The seizure of 19,250 live cartridges from Koilawar police thane near the Kulhadiya Toll Plaza has drawn strong political reactions with Tejasvi Yadav, leader of the opposition raising serious questions over the accused’s alleged involvement with the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS). The Lokmat News reported this seizure even as the incident erupted into a political controversy with questions on motives behind the possession and transportation of thousands and thousands of such live cartridges and dangerous explosives over the Diwali weekend arose.

बिहार में 𝐑𝐒𝐒 से जुड़े चंदन तिवारी, अभिषेक तिवारी, लालटू कुमार और सरस कुमार से 𝟒𝟒,𝟎𝟎𝟎 जिंदा कारतूस पकड़े गए है। ये लोग गोला-बारूद के अंतरराज्यीय तस्करी के एक खतरनाक नेटवर्क से जुड़े है। क्या 𝐑𝐒𝐒 के ये आतंकवादी देशभर में धमाके करने की साज़िश रच रहे थे?

𝐑𝐒𝐒 से जुड़े तस्करी नेटवर्क के तीन लोगों से ही 𝟒𝟒,𝟎𝟎𝟎 ज़िंदा कारतूस पकड़े जाने के बाद भी क्या 𝐑𝐒𝐒 को आतंकवादी संगठन घोषित नहीं कर देना चाहिए?

— Tejashwi Yadav (@yadavtejashwi) November 5, 2026

So far, nothing in the publicly disclosed official accounts reveal any such clear organisational link.

In fact, it is on November 2, when a joint task force of the Bihar STF and the Bhojpur District police apprehended and stopped an SUV at the Toll Plaza, and on searching it unearthed these 19,250 live cartridges and one “desi” pistol. Three persons have been arrested in this connection, and they reportedly hail from Muzaffarpur: Laltu Kumar (38), Saras Kumar (27) and Chandan Tiwari (26) from Siwan and are part of an international arms ammunition network. Sections of the BNSS and Arms act have been added in the charges against them. The connection or alleged connection with the RSS surfaced later, according to Lokmat News, their older photographs in the RSS’ uniform started circulating. It is through this seizure and investigation that 25,000 live cartridge seizure by the Haryana STF near Jhajjar was unearthed.

Meanwhile, a team of Haryana police special task force (STF) seized a consignment of 25000 live cartridges that was being smuggled to Uttar Pradesh and Bihar and arrested five suspects from two cars near Rohad toll plaza on Bahadurgarh-Rohtak highway in Jhajjar on Tuesday. The arrested suspects were Afifuddin alias Munna Khan, 49, Asim Rais, 33, Sablu Khan, 32, Arbaz Ali, 27 and Zeenat, 33. All five are residents of different localities in Uttar Pradesh’s Budaun. Eight mobile phones and two cars were also seized from them, STF officials said.

In the third weekend incident involving seizure of explosives, Uttar Pradesh Police have arrested two men and seized nearly 199 kg of gelatin explosives, 100 fuses, seven bundles of red wire and 2.945 kg of powder from a fleeing Bolero vehicle in Chitrakoot district, according reports in Dainik Bhaskar and Amar Ujala published on November 5. News reports published over the weekend and today, Monday November 9 have reported that a leader of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and his close associate have been arrested in Uttar Pradesh’s Chitrakoot district after local police allegedly recovered nearly 200 kg of explosive material from their vehicle near the Madhya Pradesh border. The arrest has resulted in a storm within political circles; however, predictably, the BJP itself has so far maintained a stony silence over the incident. Hari Gopal Mishra is the BJP leader who was arrested while his associate is Pappu Tiwari. Both men are residents of Bhouri village under the Raipura police station area of Chitrakoot.

The reported political background of Hari Gopal Mishra has drawn attention following the seizure. According to Amar Ujala, he had contested a Zila Panchayat election with BJP backing.

In the highway seizure in Jajjhar, Haryana authorities have revealed to the media that Munna owns an ancestral Badaun Gun House in the Civil Lines area of Badaun and had procured the consignment from Vijay Goel, who runs Mehak Gun House in Sirsa, Haryana, which he has been running since 1999.  The Haryana STF said Vijay has also been arrested and was quizzed to ascertain his role in the interstate smuggling network, which is suspected to be running for the last three years.

Waseem Akram, superintendent of police, Haryana STF, said that 24400 cartridges of 7.65mm (.32 bore) used in regular small handguns and .315 bore used in rifles were seized from a Tata Harrier, while another batch of 600 cartridges (.315 bore) were seized from a Hyundai Aura.

“The 7.65mm cartridges are used in illegal country-made pistols manufactured in Bihar’s Munger, West Bengal and Eastern UP, while the rifle bore cartridges are used in breach-load illegal pistols manufactured in these areas for which the smuggling was taking place,” Akram said.

Akram said Munna was the kingpin of the smuggling racket running due to continuous cartridge stock pilferage from the gun houses in Haryana, UP and other places. Shamsher Dahiya, deputy superintendent of police, STF, said the entire consignment was manufactured in an ammunition factory in Pune’s Khadki, as the marking ‘KF’ was engraved on all the cartridges. “The two cars were intercepted near a roadside eatery, Triveni Dhaba, which is located right opposite the toll plaza after we had received a tip-off from Bihar police STF,” he added. Some controversy has erupted over a photograph showing the accused posing in uniforms of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS).

Photographs showing Bihar-based accused Chandan Tiwari and his brother Abhishek Tiwari wearing the uniform of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) were reported in a section of the digital media. Another image reportedly showing them posing with a local MLA from Muzaffarpur has also surfaced. The photographs have prompted questions about the alleged political and organisational associations of the accused. However, the images alone do not establish that the RSS, as an organisation, was involved in the arms smuggling network.

Questions over Ammunition manufactured in government factories

Another aspect of the investigation concerns reports that some of the seized cartridges were manufactured in government-owned ordnance factories. If confirmed, the reported origin of the ammunition raises questions about how it entered the alleged illegal supply chain and whether it was diverted through licensed dealers or other intermediaries.

The National Investigation Agency (NIA) has reportedly joined the investigation. It is expected to examine the origin of the ammunition, the supply chain and the possible involvement of other individuals. According to media reports, the investigation has also brought renewed attention to the name of Jalan Shop, which reportedly surfaced in an earlier arms smuggling case in Bihar. Reports in that case alleged that an individual associated with the shop supplied nearly 100 pistols to different parts of Bihar using forged arms licences. The accused was reportedly wanted by the NIA and remains absconding.

Investigators have yet to establish whether the current ammunition network has any connection with that case or other previously investigated arms trafficking operations. The agencies are now attempting to trace the intended recipients of the seized cartridges and identify the ultimate buyers. They are also examining whether the ammunition was meant for organised criminal groups or other illegal networks.

Explosives seized in Chitrakoot

There are differing accounts regarding the intended use of the seized materials from the third incident.

According to reports, the accused told investigators that the explosives were being transported from Majhgawan in Madhya Pradesh for digging a well in a rocky area. Police reportedly said the materials were of the type used for breaking rocks in stone quarries.

However, another Amar Ujala report stated that the accused had told police that the materials were intended for making firecrackers. Investigators are examining the source, destination and intended use of the explosives. Police have registered a case against the two accused under Sections 4 and 5 of the Explosive Substances Act, 1908. The Bolero used to transport the materials has also been seized.  Following the recovery, police took both men into custody and informed Chitrakoot Superintendent of Police Arun Kumar Singh, who subsequently reached the spot. The accused, along with the seized explosives, were taken to the police station for questioning. Both men were produced before a court and sent to judicial custody.

Investigators are examining the supply chain, the source of the explosives in Madhya Pradesh, their intended recipients and whether other individuals were involved in the transportation or distribution of the materials.

It was while the police from the Markundi police station were conducting a routine checking operation in their jurisdiction on the night of November 3 when they spotted a Bolero approaching. However, suspiciously, when the police signalled the Bolero vehicle to stop, its occupants allegedly attempted to flee. Thereafter, the police intercepted the vehicle after cordoning off the area.

When police personnel asked the two occupants to step out and allow the vehicle to be searched, Mishra reportedly identified himself as a BJP leader and attempted to use his political influence to avoid the search. However, the police proceeded with the inspection and recovered a large quantity of explosive material from the vehicle.

The seized material included 199 kg of gelatin sticks, 100 red-coloured fuses, seven bundles of red wire and 2.945 kg of explosive powder. It was on November 4, Superintendent of Police Arun Kumar Singh held a press conference and presented the two arrested men before journalists, as reported by Dainik Bhaskar and Amar Ujala.

The SP confirmed that Hari Gopal Mishra was associated with the BJP and had contested the Zila Panchayat member election on the party’s ticket. He had also served as a Zila Panchayat member. The second accused, Pappu Tiwari, was identified as his associate.

According to the SP, the two men were apprehended near the Uttar Pradesh–Madhya Pradesh border with approximately two quintals of explosive material. The police are investigating where the explosives were procured, where they were being transported and what they were intended to be used for. Investigators are also examining whether other individuals or organised groups were involved in the case.

The police are further probing the possible purchase and sale of the explosives; the network of people associated with their supply and whether the accused possessed the mandatory licences and documents for storing and transporting such material.

The SP said that the complete details would emerge only after the investigation was concluded. He also observed that the recovery of such a large quantity of explosives raised serious concerns, as the material could potentially have been used to carry out a major incident.

BJP silent, yet to respond

The arrest of a person identified by the police as a former BJP-backed Zila Panchayat member, along with the recovery of such a huge quantity of explosives, has caused considerable embarrassment for the party. The BJP has not issued any public statement on the matter so far.

The incident has also triggered political questions about the source, illegal procurement and intended use of the explosives. However, the allegations concerning any wider political or organisational involvement remain unsubstantiated and will have to be established through the police investigation.

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The post UP & Bihar: Tranches of arms & explosives recovered over the Diwali weekend appeared first on SabrangIndia.

According to a report by The Indian Express, Ansari was arrested in connection with a case registered under the Narcotic Drugs and Psychotropic Substances (NDPS) Act. He was allegedly being taken to Sahodra police station when he sustained serious head injuries.

The suspended personnel have been identified as sub-inspectors Ravi Shankar Kumar and Arun Kumar, and constables Saudagar Kumar Yadav, Raj Kumar Rishi, Kundan Kumar and Suman Kumar. All six were posted at Sahodra police station and have been suspended with immediate effect, police said.

In a statement issued on Monday, Bettiah Police said Ansari had jumped from a moving police vehicle while being taken into custody, resulting in grievous injuries. He was taken to a subdivisional hospital in Narkatiaganj and subsequently referred to the Government Medical College and Hospital (GMCH) in Bettiah, where doctors declared him dead on arrival.

Ansari’s family has rejected the police version of events and alleged that he was assaulted in custody.

Following the death of Dilshad Ansari in police custody in #Bettiah, #Bihar, six policemen including the Station House Officer have been suspended. The family alleges that Dilshad was beaten and his death occurred due to a head injury.
The Bihar Police should conduct a fair investigation into the matter.

— Siraj Noorani (@sirajnoorani) October 12, 2026

दिलशाद अंसारी की मौत पर कई गंभीर सवाल हैं। आखिर उस रात क्या हुआ? @Bettiah_Police से माँग है कि CCTV फुटेज, पोस्टमार्टम रिपोर्ट और सभी साक्ष्यों के आधार पर निष्पक्ष जाँच हो। सच्चाई सामने आए, पीड़ित परिवार को इंसाफ मिले! @bihar_police

#JusticeForDilshadAnsari https://t.co/beZXydymQg

— Sartaj Alam Champarni سرتاج (@YouthSartajAlam) October 12, 2026

Family disputes police account

Speaking to the media, his wife, Nagma Khatoon, said a police team took him from their home at around 2 am on October 12. She alleged that the officers assured the family he would be released by morning after questioning. The family later received a call from Banuchhapar police station asking them to reach GMCH in Bettiah, reportedly on the grounds that Ansari had fallen ill. They found him dead on arrival at the hospital, she said. Ansari’s father, Akhbar Ansari, alleged that police personnel had struck his son hard on the head and called for a thorough inquiry into his death. 

Ansari, a resident of Badhayi Tola in Auraiya, under the Banuchhapar police station area, was named as an accused in NDPS case number 65/25, registered on August 8, 2025. Ansari leaves behind his wife and their six-month-old daughter. His family is seeking a high-level investigation into the death.

Calls for accountability

The incident has also drawn criticism from former Rajya Sabha MP Ali Anwar, who heads the All India Pasmanda Muslim Mahaz. In a statement, reported India Today, Anwar urged Bihar Chief Minister Samrat Choudhary to take action against the police personnel allegedly responsible for Ansari’s death.

Citing accounts from social activists in West Champaran, Anwar questioned the claim that Ansari had jumped from a moving vehicle, arguing that the reported absence of injuries to his arms and legs warranted further scrutiny. He also urged the National Human Rights Commission to intervene and called for ex gratia compensation for Ansari’s family.

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The post Bihar custodial death: Six suspended after Dilshad Ansari’s death in custody; family demands high-level probe appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Reports by Zee News and others state that these series of violent incidents against Muslim hawkers and workers in Bihar has caused deep fear and anger, with families saying that poor members of the community are being targeted on mere suspicion, abused in public, and attacked without protection. Fresh cases from Katihar, Saharsa and Madhubani show a pattern where daily wage earners and small vendors were beaten, robbed, shot, or killed, while their families are now struggling for justice.

According to media reports, in Katihar district, a young Muslim utensil seller was thrashed after being abused as “Bangladeshi” and also robbed of his hard-earned money. In Saharsa, a biscuit seller was shot after a robbery attempt. In Madhubani, a Muslim youth died after being beaten by a group of people, with his family alleging mob lynching, even as police claim it was a road accident.

The most grievous assault and murder case has come from Madhubani district, where Mohammad Qayoom, a young Muslim man from Haithiwali village, died after being beaten in Pattitol village under Bhairabsthan police station. According to his family and relatives, Qayoom and two friends had gone to buy gutkha from a shop on a motorbike. An argument broke out with the shopkeeper. Soon after, several people gathered and attacked Qayoom.

Police are reported to have taken him to hospital, where doctors declared him dead. While police have suggested it was a road accident, Qayoom’s family strongly rejects this claim. “This was not an accident. He was beaten by many people. His body had injury marks,” a grieving family member said. “Why is the truth being hidden?” Community members say the family fears that the case may be weakened if it is treated as an accident rather than a lynching.

Seen together all these hate crimes have raised serious questions about the security and safety of daily wage earners –hawkers and labourers –in BJP-ruled Bihar, many of whom depend on daily sales to survive.

While the Katihar incident took place on January 11 in the Pothia police station area and the victim, Akmal Rehman, a resident of Simaria Chowk under Korha police station, had gone to Chakla village in Sameli block to sell utensils.  According to victim, Rehman, who spoke to the media, two local youths stopped him, abused him, and accused him of being Bangladeshi. When women who were buying utensils objected, the attackers threatened them as well.

“They started abusing me and saying I was Bangladeshi. When the women spoke up, they got angry and hit me with sticks,” Rehman said from his hospital bed.

The assailants allegedly hit him on the head with a stick. After he fell unconscious, they took ₹12,000 from his shirt pocket and fled. Rehman was admitted to Korha Community Health Centre and is said to be in stable condition. While a written complaint has been submitted to Pothia police station and the Sub-Divisional Police Officer. Police questioning of villagers and women buyers led to the identification of the accused as Chuiya Mandal, son of Patal Mandal, and another local resident of Chakla village.

Sub-Divisional Police Officer (Sadar-2) Ranjan Kumar Singh said, “At first look, this appears to be a robbery case. Villagers have told us that the accused are known for attacking hawkers. We are investigating and action will be taken.”

Relatives and family members, however, say the attack was also driven by hate and fear created around Muslim identity. “My son went to sell utensils, not to fight. Calling him Bangladeshi was an excuse to beat and loot him,” a relative said. In another disturbing case, criminals in Saharsa targeted a Muslim biscuit seller, Mohammad Mujahid. According to police and family sources, Mujahid was robbed and then shot by miscreants. He was rushed to hospital in a critical condition and remains under treatment. Doctors have confirmed that the bullet caused serious injury.

Several locals told media reporters that small Muslim vendors are easy targets because they carry cash and have no protection. The incident has created fear among other hawkers, many of whom have stopped working after dark. Police have said they are searching for the attackers, but no arrests have been announced so far.

Human rights activists and local residents say these incidents show how Muslim hawkers and workers are being treated as suspects instead of citizens under the newly elected administration. “Poor Muslims who sell utensils, biscuits, or small items are being attacked on suspicion alone. This is not law and order, this is failure,” said a local social worker in Katihar. Families of the victims have demanded fair investigation, strict action against the accused, and protection for hawkers who move village to village to earn a living.

As cases pile up, pressure is growing on the Bihar administration to act firmly and restore confidence among Muslim communities who say they feel unsafe even while doing honest work.

Related:

Bihar News: कटिहार में मुस्लिम फेरीवाले से मारपीट; मधुबनी में मॉब लिंचिंग,सहरसा में मारी गोली!

The post Bihar under BJP: Hate attacks against Muslims spiral, one dies appeared first on SabrangIndia.

A decade-long livelihood cut short

Hussain, originally from Gagandiwan village under Laheri police station in Biharsharif, had earned his livelihood for nearly 20 years by selling clothes door-to-door in rural Nawada on a bicycle, according to Indian Express. Over the past few years, he had been living with his in-laws in Barui village, Nawada district, from where he would travel daily to surrounding villages to sell garments.

Family members described him as a quiet worker who had never faced complaints or conflict in the course of his business, as per The New Indian Express.

Night of December 5: From seeking help to being hunted

On the night of December 5, Hussain was returning from Dumri village after a day of hawking when his bicycle reportedly developed a puncture. Near Bhattapar (also referred to as Bhatta) village, which falls under Roh police station, he stopped to ask locals about a puncture repair shop, as reported by Indian Express.

According to his brother Mohammad Shakib Alam, instead of helping him, a group of villagers questioned him about his name and profession, reported Scroll. Soon after identifying him, they allegedly dragged him off his bicycle and began assaulting him.

Robbery and illegal confinement

Hussain told investigators and media, in a video recorded from his hospital bed, that the attackers robbed him of cash—variously reported as Rs 8,000 and Rs 18,000—along with his bicycle and clothes (ThePrint).

He was then tied by his hands and feet and locked inside a room, where the violence intensified over several hours. What began with a smaller group of assailants reportedly expanded as more villagers joined, eventually forming a mob of 15–20 people.

Extreme and prolonged torture

The assault, as described by Hussain and later corroborated in parts by medical findings, involved sustained and sadistic violence. He stated that he was beaten repeatedly with bricks and iron rods, resulting in fractured fingers and hands, provided Indian Express.

In one of the most chilling aspects of the case, Hussain alleged that the mob stripped him to check his private parts to confirm his religion, after which the assault escalated further, as per ThePrint. He said petrol was poured on him, and his body was branded with a heated iron rod, causing severe burns that peeled his skin.

Hussain also alleged that his ears and fingertips were cut with pliers, his nails were pulled out, and a steel rod was used to strike his head, causing serious head injuries.

At one point, according to his statement, one attacker climbed onto his chest and attempted to strangle him, leading to blood gushing from his mouth. The assault reportedly continued intermittently through the night as more assailants arrived.

Police intervention after hours of violence

An emergency Dial 112 call was eventually made, following which Roh police reached the village at around 2:30 a.m. on December 6, several hours after the assault began, as reported by Indian Express.

Furthermore, police sources told The Indian Express that Hussain was found in a grievously injured condition. He was taken first to the Roh Primary Health Centre, then referred to Nawada Sadar Hospital, and later shifted to Vardhman Institute of Medical Sciences (VIMS), Pawapuri, as his condition worsened.

Despite medical intervention, Hussain remained critical. He ultimately died nearly a week later while being transported from Pawapuri to Patna for advanced care.

Victim’s statement before death

Crucially, Hussain managed to give a video statement from his hospital bed, accessed by ThePrint. In the recording, he named the acts of torture inflicted upon him and explicitly stated that he was targeted after the assailants identified him as Muslim.

While some senior police officials later claimed that the religious aspect did not appear in the wife’s initial written complaint, the existence of Hussain’s recorded statement has become a key piece of evidence in the ongoing investigation.

FIR by wife: Allegations of false theft and mob violence

On December 6, Hussain’s wife Shabnam Parveen filed a detailed complaint naming 10 residents of Bhattapar village and 15 unidentified persons, reported Indian Express. She alleged that her husband was falsely accused of theft, tied up, robbed, and brutally tortured.

She also stated that when she and her relatives reached Bhattapar to look for Hussain, they were abused and threatened by villagers, prompting the police to add further sections relating to intimidation and criminal force.

Based on her complaint, police registered an FIR invoking multiple provisions of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita, including sections dealing with unlawful assembly, rioting, grievous hurt using dangerous weapons, abetment, common intention, and group violence motivated by discrimination. After Hussain’s death, Section 103 (murder) was added, as per The New Indian Express.

Counter-FIR against the injured victim

Within hours of the assault coming to light, a cross-complaint was filed by Sikandar Yadav, one of the men later named as an accused by Parveen. Yadav alleged that Hussain had committed theft at his house that night, claiming the loss of jewellery and utensils (ThePrint).

Based on this complaint, police initially booked the severely injured Hussain under sections of the BNS relating to theft and trespass, even as he lay hospitalised. Senior police officials later stated that both FIRs are being investigated simultaneously, a pattern that has drawn criticism from rights groups for effectively placing the victim and perpetrators on the same legal footing.

Arrests, official stance, and denial of lynching

Nawada Superintendent of Police Abhinav Dhiman confirmed that a Special Investigation Team was constituted, which arrested four suspects within 24 hours, followed by further arrests over the next few days.

As of the latest reports of Indian Express, eight to nine persons have been arrested or detained, including several named in the FIR, while police continue raids to trace the remaining accused,

Despite the nature of the allegations, some senior officials initially denied that the case amounted to a religion-based lynching, describing it instead as an assault arising out of “mistaken identity” linked to theft suspicions, according to The Print. This position stands in contrast to the victim’s recorded account and the brutality documented in medical examinations.

Family left devastated

Hussain, described by his family as the sole breadwinner, is survived by his wife and three children. His brother told The Print that the family has suffered an irreversible loss and now faces an uncertain future.

As the investigation continues, the case has become emblematic of mob violence enabled by rumours, identity checks, and delayed state intervention, raising urgent questions about accountability, police conduct, and the protection of vulnerable livelihoods in India.

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The post Muslim clothes hawker dies after prolonged mob torture in Bihar’s Nawada appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Free Speech Collective

With Bihar in the midst of Vidhan Sabha elections, 2025, this media tracker exposes the illusion of free speech and independent journalism in the state. The last five years have been marked with assaults on journalists, with six killings and eleven instances of attacks. The general climate for free speech has also been affected by detention and arrest of journalists and threats to editors of prominent dailies, coupled with defamation and censorship of social media posts.

(Visit the Free Speech Tracker or scroll to the end for more details.)

By 2015, when Nitish Kumar was re-elected as Chief Minister, several independent journalists began using social media platforms to publish stories, and alongside began facing reprisal. By 2020, when the Nitish Kumar government was re-elected as part of the JDU-led NDA along with the Bharatiya Janata Party, repression on the media continued unabated, this time targeting social media.

Bihar struggles with low socio-economic indicators. It consistently throws up high unemployment rates and there is an abject lack of facilities for health and education. In the NITI Aayog 2019-20 State Health Index, Bihar was ranked 18th out of 19 large states. In March 2025, Niti Aayog’s Macro and Fiscal Landscape of the State of Bihar said that the sex ratio is lower than the national average. Low literacy levels and low per capita income and high unemployment, forces lakhs of youth to migrate every year. With little or no industries, agriculture is a mainstay and government employment is a desperate struggle for thousands of youth. In NITI Aayog’s SDG India Index of 2023-24, Bihar was adjudged the worst performer in terms of social, economic and environmental parameters.

The large-scale deletion of voters in Bihar in the run up to the Assembly election, ostensibly to revise the electoral rolls, is bound to have an impact on the polls. But the slow erasure of an independent media that can question and hold its government accountable can only further weaken the foundations of a democracy.

Details of Free Speech Violations in Bihar, November ’20-’25:

Read FSC’s special features:

Wanted: A Responsible Media in Bihar, by Kiran Shaheen.

Criminalisation of politics in Bihar, by C P Jha.

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The post Bihar & the Delusion of Independent Journalism: A Free Speech Record of Five Years appeared first on SabrangIndia.

A standard EC notice to affected voters states that inconsistencies in documents have raised “reasonable doubt” about their eligibility to remain on the electoral roll. Individuals have seven days to present original documents to avoid deletion — a deadline many fear they cannot meet. As per the Election Commission, the draft electoral roll released on August 1 includes 7.24 crore voters. These individuals have until September 1 to submit documents proving their eligibility, choosing from a list of 11 approved options provided by the EC.

Citizenship proof becomes central eligibility test

For the first time in decades, the revision is not merely checking age, address, or duplication — it requires proof of Indian citizenship, especially for those enrolled after 2003 or born after July 1, 1987.

The verification exercise has flagged individuals despite holding multiple valid Indian IDs like Aadhaar, ration cards, and domicile certificates. However, citizenship status, not document possession, is now the core criterion. Some individuals have been labelled as suspected nationals of Bangladesh, Nepal, Myanmar, or Afghanistan based on undocumented suspicions or familial ties.

65 lakh names already deleted in draft roll published on August 1

The EC’s draft voter list, released on August 1, showed a staggering 65 lakh deletions across Bihar. The reasons cited include death, migration, duplication, and untraceability. The fresh batch of 3 lakh names flagged under “doubtful citizenship” is over and above this earlier purge.

Simultaneously, the EC claims that 99.11% of electors have submitted documents for verifications. Adding further that the final rolls will be published on September 30, ahead of the likely November assembly polls, as per a report in the Times of India.

The Seemanchal region has emerged as the epicentre of this sweeping scrutiny. These districts, abutting international borders, are home to migrants, minorities, and people with historically ambiguous documentation, a legacy of partition, porous borders, and circular migration.

Discrepancies in documents were first observed by Electoral Registration Officers (EROs), followed by local inquiries before notices were issued.

What the notice states?

According to a report in the The Indian Express, the printed notice issued by the Electoral Registration Officers (EROs) does not cite any specific rule or legal provision. It simply states that it is a notice for the “verification of entries in the draft roll.” It mentions that the elector’s name was included in the draft roll based on the enumeration form and declaration.

“Lekin aapke dwara prastut dastavezo ke satyapan ke dauraan, aisa pratit hota hai ki aapke dwara prastut dastavezo mein visangatiya hai, jisse es vidhan sabha shetra mein matdata ke roop mein panjikrit hone ke aapke aadhikar par yathochit sandeh utpan hota hai (However, during the verification of the documents submitted by you, discrepancies were found that create reasonable doubt as to your right to be enrolled as an elector of this Assembly constituency),” one of the notice states.

With little access to legal aid, and many being illiterate or semi-literate, residents are struggling to understand or respond to EC directives. Booth Level Officers (BLOs) and Electoral Registration Officers (EROs) admit being overwhelmed.

Minimal response from major political parties

Despite the scale of potential disenfranchisement, political parties have shown limited engagement. Only 117 formal objections or claims have been filed in the past month — 108 by CPI-ML, and just 9 by RJD. No ruling or major national party has mounted a legal or political challenge.

Meanwhile, as of August 28, the ECI had received a total of 2,11,650 applications from individuals and political parties seeking inclusion or deletion of names from the draft rolls.

No tribunal, no appeal mechanism in Bihar

In Assam, voters marked ‘D’ (doubtful) are referred to Foreigners Tribunals (FTs) under the Foreigners Act, 1946, or its successor, the Foreigners Act, 2025. In Assam, laws mandated the formation of the FTs that have been since strongly critiqued for not functioning with a clear constitutional framework that follows the Indian law of evidence; in Bihar and the rest of India where the ECI has threatened to bring in the expanded SIR, there exists no law that mandates the formation of such Tribunals.

Sabrang India, in its July 9, 2025 report, made a strong apprehension that “The Centre appears to be engineering an Assam-like situation in Bihar — without legislative backing or procedural safeguards.”

The Assam precedent: a warning, not a model

In Assam, following an ECI order in 1998, thousands of individuals were marked as ‘D-voters’. Today, around 1.2 lakh people remain disenfranchised, still waiting for Foreigners Tribunals to rule on their status. The process has been slammed for being arbitrary, slow, and opaque, with no adherence to the Indian Evidence Act or constitutional protections.

If a similar path is followed in Bihar without any legislative oversight, lakhs may permanently lose the right to vote — not due to foreign origin, but due to bureaucratic misclassification and the absence of legal recourse.

SC allows online inclusion requests with Aadhaar, urges political parties to actively assist

On August 22, the Supreme Court issued key directions to address procedural and accessibility concerns in the electoral roll revision process. A Bench of Justices Surya Kant and Joymalya Bagchi ruled that electors excluded from the draft roll may submit inclusion applications online, along with a copy of their Aadhaar card.

The Court also directed all 12 recognised political parties in Bihar to activate their Booth Level Agents (BLAs) and assist citizens in filing claims and objections. Noting the lack of engagement, the Bench observed that “Although there are about 1.6 lakh Booth Level Agents of political parties, only two objections have come from them.”

Referring to the ECI’s submission, the Court highlighted that if all BLAs verify just 10 documents each day, 16 lakh verifications could be completed within 4–5 days, reinforcing the decision to retain the existing deadline.

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99.8% of 65 lakh voter deletions go unchallenged on 13th day of objection period

The post In Bihar 3 lakh electors served with doubtful citizen notices by Election Commission appeared first on SabrangIndia.

This sweeping deletion effort, aimed at cleaning the rolls of ineligible, duplicate, or deceased voters, has left citizens and observers closely watching what follows. The official process for claims and objections began on August 1, giving voters a 30-day window to verify or challenge their status.

Now, 13 days into that window, an emerging picture is starting to take shape—one marked by rapid new additions, minimal corrections, and a notable silence from political stakeholders.

65 lakh deletions across 243 constituencies

The deletions cut across all 243 assembly constituencies in Bihar, averaging 26,748 names removed per constituency. While the ECI has not detailed the methodology behind each deletion, reports indicate that no individual notice or prior inquiry was issued in such cases. Instead, the burden of proof shifted to voters themselves—many of whom may not yet know their names are missing.

This procedural shift means that reinstatement requires affected voters to proactively file a claim or objection through the official process. But so far, that response has been minimal.

Claims and objections: 0.2% response so far

Between August 1 and August 13, only 17,665 claims and objections were filed statewide—0.2% of the total deletions. Put differently, over 99.8% of the 65 lakh voters removed have not had their deletions challenged.

Despite an uptick in the second week, daily claims and objections have struggled to cross even 3,700 on the best-performing day, August 13. In contrast, several earlier days saw daily new voter additions well above 8,000.

New additions surge: 74,525 applications filed

In contrast to the low correction rate, the number of new voter applications has shown strong and consistent growth. Over the same 13-day period, the ECI recorded 74,525 Form 6 submissions—applications to register new voters, typically youth turning 18 or first-time registrants.

The application rate accelerated steadily after the first two days:

• August 3: 1,151 new applicants
• August 6: 4,272 in one day
• August 8: 8,543 in one day
• August 13: 10,934—the highest single-day tally

This means that for every one claim or objection filed, the system processed more than four new voter applications.

Average of 306 voters added per seat

The cumulative total of 74,525 new applications averages out to 306 voters added per assembly seat. This figure, while mathematically straightforward, reveals a consistent spread of new additions across the state—mirroring the earlier deletion distribution of approximately 26,748 per constituency.

The 306-per-seat figure presents a state-wide average that has drawn interest in electoral circles. Whether this reflects organic participation, administrative uniformity, or structured outreach remains a matter for observation, but the numbers alone suggest a consistent tempo in new voter addition across regions.

Political parties stay silent in claims process

While opposition parties have mounted strong public protests against the SIR process—organising protests and accusing the ECI of “vote theft”—their procedural actions tell a different story. Despite challenging the process in the Supreme Court, no political party filed a single claim or objection between August 1 and 13, according to ECI records.

This procedural inaction may be a strategic choice to seek the process’s annulment, but it has left the ongoing voter list revision unopposed by key stakeholders. Consequently, formal corrections are being pursued almost exclusively by individual citizens at a very low rate, tilting the balance of activity overwhelmingly toward new additions rather than restoring the removed names.

A changed electorate in the making

With 65 lakh names removed, 74,525 new added, and fewer than 18,000 corrections filed, Bihar’s draft electoral roll is undergoing a fundamental reshaping. As the September 30 deadline for final publication of the rolls approaches, the question is less about intent and more about impact; who remains, who is added, and who is still missing?

The window for filing objections and making claims remains open, and the coming days will determine whether the current trends hold—or shift with public awareness and outreach.

At a glance: numbers that define the revision

• Names deleted from draft electoral rolls: 65,00,000
• Claims and objections received (Aug 1–13): 17,665
• % of deletions challenged: 0.272%
• % unchallenged deletions: 99.728%
• New voter applications received (Form 6) till August 13: 74,525
• Average new voters per constituency: 306
• Claims/objections filed by political parties: 0

Numbers without noise

With more than 99.8% of deletions remaining unchallenged, and a rapidly growing list of new applicants, the Special Intensive Revision (SIR) is steadily altering Bihar’s voter base. No accusations, no official controversies—just a quiet but measurable shift captured in daily numbers.

As the process continues toward finalisation, the real test may lie not only in courtrooms or press conferences—but in how many citizens take steps to verify their presence, assert their status, and claim their vote.

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The post 99.8% of 65 lakh voter deletions go unchallenged on 13th day of objection period appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Since end July 25 and after August 1, when the ECI published the draft first list excluding a staggering 65 lakh voters, the VFD team of experts and legal analysts have scrutinised the ECI’s own data and come up with startlingly inconsistent hike periods of deletions.

VFD released this data today through a Facebook live event. The entire report and power point presentation may be viewed here.

Vote for Democracy: Key findings from the analysis of ECI data

1. Legally unsanctioned process: The term Special Intensive Revision (SIR) has no legal or statutory basis under existing electoral laws. The Registration of Electors Rules, 1960 only permits summary, intensive, or partial revisions. The ECI not only devised a new nomenclature but also violated Rule 8 by introducing non-standard enumeration forms and failing to provide receipts or duplicate copies to electors, compromising basic procedural safeguards.
2. Statistical irregularities and data “jugglery”: Between July 14 and July 25, deletion categories such as “deceased,” “permanently shifted,” and “untraceable” showed sudden, exponential jumps that defy logical or statistical explanation:

• Unprecedented one-day spike in “deceased” voters: A staggering 2, 11, 462 electors (18,66,869 – 16,55,407) are claimed to have been found dead over just one day, between July 21 and July 22, 2025.
• Mass constituency-level removals in over one day: Worse, 870 electors on an average per constituency have been removed over one day, between July 21 and July 22. This makes the electors removed per constituency in that period at 2,11,462. Is this part of a genuine clean-up process or a pre-determined mass deletion?
• Five-day surge in “deceased” category: During the last five days of the SIR process, July 21 to July 25, the ECI has magically raised the number of dead electors from 16,55,407 on July 21, 2025 to a significant 22 lakh dead voters, four days later, on July 25. Thus, we see a hike of deletions in this category at 5,44,593 in 243 constituencies (which is a figure that is 2,241 dead electors per constituency).
• Sharp three-day escalation in “permanently shifted” voters: The hike in the mass deletions under the head “permanently shifted” is too high to be digested and the same in the last three days is 15,24,769 for all the 243 constituencies, and this turns out to be 6,275 per constituency on an average. Thus, the last three days have been the most marked deletion days (!!!) for the ECI’s Bihar SIR process where 8,516 electors have been removed from each of the state’s 243 constituencies.
• Deletions exceeding forms processed: All this already points to what amounts to a jugglery in data science. Why? Because the huge surge in the number of “dead” and “permanently shifted” voters is almost double the number of the electors’ forms digitalised in those very hours! Between July 23 and July 25, the number of digitised electors increased from 7.17 crore to 7.23 crore. Concurrently, the total count of deceased and permanently shifted voters rose from 48 lakh to 57 lakh, an increase of approximately 9 lakh!
• Disappearance of “multiple registration” category: Another ECI-driven miracle is that in this same period i.e., July 23 to 25, there was not even a single such elector who exists in the “registered at more than one place” category! Observation: The ECI appeared to be in a hurry over the last days of the SIR exercise to complete the first phase of pre-determined and desired number of deletions.

Such anomalies, where deletions exceed even the number of forms received, suggest possible manipulation of data to meet a pre-decided quota of deletions.

3. Opacity and aggregation of deletion data: On July 23, the ECI replaced category-wise reporting with “Merged Data”, collapsing separate categories (e.g., deceased, shifted, untraceable) into one opaque classification: “Electors not found at their addresses.” This intentional data obfuscation came just as deletion figures accelerated, reaching 65 lakh by July 27.
4. Disproportionate impact in key districts: Deletion rates vary wildly across districts, with Gopalganj (15.10%), Purnia (12.08%), Kishanganj (11.82%), and Madhubani (10.44%) among the worst affected—well above the state average of 8.31%. These districts are known for marginalised populations, migrant workers, and minority communities, raising fears of targeted disenfranchisement.
5. Democratic and legal concerns:
   • The Supreme Court, in its July 29 hearing, refused to stay the publication of the draft rolls but cautioned that it would intervene if “mass exclusion” was proven.
   • Petitioners, including ADR, have pointed out that the ECI has failed to publish names of those marked for deletion, denying voters the opportunity to file claims or objections.
   • The burden of proof has effectively been shifted onto voters to defend their inclusion, a reversal of the ECI’s constitutional obligation to ensure due process.

Broader implications for electoral democracy
The ECI claims that no deletion occurs without a prior notice and hearing. However, with 65 lakh deletions across 243 constituencies, this would mean conducting an average of 26,748 hearings per constituency within a month—a logistical impossibility that casts serious doubt on procedural compliance.

Further, many of the categories used for deletions, such as “untraceable” or “permanently shifted”, are highly vulnerable to subjective assessment, especially given the scale and speed of the deletions. The introduction of new deletion categories mid-way, rapid statistical jumps, and the disappearance of disaggregated data suggest a process driven by pre-determined numerical targets, not genuine verification.

Call for transparency and legal scrutiny
Vote for Democracy (VFD) and allied experts and researchers are calling for the ECI to immediately release:

• The complete list of deleted voters with reasons for deletion.
• Documentary proof backing each deletion, as required by law.
• A clear breakdown of deletion categories per constituency.

With Supreme Court hearings set for August 12 and 13, the credibility of Bihar’s electoral process now hinges on whether these deletions withstand judicial scrutiny and public transparency. Anything less risks undermining the very foundation of the right to vote in India.

The experts involved with the VFD are Dr Pyara Lal Garg, Former Dean, Faculty of Medical Sciences, Panjab University, Chandigarh, MG Devasahayam, IAS (Retd), Convenor, Forum for Electoral Integrity & Coordinator, Citizens Commission on Elections,  Madhav Deshpande, Computer Science Expert over four decades and a former consultant to the Obama administration. Teesta Setalvad & Dolphy D’Souza are Co-Convenors of Vote for Democracy[1]

The Power Point presentation may also be viewed here:

[1] Vote for Democracy (VFD) is a Maharashtra-level citizens’ platform of individuals and organisations formed in 2023 to ensure Voter registration, Voter Awareness, and a Hate-Free Poll where Accountability & Transparency is key. Teesta Setalvad and Dolphy D’Souza are Co-Convenors and for this report a slew of legal researchers and activists contributed to the final product, this Report.

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Non-Electors Within Electors: ECI reports over 61 lakh potential exclusions

The post Vote for Democracy: Statistical, legal and procedural irregularities dot Bihar’s controversial SIR process appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Allegations of irregularities and opaque process

The case was brought to the Court’s attention through an application filed by the Association for Democratic Reforms (ADR). According to Live Law, ADR’s counsel, Prashant Bhushan, contended that the ECI had not disclosed the identities of the 65 lakh voters whose names were removed. He further alleged that the ECI failed to specify whether these voters were deceased or had migrated, a crucial detail for ensuring the integrity of the electoral roll.

Bhushan also raised concerns about the process itself, stating that political parties were not given the lists at the block level, a step he claimed was essential for transparency. He also highlighted a lack of clarity on whether the inclusions and omissions in the list were based on the recommendations of the Booth Level Officers (BLOs).

Appearing before a bench of Justices Surya Kant, Ujjal Bhuyan, and NK Singh, advocate Prashant Bhushan stated that “We have filed an IA…the draft roll they have published says 65 lakh voters’ names have been omitted…they have not given list of those names…they have said people are dead, have migrated…they should disclose who are the 65 lakhs, who are dead, who have migrated…secondly, the BLOs when forwarding the forms have said this person is/is not recommended by BLO…they have not published for rest of the people that means out of 8 crores minus 65 lakhs, whether BLOs have recommended or not recommended…this information will be very important. IA may be listed tomorrow or day after” as reported by Live Law.

Bhushan also claimed that a significant number of voters were included in the list even though they were not recommended by the BLOs. He argued that these voters had failed to submit the required 11 documents, and in many cases, BLOs themselves had filled out the forms without any supporting documentation.

“Even those who have been included, BLOs have not recommended. Vast majority, more than 75%, have not submitted these 11 documents. BLOs have themselves filled up the forms and there are no documents in any of them. Among those, they are now saying BLOs have not recommended. About 12% in 2 constituencies have not been recommended,” Bhushan said, as reported by Live Law.

ECI’s defence and the Court’s directive

In response, the counsel for the ECI refuted Bhushan’s claims, stating that the submissions were “incorrect.” He asserted that the draft list was indeed shared with representatives of political parties before its publication. When asked by the bench, comprising Justices Surya Kant, Ujjal Bhuyan, and NK Singh, why the ECI couldn’t put this information in a formal reply, the counsel was directed to do so.

“Why can’t you say all this in a reply? If you have supplied, please give a list of political parties to whom you have supplied, so that Mr Bhushan’s client can collect information from those authorized representatives. File your reply by Saturday,” Justice Kant said

Justice Kant also pointed out that since this was only a preliminary list, the reasons for the deletions would be provided later, along with the final list. He also emphasised the importance of ensuring that every affected voter’s information is duly considered. The Court has scheduled the next hearing on the petitions challenging the Bihar SIR for August 12.

Background of the Bihar SIR process and SC hearings

The SIR in Bihar is an exercise undertaken by the ECI for updation in electoral rolls. On June 24, the ECI announced the SIR for Bihar ahead of the state’s assembly elections. This process required voters, particularly those whose names weren’t on the 2003 electoral roll, to re-verify their details by submitting new enumeration forms with supporting documents. The ECI cited the need to remove duplicate entries, deceased voters, and migrated individuals from the rolls.

The legality and methodology of this exercise were swiftly challenged in the Supreme Court by ADR and other petitioners, including political parties and social activists. The petitioners argued that the SIR could disenfranchise a large number of genuine voters, especially from marginalised communities, due to the stringent documentary requirements and a tight deadline. They also questioned the ECI’s authority to conduct such a revision so close to an election.

The Supreme Court has been hearing the matter since July 10. During the initial hearings, the Court refused to halt the SIR but urged the ECI to “consider” accepting additional documents like Aadhaar, Voter ID, and Ration Cards for voter verification, which were initially excluded from the ECI’s list of 11 acceptable documents. The Court also expressed its concern about the potential for “mass exclusion” of voters and warned that it would intervene if any irregularities were found. 

The ECI, in turn, defended its actions by stating it had the constitutional authority to carry out the SIR and that the process was being conducted transparently in collaboration with political parties’ Booth Level Agents (BLAs). The current hearing on August 6 is a follow-up to these earlier proceedings, triggered by the publication of the draft electoral roll with the significant deletion of 65 lakh names.

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The post SC to ECI: Explain alleged irregularities in deletion of 65 lakh voters from Bihar’s draft electoral rolls appeared first on SabrangIndia.

An extract of the full text of the open statement may be read here:

“          We are writing today to express our alarm at what appears to be an assault on the very foundations of our democracy – the system of universal adult suffrage, i.e the citizen’s right to vote. The assault is an insidious one where the purported attempt to clean up and sanitise the electoral rolls is likely to end up disenfranchising a very large segment of the voting population, particularly the poor and the marginalised, who possess little or no official documentation as proof of their citizenship.

“          For all the 73 years since the first General Elections were held, the vast majority of the poor in India have held their Right to Vote as their most fundamental stake in Indian democracy. Throughout, the principle followed has been that, unless anyone disputes their status, they are presumed to be citizens and. therefore, attempts should be made to ensure that everyone is included as a voter. In fact, in complete contrast to the manner in which the ‘new’ Election Commission of India (ECI) is functioning, the attempt in the past was to see that no adult Indian was left out of the enfranchisement process and the ECI took it as its solemn responsibility to include people residing in the remotest corners of the country as voters, however marginal their lives might be. The focus was on inclusion and not exclusion on account of alleged ineligibility.

“          So far, a liberal and flexible approach to documentary corroboration of citizenship was followed in the preparation of electoral rolls knowing full well that most Indians lack adequate documents and certificates to establish their citizenship status. It was also recognised that the poor are especially deprived in their access to official documentation resources and therefore need proactive measures to ensure their inclusion. This process has now been reversed to ensure that those with poor access to documents will be deprived of their rights as voters.

“          The ECI has exempted electors included in the 2003 electoral roll from furnishing any document under SIR 2025 other than “the relevant extracts of the said part showing their name in the 2003 electoral roll”. ECI’s affidavit states that the children of electors included in the 2003 rolls have also been allowed to use this avenue to prove their eligibility. Such privileging of the inclusions in the 2003 electoral rolls, over and above all electoral rolls published by the ECI in the two subsequent decades, is untenable, unjust and discriminatory.

“          The SIR is claimed to be an exercise in pursuit of the responsibility entrusted to the ECI under the Constitution, yet what it is effectively doing is to invert precept and practice to:

• pass the burden for proving citizenship to the voter instead of the authorities having to prove why they have excluded someone on the basis of fake citizenship;
• arrogate to itself (the ECI) the authority (instead of the Home Ministry) to effectively confer or take away citizenship rights without any Constitutional mandate to do so;
• introduce the contested idea of the NRC through the backdoor, as it were, in the guise of cleaning up electoral rolls;
• effectively negate and nullify the electoral rolls currently in use (as recently as in the 2024 Lok Sabha Elections) on the pretext that they are likely to be contaminated and, thereby , justify the creation of a completely new set of rolls;
• disenfranchise millions of those who have been registered voters in all elections held since 2003 but may not have documents that they are now required to possess;
• prescribe a list of documents through an arbitrary and whimsical executive fiat making it virtually impossible for most people to obtain them in time;
• use the pretext of cleaning and purifying voter lists to eliminate and delete millions of existing voters who cannot satisfy arbitrary bureaucratic requirements, g. married women having to produce birth certificates etc. of their parents;
• give extraordinary discretionary powers to officialdom at various levels to indulge in rent seeking to remove or add voters;
• muddy waters sufficiently to make the entire process mystifying, difficult and

“          As if it was not enough to commission an SIR which was capable of subverting the electoral process in the garb of reforming it, the breakneck speed with which it has been implemented, the impossible timelines given to the Booth Level Officers, the grossly inadequate infrastructure provided/made available to digitise the data has made a mockery of the very elaborate procedures the ECI has laid down.

“          In several reports in the print and electronic media, notably the YouTube videos of Ajit Anjum, a reputed journalist, it is abundantly clear that fraud and forgery on a massive scale has occurred. There is video evidence to show that voter forms have been filled up not by the voters but en masse by BLOs sitting in officially provided space, and signatures of thousands of those voters forged in an organised manner. Forms and signatures of family members of several voters (including forms of dead members of their families) have been filled, signed and uploaded on the ECI website without their knowledge and consent. When reports appeared that no one was being given the voter’s copy of the enrolment form nor any acknowledgement receipts provided, pictures were hastily taken to show village women lining up and holding their copy of forms as proof of acknowledgement. When the same women were visited again by the investigating reporter – Ajit Anjum – they confessed that the officials gave them the forms, took the photo of them holding them up, published them and then took back those forms.

“          In a Jansunwai (public hearing) held in Patna on June 21, 2025 with eminent persons like Wajahat Habibullah (former Chief Information Commissioner of India) and Justice Anjana Prakash (retired judge of the Patna High Court) among others as the Presidees, 25 persons, including several illiterate women, from 14 villages described their experiences of what actually happened during the SIR process, and their detailed testimonies showed the extent of the fraud that is being perpetrated in the name of the SIR. This is a shocking revelation of the way the Election Commission is using its powers, forcing the district machinery to resort to unethical practices in an organised manner in the very first phase of this elaborate charade. The evidence of such fraud in the very first stage of the SIR exercise vitiates the entire SIR process and undermines those very constitutional processes that the ECI claims to be following. It is especially reprehensible that this fraud is being committed under the direct supervision of the ECI, bringing this institution of eminence with a glorious past into grave disrepute. The continuation of this futile exercise and its proposed extension to the rest of the country. Especially when all that is required is routine updation of existing data in the regular course of the ECI’s scheduled activities, poses one of the biggest threats Indian democracy has faced, from the very institution that is meant to uphold the system of universal suffrage.

“          As our various petitions and pleas to the ECI in several matters relating to elections have been ignored and casually dismissed in the past, we are addressing this open letter to ‘We the people’ so that public opinion is mobilised and there is pressure on the ECI to take corrective action. We also hope that the Supreme Court, which is examining the matter, takes heed of the issues raised by us, particularly as most of us, as members of the CCG, have had long experience of conducting and supervising elections, including the preparation of Electoral Rolls, and are familiar with the complexities of doing so in a vast democracy like ours.”

The Constitutional Conduct Group states that, as a group, they have ‘no affiliation with any political party but believe in impartiality, neutrality and commitment to the Constitution of India.’

Ninety three signatories to the current open statement are listed below: 

Related:

Bihar SIR: 65 Lakh electors flagged for deletion, SC said “if there is mass exclusion, we will immediately step in”

ECI to SC: Voter ID insufficient for Bihar roll, defends citizenship verification power

Punjab University’s former dean writes to CJI: Bihar SIR threatens democracy, alleges ECI overreach & voter disenfranchisement

Non-Electors Within Electors: ECI reports over 61 lakh potential exclusions

The post Bihar’s SIR process reveals an exercise of illegitimate powers, ECI forcing district machinery to resort to unethical practices: CCG’s Open Letter appeared first on SabrangIndia.