Singh was accompanied by BJP’s northeast in-charge Sambit Patra, state party president A Sharda, and 19 MLAs. Patra remained in Imphal to assist in selecting Singh’s successor. His resignation came after a meeting with Union home minister Amit Shah in Delhi on Saturday, amid growing pressure from both BJP legislators and opposition parties. Reports suggested that several BJP MLAs had threatened to sit in the opposition during the no-confidence motion if Singh continued as chief minister.

Supreme Court intervention and allegations of instigating violence

Singh’s resignation followed a Supreme Court directive ordering a central forensic laboratory to investigate leaked audio recordings that purportedly feature the chief minister admitting to having instigated the ethnic violence in Manipur. These tapes, allegedly recorded by a whistle-blower, have been at the centre of fresh legal scrutiny. The Supreme Court, while refusing to draw immediate conclusions, has asked for a forensic report by March 25.

The opposition seized on this development to criticise both Singh and the BJP’s handling of the crisis. Congress leaders accused the BJP of acting only when political survival was at stake rather than addressing the root causes of the ethnic conflict. Senior Congress leader Rahul Gandhi stated on X (formerly Twitter) that Singh had “instigated division in Manipur” while Prime Minister Narendra Modi allowed him to continue despite the violence and loss of life. Gandhi accused Modi of turning a blind eye to the suffering in Manipur, saying, “The people of Manipur now await a visit by our Frequent Flier PM who is off to France and the USA—he has neither found the time nor the inclination to visit Manipur in the past twenty months.”

Congress MP Udit Raj also criticised the delay in Singh’s removal. “When the Congress was demanding his removal at the right time, he was not removed. Now, after everything has been ruined, it makes no sense,” he said. Manipur Congress chief K Meghachandra Singh called the resignation a “belated decision” and argued that Singh’s failures had led to “anarchy and a crisis of governance” in the state.

The opposition also pointed to the BJP’s political compulsions as the primary reason behind Singh’s resignation. Congress leader Jairam Ramesh noted that the BJP removed Singh not out of concern for Manipur’s people but to avoid embarrassment in the assembly and prevent a government collapse. Meanwhile, the Trinamool Congress (TMC) and the Communist Party of India (Marxist) [CPI(M)] issued statements condemning the BJP for allowing Singh to remain in power for so long.

Ethnic conflict, polarisation, and Singh’s role

The resignation also deepened divisions between the Meitei and Kuki communities, both of whom reacted differently to Singh’s exit. Singh, a Meitei leader, was criticised by Kuki groups for his alleged role in the ethnic violence that began on May 3, 2023, and led to over 250 deaths and the displacement of thousands. The Kuki-majority Indigenous Tribal Leaders Forum (ITLF), which had been demanding Singh’s resignation since the violence erupted, said his exit was long overdue. However, the ITLF reiterated that their agitation would continue unless the union government granted a separate administration for the Kuki community. ITLF spokesperson Ginza Vualzong stated, “We believe he knew he would be voted out in the no-confidence motion, and to save his face, he resigned.”

In contrast, Meitei nationalist groups lamented Singh’s resignation. Jeetendra Ningomba, former coordinator of the Coordinating Committee on Manipur Integrity (Cocomi), argued that Singh’s exit was ill-timed. “I don’t think it was the right moment for Singh to step down. His resignation will only strengthen Kuki separatist forces in Manipur,” he said.

BJP’s internal rebellion and legislative fallout

Singh’s position within the BJP had been eroding for months, with several MLAs distancing themselves from his leadership. The BJP holds 32 seats in the 59-member Manipur assembly, but it had been losing allies and internal support. Reports suggest that 5-10 BJP MLAs, including ministers, had resolved to switch to the opposition rather than continue backing Singh. Some of the BJP’s own Kuki MLAs, who had withdrawn support for Singh earlier, welcomed his exit. BJP MLA Paolienlal Haokip bluntly reacted to the news, saying, “Good riddance.”

Singh’s rigid stance on the conflict had also alienated the BJP’s partners within the North-East Democratic Alliance (NEDA). Meghalaya Chief Minister Conrad Sangma’s National People’s Party (NPP) withdrew support for Singh’s government in November 2024, citing its “complete failure to restore normalcy.” Mizoram Chief Minister Lalduhoma went further, declaring Singh a “liability” for both Manipur and the BJP, even suggesting that President’s Rule would be preferable.

With the loss of support from its allies and internal rebellion brewing, Singh’s resignation became inevitable. His departure averted what would have been a politically damaging no-confidence motion for the BJP government. Following Singh’s exit, Governor Bhalla issued a notification cancelling the budget session of the assembly.

Manipur’s uncertain future and lingering security concerns

Despite Singh’s resignation, tensions in Manipur remain high. On the night of his departure, unidentified gunmen raided an India Reserve Battalion (IRB) outpost in Thoubal district, looting several SLR and AK rifles. The attack underscored the fragile security situation in the state, where armed groups continue to operate amid the ethnic conflict.

The Supreme Court’s investigation into the leaked tapes adds another layer of uncertainty. If the tapes are authenticated, Singh could face legal consequences, further complicating Manipur’s political landscape. The opposition has vowed to continue pressing for accountability, with Congress leaders reiterating their demand for a Special Investigation Team (SIT) probe into Singh’s alleged role in instigating violence. (Detailed report on Supreme Court’s proceedings may be read here)

While Singh’s resignation marks a turning point, it does not resolve the deep-rooted ethnic tensions and governance failures that have plagued Manipur. The BJP now faces the critical task of appointing a new chief minister who can navigate the complex political and ethnic landscape, restore stability, and prevent further deterioration of law and order. However, with unresolved demands from both the Meitei and Kuki communities and an emboldened opposition, Manipur’s political crisis is far from over.

Related:

2024: Peace, a distant dream for Manipur

Divided & strife-torn Manipur: intensified violence, abdication by state & union governments, demands of accountability from BJP MLAs

Fresh violence grips Manipur: Clashes in Jiribam and widespread protests after rape and brutal killings

“Leaked Intelligence report” on alleged Kuki militants entering Manipur from Myanmar sparks panic, later retracted by authorities

The post Manipur Chief Minister N Biren Singh resigns amid political turmoil and ethnic unrest appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Five days later, 60 people were dead, 231 injured, 1,700 burned down and 35,000 displaced, chief minister N Biren Singh said at a press conference in Imphal.

As hundreds of houses were burned down and looted, most members of the Kuki community in Hebron Veng and neighbouring colonies fled to their relatives’ places in different districts or states.

This house is allegedly of an ex-minister who is a part of the Kuki community

Liza, who was part of the Churachandpur rally, narrated the events to Newsclick. “Everybody dispersed to their villages after the rally was over. In the evening, a social media post showing three burnt tyres in front of an Anglo Centenary Kuki gate was circulated. Soon, several rally participants reached the spot,” she said.

Liza, whose house was hardly a kilometre from the spot, was sure the situation would be under control. “But when the police ordered the crowd to disperse, Meiteis started beating up the tribals protesting the ‘vandalism’ of the Kuki gate. As the news spread like wildfire, Kukis and Meiteis burned down each other’s shops and houses. Eventually, the police stopped the violence,” she added.

However, according to Liza, the violence escalated after the police left. Initially, Kangvai, a neighboring village between Kuki-dominated Churchandpur and Meitei-majority Bishnupur, was targeted, say eyewitnesses.

Topai, employed at the local post office, was returning home around 6 pm that day. After dinner, he heard the “special Meitei noise used for mobilisation”. “The Meiteis beat electric poles with heavy objects to mobilise their community.”

Topai knew he had to protect his family of five, including his 70-year-old mother, an arthritis patient. The family locked the gates, shut the windows, switched off the lights, and huddled silently. They could hear people shouting slogans and gunshots.

Around 10.30 pm, the family realised that the mob was close as the frightening sounds became louder. “I heard them shout slogans, like “Kukis are not Manipuris” and “Kill them all”,” he said.

The family decided to flee when the building opposite their house was torched. As the family ran towards the back door, they saw other houses being vandalised. “We knew our house would be vandalised or burned down as well. Topai and his family, like other Kukis from the Hebron Veng colony, spent the night on their paddy fields.

The families took shelter in the nearest CRPF camp of Battalion 86 in the morning. “The mob looted houses and burned them down for the whole night. Our calls to the fire department and the police went unanswered despite the nearest police station being only five minutes away,” Topai said.

Bret, a wedding photographer, and his family, including his five-month-pregnant sister, were also inside their houses when the violence started.

“They were pelting my house with stones while we ran from the back gate and through the paddy fields to reach the Spring Valley colony, where a former Kuki commander sheltered us for the night. I could see houses being torched and the armed mob from a distance,” Bret told Newsclick.

The next day, May 4, was more frightening and painful for the resident of Hebron Veng and neighbouring residential areas like Vaiphei Enclave and Spring Valley. Churches were vandalised and houses looted and torched as the police allegedly remained mute, eyewitnesses said. Shockingly, the mob also consisted of people whom the Kukis met daily.

Bret and his family arranged an escort and left for the CRPF camp. On their way, Bret saw blockades put up to stop families from escaping. “Hundreds of people were already there in the camp. I got a bed inside a tent for my pregnant sister.”

He realised that one of his distant sisters-in-law who was seven-month pregnant was in the camp. “She was rescued from RIMS Hospital during the mob attack,” said a choked-up Bret. “She died the next day when we learned our house had been torched. I received a video of the incident.”

Mentioning the “pathetic situation in the camp, Topai said, “There was no food in the morning. Later, only a fistful of half-cooked rice and dal was served in used polythene bags.

The food that Topai and his family just like others in the camp were consuming on used polythene bags

We slept in the open since with mosquitoes biting us.” Several families requesting anonymity alleged unhygienic conditions and fear of life despite the presence of CRPF personnel.

Topai and his family are in Mizoram while Bret and his sister are with their parents in Bangalore. Describing how they had to shell out money on exorbitant flight tickets from Imphal to Guwahati, Topai said, “The usual price of five tickets was Rs 15,000. But we had to pay Rs 54,000 with the help of some of our generous relatives and friends. The underprivileged can’t afford such flights?”

The Meiteis and Kukis have co-existed for years. Almost all the violence-affected people told Newsclick that politics caused the differences. According to the Kukis, their “Meitei friends helped them” and “most community members are not bad”. The Kukis blamed the state for ignoring their community.

For example, a Meitei friend who is a doctor at the RIMS Hospital offered biscuits and water to Topai’s at the camp. Similarly, when Bret struggled to help his pregnant sister and was trying to get information about his locality, his Meitei and Naga friends helped him.

The Nagas, whose churches were also burnt, fear they will be the next target. Robin, a resident of the most affected area of Hebron Veng, said, “They have destroyed almost all the Kuki houses. There is a pattern—they get their pick-up trucks, loot the houses and then torch them. After destroying all the Kuki houses, they might target us soon. There are around 100 Naga families in the area, and we will escape soon.”

Newsclick also spoke with the Meiteis of Churchandpur. Bobby, a native of Torbung village, said, “Both the communities co-exist peacefully. We participate in each other’s festivals. The violence was caused by poor governance and the government giving a free hand to troublemakers.”

A senior citizen who is also a cancer patient somehow rescued from the locality

Bobby and his friends are trying to persuade young Meiteis who were part of the mob not to get involved in such activities, which “would affect peace”.

Singh promised compensation of Rs 5 lakh to the families of the deceased, Rs 2 lakh to the seriously injured and Rs 25,000 to those who sustained minor injuries. The government has also promised houses and Rs 2 lakh compensation for people who lost homes in the violence.

But a traumatised Topai feels helpless. “I do not think we will go back. If we do, it will be to sell our land and house.”

Courtesy: Newsclick

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