

Apprehension About Impact on Political Alliances and Agendas:

Upper-caste and Hindutva groups are also concerned about the potential impact of a caste-based census on their political alliances and agendas. These groups often rely on consolidating the support of various caste communities, including non-dominant OBCs, through a narrative of Hindu unity. A caste-based census could disrupt this narrative by exposing the distinct socio-economic conditions and disparities among different caste groups, eroding the notion of a homogenous Hindu vote bank.

For example, upper-caste and Hindutva groups have traditionally sought to forge alliances with non-dominant OBCs to strengthen their political base. These alliances are based on a broad Hindu identity that often overlooks caste differences. However, a caste-based census might reveal that the interests and concerns of non-dominant OBCs differ significantly from those of upper-caste groups, potentially leading to fractures within these political alliances.

Additionally, upper-caste and Hindutva groups might fear that a caste-based census could reconfigure political dynamics by giving a voice to historically marginalized communities. The resulting data could lead to the emergence of new political actors who advocate for issues relevant to these communities, thereby challenging the dominance of existing political forces.

In conclusion, the opposition from upper-caste and Hindutva groups to a caste-based census stems from their fear of losing socio-economic privilege, dismantling their historical advantages, and the potential disruption of their political alliances and agendas. These concerns reflect the complex interplay between socio-economic dynamics, political power, and identity politics in contemporary India

Importance of OBC Census:

Urgency to Bridge Inequalities and Address Historical Injustices:

Conducting a caste-based census, especially with a focus on Other Backward Classes (OBCs), is of paramount importance to address entrenched inequalities and historical injustices that continue to persist in Indian society. The marginalised and historically disadvantaged OBC communities have faced socio-economic discrimination and exclusion for generations. Accurate data about their representation, access to education, economic opportunities, and political participation is crucial to devise targeted policies that can uplift these communities and provide them with equal opportunities for growth and development.

OBC communities have suffered from systemic disadvantages that have hindered their social mobility and access to resources. A caste-based census would shed light on the extent of these disparities and help policymakers understand the nuanced challenges faced by OBC communities across different regions and sectors. Such data would be instrumental in formulating policies that address these specific challenges and ensure a more equitable distribution of resources, opportunities, and benefits.

Efforts of State Governments:

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