BJP | SabrangIndia News Related to Human Rights Tue, 21 Apr 2026 07:52:41 +0000 en-US hourly 1 https://wordpress.org/?v=6.2.2 https://sabrangindia.in/wp-content/uploads/2023/06/Favicon_0.png BJP | SabrangIndia 32 32 Amendment to Women’s Reservation Bill: BJP’s hyperbole on women https://sabrangindia.in/amendment-to-womens-reservation-bill-bjps-hyperbole-on-women/ Tue, 21 Apr 2026 07:52:41 +0000 https://sabrangindia.in/?p=46863 The past conduct and ideological moorings of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) as that of its parent body, the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) reflect not just extreme and exclusivist views on women’s participation but are arguably distinctly misogynistic

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The Women’s Reservation Bill aiming at 33% of Lok Sabha seats for women in Lok Sabha was passed in 2023, but was not implemented so far. Despite the crocodile tears of PM Narendra Modi when the amendment to the bill fell, the fact is that since it was passed in 2023, it could have been implemented in the 2024 elections as well, with necessary steps in the direction. Now the amendments, which needed 2/3 of the votes, fell through as the opposition could see the game of the Government. The Government had linked this amendment to delimitation and increase in the number of seats in Lok Sabha. All those who voted against the amendment are for the 33% reservation for women, but as this move was linked to delimitation, they had no option except opposing it.

The issue was the discrepancy in the rise of population in Northern and Southern states. Roughly in Northern states the TFR (Total Fertility rate) being higher than the one in Southern states, this delimitation exercise will give more weightage to Northern states, where the hold of Hindu nationalist BJP is higher. The southern states are wary of this and so came out in full strength to oppose it. BJP is crying hoarse that opposition parties are humiliating the women by opposing the amendment. This apparent support of BJP to Women’s representation is just a façade. The other steps in the empowerment of women have generally been taken up by the Indian National Congress in general. We see that right from the freedom movement when it was leading the national movement against colonial powers INC gradually ensured that women are not only part of the process of ‘India Nation in the making’ but also part of the movements opposing British rule.

It did encourage women’s being part of the various phenomena of national life. After the marathon efforts by Jyotiba Phule and Savitribai Phule to give education to women, they did start coming to social space and played an important role in the struggle for independence. Chayanika Shah points out that INC had several women Presidents, then a woman Prime minister, woman Chief Minister, and woman President in its trajectory. Taking this process of empowerment at grass root level structures, Rajiv Gandhi was keen not only in Panchayati Raj but also for increased representation of women in these institutions.

Let us contrast all this with the hyperbole of Narendra Modi. There is no record of any affirmative action of women during the BJP (i.e. NDA) rule of Vajpayee years or Modi years. There seems to be an ideological connection between the BJP politics of Hindu Nationalism and their agenda of the role of women in politics. BJP is the political progeny of RSS, which is an exclusively male organization. When Laxmibai Kelkar (1936) requested the then RSS Chief Hedgewar to let women be part of RSS, she was advised to form a subordinate organization, Rashtra Sevika Samiti (Rss) and not permitted to join the RSS.

The Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh stands for Volunteers, while Rashtra Sevika Samiti stands for servants. This tells us that the Swayam (being) of women is in control of men. This is in tune with the mandate of Manu smriti. This holy book was upheld by RSS all through and even now this RSS combine holds that Indian Constitution is based on Western values and so should be scrapped (Rajendra Singh, Rajju Bhaiyya’s statement) and be replaced by a Holy Indian book, i.e. Manu Smriti (as per Sudarshan, another Sarsanghchalak of RSS)

In BJP’s policies, this is also reflected in the awarding of Gandhi Peace Prize to the Gita Press, Gorakhpur a year ago. This was done by a jury headed by Narendra Modi. While giving the award Modi stated that “They have done commendable work over the last 100 years towards furthering social and cultural transformations among the people,”  Akshaya Mukul in his masterly study of Gita Press shows how Gita Press has played a major role in transforming the teachings of Manu Smriti into popular small booklets which are sold in lakhs of copies. These uphold husbands’ beating of wives, glorifying playing second fiddle to men and total subordinating to men in their lives, Father; Husband and Son in different phases of life. Reported ACADEMIA.

BJP’s own history is full of such humiliating statements from their office bearers, which uphold the abominable practices against women including Sati. In the context of the Roop Kawar incident, the then BJP Vice President Vijaya Raje Scindia took out a procession supporting the practice of Sati. The slogan of the procession was that committing sati is not only a glorious tradition of Hindu women, it is also their right!

Another leader Mridula Sinha, (BJP Mahila Morcha) who was Governor of Goa a few years back had given an interview to Savvy Magazine. (April 1994) In this she upholds the wife beating by husband and dowry system.

The 2021 data of the National Crime Records Bureau reveals that on average, eighty-six women were raped every day in India, while forty-nine cases of crimes against women were lodged every single hour. The overall number of crimes against women per one hundred thousand of the population increased from 56.3 in 2014 to 66.4 in 2022.

During the present regime how the cases of sexual violence and harassment have been handled become clear in the cases of women’s sexual harassment. Several of these cases found their way into the mainstream news, such as the gang rape of a minor girl by a BJP legislator in Unnao, Uttar Pradesh, in 2017; the repeated gang rape and murder of an eight-year-old Muslim girl in Kathua, Kashmir, in 2018; and the gang rape of a Dalit girl in Hathras, Uttar Pradesh, in 2020” Women wrestlers complaints against Braj Bhushan Sharan Singh were ignored in toto. The case of women’s plight in Manipur is beyond words. As per reports in the JACOBIN.

While women MPs of BJP and others are making a lot of noise over the fall of this amendment bill the issue is why link it with delimitation. Why no move that with present strength of MPs only; why it should not be implemented with 2023 bill? We need to raise our voice to delink delimitation from the Women’s reservation bill and to call for its implementation right away as per the 2023 bill.


Related:

Women’s Reservation – 13 Questions to Modi And His Associates in Government – Just Asking !!

Womens Reservation Bill 2026: Women’s Rights & the RSS

Procedure for tabling bills on women’s reservations & delimitation both opaque and non-consultative: Experts and Citizens

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Bihar “Infiltrator” Hysteria: Samrat Choudhary’s claims of disenfranchising 22-lakh people corresponds to ECI’s “deceased voters” figure https://sabrangindia.in/bihar-infiltrator-hysteria-samrat-choudharys-claims-of-disenfranchising-22-lakh-people-corresponds-to-ecis-deceased-voters-figure/ Mon, 20 Apr 2026 11:50:49 +0000 https://sabrangindia.in/?p=46849 Over the past weeks—even before replacing Nitish Kumar as Chief Minister of Bihar on April 15—Samrat Choudhary has, while campaigning for the Bharatiya Janata Party, claimed that 22-lakh people would be struck off Bihar’s electoral rolls, with their driving licences and other benefits cancelled. The irony, however, is this: the figure of 22-lakh—drawn from the recently conducted, controversial SIR exercise in the state—corresponds only to deceased voters

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Can names of deceased voters be struck of electoral rolls? Undoubtedly, this is a legal requirement. Are deceased voters necessarily “infiltrators”? Common sense says, no.  Then what is the recently appointed chief minister (CM) of Bihar, leader of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) doing making these bombastic claims, that too in West Bengal that heads for the polls?

Samrat Choudhary has been saying, on no less than half a dozen occasions that the Bihar government has struck of 22-lakh names off Bihar’s electoral rolls (a power only with the Election Commission!). He goes further to state that Aadhar and other benefits of these ‘22-lakh persons’ will also be snatched away.  Who are these 22-lakh persons anyway?

Three days after he was appointed as CM of the state on April 15, replacing the doyen of the Janata Dal United (JD-U), Nitish Kumar, Choudhary made this extraordinary claim as reported by The Indian Express. Prior to this appointment, since late February 2026, during campaign stints in West Bengal he had been boastful of this ‘achievement’ by the new Bihar government. “So far, we have struck off the names of 22-lakh people and stopped their ration as well in Bihar. We will cancel their driving licenses and other cards as well,” Choudhary has stated emphatically.”

Ironically, antithetical to these hysterical claims are the facts from the ground. Bihar was the first state, pre-assembly poll to conduct a hurried and unchecked Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of its electoral rolls in 2025, an exercise that came under sharp criticism and much scrutiny. During this controversial process, while approximately 65-lakh deletions took place without sufficient time for independent adjudication of the action, the 22-lakh figure only corresponded to “deletions.” Now deletions are usually on account of duplicate enrolment, shifting of voters or the fact that they may be deceased. The media had widely reported between June-November 2025 that no largescale existence of “illegal immigrants” was identified or noticed by the Election Commission of India (ECI).

One issue of crucial concern therefore then is ‘where has the figure of 22-lakhs being projected by the Bihar CM come from?” Second, what about the adjudication process for the entire 65-lakh exclusions in the state? Third, the  moot question of whether or not an elected government in secular, democratic India is empowered to simply deny the right to an Aadhar card, or government scheme benefits to any person previously accessing these benefits without application of mind or independent judgement?

Before, during and after the SIR exercise in Bihar the Election Commission of India (ECI) under CEC Gyanesh Kumar has been squarely accused of partisan conduct, conduct unbefitting a Constitutional body since its actions aligned squarely with the ruling dispensation.

Ironically, but not coincidentally, the first week of April 2026, also saw a spate of “news reports” from Bihar around union home minister, Amit Shah’s visit to the Seemanchal areas of the state. As reported by ETV Bharat, Shah’s visit to the Seemanchal region during which he reviewed border security, the issue of illicit foreign settlers, law and order and other security-related situations in Kishanganj, Araria, Purnea, Katihar and other adjoining districts.

In line with this development, the news channel quoted a senior official of the state’s home department, additional chief secretary, Arvind Kumar Chaudhary stating that a ‘fresh letter had been written to all districts to identify suspected foreigners in their jurisdiction and if such persons are not living with valid documents, ‘their process of deportation would begin!’  Bihar government officials also ‘revealed that biometric data of those identified would be collected and uploaded to a central database maintained by the Union Home Ministry to streamline identification and prevent their re-entry.’

Where does the 22-lakh figure come from?

In early 2026, Vote for Democracy’s report on the Bihar polls, “An Audit of the Stolen Mandate” Bihar 2025 VFD Report Findings had recorded details of what the report termed “Mass disenfranchisement by design.” These stated that, according to official ECI data, the numerical impact of a hastily conducted SIR was staggering:

  • On June 24, 2025, Bihar had 7.89 crore registered electors.
  • By the Draft Roll of August 1, 2025, this fell to 7.24 crore, reflecting 65.69 lakh deletions.
  • The Final Roll of September 30, 2025 stood at approximately 7.42 crore electors.

Yet, the report found that only 3.66 lakh voters were actually confirmed as ineligible. The scale of deletions was therefore grossly disproportionate, pointing not to routine correction but to electoral roll engineering.

Between July 21 and 25 alone, over 21.27 lakh voters were deleted in just three days—an implausible figure by any administrative standard. During this period, 5.44 lakh voters were marked ‘dead’, while 14.24 lakh were labelled ‘permanently shifted’. The number of voters marked ‘untraceable’ rose by 809% overnight, while not a single “foreigner” was identified—despite this being cited as a key justification for the revision.

Opaque ‘rectification’ and mathematical impossibilities

The report further exposed deep inconsistencies in the ECI’s claims of rectification. While the Commission stated that approximately 17 lakh objections or applications were received, the actual changes reflected in the rolls affected around 22-lakh entries. Even after accounting for corrections, the final voter count should have mathematically stood at approximately 7.38 crore, yet the ECI declared 7.42 crore electors, leaving an unexplained excess of 3.24 lakh voters.

No independent audit, reconciliation statement, or transparent explanation has been provided for this discrepancy.

Pre-poll manipulation after election notification

Electoral norms require that voter rolls be effectively frozen once elections are notified. However, the report documents that even after notification:

  • On October 6, 2025, Bihar had 7.43 crore electors.
  • By poll day, this had increased to 7.46 crore.

This means 3.34 lakh voters were added in just ten days, including a sudden and unexplained spike in youth voters—raising serious questions about roll sanctity during the election period.

1.3 The “Rectification” Fraud

  • Discrepancy in Objections: ECI claimed only 17,00,000 (16,56,886+ 36,475 = 16,93,361)
  • Applications were received by the September 1 deadline. However, actual changes were
  • Performed on as many as 22-lakh entries.

The Calculation Anomaly:

  • ECI reported additions of 16,56,886 (Form 6) + 36,475 (Claims) and exclusions of

2,17,0493.

  • Net Addition Calculation: Should have been 14,76,312 added to the 7.24 Crore

base, totalling 7.38 Crore.

  • Actual Figure (Sept 30): ECI declared 7.42 Crore (No. ECI/PN/313/2025)—a

hike of 3.24 Lakh over the calculated figure without explanation.

Multiple petitions were filed before the Supreme Court in July 2025 challenging the SIR process. These were moved by the Association for Democratic Reforms (ADR), People’s Union for Civil Liberties (PUCL), RJD MP Manoj Jha, TMC MP Mahua Moitra, and Social Activist Yogendra Yadav among several others. These petitions alleged that the SIR lacked statutory backing

under the Representation of the People Act, 1950 and Registration of Electors Rules,

1960, imposed onerous documentation requirements, and risked large-scale

disenfranchisement, particularly of migrants, the poor and marginalised communities.

Petitioners had also argued that the SIR effectively resembled a citizenship-style verification exercise

Unfortunately, while the irregularities in the Bengal SIR continue to be scrutinised by the Supreme Court of India due to an assertive role played by the Trinamool Congress ruling that state, Bihar’s excluded voters –whatever the actual number—remain abandoned and forgotten. By both the political Opposition and the Institutions of Democratic Governance. Even as the new CM makes boastful claims of ‘disenfranchising’ a staggering 22-lakh persons!

Related:

Bihar’s SIR process reveals an exercise of illegitimate powers, ECI forcing district machinery to resort to unethical practices: CCG’s Open Letter

Bihar SIR: 65 Lakh electors flagged for deletion, SC said “if there is mass exclusion, we will immediately step in”

ECI to SC: Voter ID insufficient for Bihar roll, defends citizenship verification power

Punjab University’s former dean writes to CJI: Bihar SIR threatens democracy, alleges ECI overreach & voter disenfranchisement

Non-Electors Within Electors: ECI reports over 61 lakh potential exclusions

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Hate & Intimidation: Teach Bangladesh a lesson akin to what Israel taught Gaza, says BJP Bengal leader Suvendu Adhikari https://sabrangindia.in/hate-intimidation-teach-bangladesh-a-lesson-akin-to-what-israel-taught-gaza-says-bjp-bengal-leader-suvendu-adhikari/ Mon, 29 Dec 2025 10:27:52 +0000 https://sabrangindia.in/?p=45285 Congress leader Kapil Sibal also highlighted that Adhikari’s comments had led to “no FIR, no arrest, no prosecution, no UAPA”.

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BJP Bengal’s Suvendu Adhikari, the Leader of Opposition in the state on Saturday, December 27 screamed a provocative and incendiary statement. He is reported to have said (NDTV) that Bangladesh ought to be taught a lesson akin to what Israel taught Gaza. Adhikari, making this incendiary statement while marching to the Bangladesh Deputy High Commission in Kolkata alongside party leaders and several seers. They were protesting against the killings of two Hindu men, Dipu Das and Amrit Mondal, in the neighbouring country.

Sabak sikhaana chahiye. Jaise Israel sikhaaya Gaza mein. Uss tareeke se. Hamaare Bharat ke 100 crore Hindu; desh ka Hindu hitt mein chal raha hai sarkar. Sabak sikhaana chahiye. Jaise Operation Sindoor mein Pakistan ko hum logon ne sabak sikhaaya (A lesson should be taught. Like Israel taught in Gaza. Our country’s 100 crore Hindus; the government is being run in the interest of Hindus. A lesson should be taught. Like we taught Pakistan during Operation Sindoor),” he said.

The comment has drawn widespread criticism from the opposition. The Trinamool Congress wrote on X, “BJP has perfected hate and intolerance into an art form. Their venomous loudmouth, Suvendu Adhikari, just bared his fascist fangs again, spewing genocidal bile by proclaiming that India must teach Muslims a lesson like Israel taught Gaza.” “This naked hate speech, a bloodthirsty call for mass murder and ethnic cleansing”. “No FIR. No arrest. No prosecution. No UAPA slapped on this Hitler-in-the-making. Remember THIS statement when he dangles Humayun Kabir as a carrot for Muslim votes. Remember THIS statement! Remember THIS face! “

 

Senior counsel in the Supreme Court of India and former Congress leader Kapil Sibal also highlighted that Adhikari’s comments had led to “no FIR, no arrest, no prosecution, no UAPA”.

 

Trinamool Congress MP and the party’s deputy leader in Rajya Sabha, Sagarika Ghose, posted on X, “BJP’s Bengal ‘face’ wants a Gaza-like operation against Bangladesh. Dog whistles that the Narendra Modi government is for ‘Hindus’ only. Dirty politics of divide and rule won’t work in Bengal.”

Related:

WB LoP Suvendu Adhikari’s open call for Muslim-free assembly from the Assembly must be met with action, not silence

Battleground Bengal: ECI finally takes action against Suvendu Ahikari for communal speech

How the Hindutva propaganda machine turns citizens into ‘infiltrators’

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Kerala Local Body Election Results Ring Alarm Bells in the Left’s Last Bastion https://sabrangindia.in/kerala-local-body-election-results-ring-alarm-bells-in-the-lefts-last-bastion/ Tue, 16 Dec 2025 09:52:02 +0000 https://sabrangindia.in/?p=45030 The CPI(M)'s Hindu outreach alienated Muslims in northern Kerala while Hindu voters migrated to the BJP anyway, with the Left party getting caught between two vote banks, satisfying neither.

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When the results of Kerala’s local body elections started coming in on Saturday (December 13) morning, the winning tally of the Thiruvananthapuram Corporation sent shockwaves across Kerala. The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) had captured control of the state capital for the first time in its nearly five decades history, winning 50 of 101 municipal wards. For the Communist Party of India (Marxist) (CPI (M)), which had governed the corporation virtually unchallenged since 1980, the loss represented more than an electoral setback – it was the symbolic fall of its longest-standing urban fortress.

But Thiruvananthapuram’s saffron surge masked an even more substantial story unfolding across Kerala. By evening, the contours of a statewide rout became clear: the Congress-led United Democratic Front (UDF) had swept through urban and rural Kerala, the Left had been reduced to controlling just one of six major corporations, and the ruling front faced its worst defeat in decades. For observers of India’s Left politics, the implications extend far beyond state boundaries. Kerala represents the Indian Left’s last stronghold. If the Left Democratic Front (LDF) loses next year’s Assembly elections, it would mark the first time since the 1970s that communist parties hold no state government anywhere in India – a potentially terminal blow to their organisational capacity and national relevance.

Political map redrawn

The scale of transformation becomes apparent in the numbers. Across Kerala’s six municipal corporations – the state’s major cities – the political map has been redrawn. In 2020, the Left controlled or dominated five corporations. By 2025, the UDF controlled four, the BJP held one, and only Kozhikode remained in Left hands.

In Kollam, where the Left had governed for 25 consecutive years, the UDF captured control with a decisive 15-seat swing. In Kochi, the state’s commercial capital, the UDF won 47 seats against the Left’s 22 – a stunning reversal from the closely contested 2020 result. Thrissur, previously balanced between the fronts, swung decisively toward the Congress alliance. The municipal results told the same story. The LDF, which won 43 municipalities in 2020, fell to just 28. The UDF surged to 54, while the BJP – almost non-existent in municipal contests five years ago – captured two, including the symbolically important Tripunithura.

These results clearly show a seismic realignment across more than 1,200 local bodies and over 23,000 wards. The Congress-led UDF surged to statewide dominance. Meanwhile, the BJP-led National Democratic Alliance (NDA) held its vote share steady like 2020’s performance, but converted this static support into history-making victories. The NDA’s strategic efficiency – concentrating resources in southern and central Kerala’s Hindu-majority areas rather than spreading thin statewide – delivered unprecedented breakthrough in seat victories.

In ward after ward, the Left’s vote scattered while the UDF’s more disciplined support converted to victories. Meanwhile, the BJP’s concentrated vote share – modest in aggregate – proved devastatingly efficient where focussed. Thiruvananthapuram’s BJP victory came not from dramatically expanding the party’s overall support but from focused organisational strength in specific electoral arenas.

Yet, according to primary estimations, within a relatively stable vote distribution, seat conversion told a dramatically different story. The phenomenon reflects two realities reshaping Kerala politics: winner-take-all dynamics in three-cornered contests, and the BJP’s strategic efficiency in concentrating resources rather than spreading thin.

Caught between two electorates

The geography of Left decline reveals the party’s fundamental strategic failure. In northern Kerala’s Muslim-majority regions – Malappuram, parts of Kannur and Kozhikode – the party experienced acute setbacks. The UDF made spectacular gains in Malappuram district, winning 11 of 12 municipalities in an area where the Left had maintained significant presence.

The erosion stemmed from perceptions that the Left was abandoning its secular moorings. Chief minister Pinarayi Vijayan’s references to “league alliances” – widely interpreted as criticism of the UDF’s Muslim vote bank – created unease. The government’s initial acceptance of the Union government’s PM-SHRI school scheme, opposed by Muslim organisations, and its cultivation of Ayyappa devotee sentiment through the Global Ayyappa Sangamam initiative suggested uncomfortable repositioning. The Sabarimala gold theft scandal, implicating a CPI(M) leader, compounded perceptions of opportunism. For the working class Muslim voters who had long seen the party as a reliable secular alternative, the Congress appeared more trustworthy.

Yet this Hindu outreach failed to deliver compensatory gains. In Thiruvananthapuram, Palakkad and Thrissur, urban Hindu voters shifted rightward toward the BJP rather than leftward toward the LDF. The party found itself trapped: alienating minorities through “soft Hindutva” while watching Hindu constituencies migrate to the actual saffron party. The Left’s ideological incoherence proved politically fatal. A party cannot simultaneously position itself as secular bulwark and Hindu sentiment cultivator, champion minorities and reassure majority anxieties. When winning, such contradictions can be managed. When losing, they become lethal.

The BJP’s breakthrough moment

While urban Kerala swung toward the UDF, the BJP’s consolidation carries significance for national politics. Thiruvananthapuram Corporation represents the party’s first major governance showcase in Kerala – invaluable legitimacy as it aspires to contest statewide. The 2024 Lok Sabha elections had established foundations: the NDA topped 11 Assembly segments and came second in nine others, creating bases for competitive three-cornered contests in roughly 30 of Kerala’s 140 Assembly constituencies.

The party’s steady statewide vote share, while modest, demonstrated strategic efficiency. By concentrating resources in specific arenas rather than diluting efforts across the state, the BJP translated static support into historic gains. By 2026, the BJP contests not as a marginal force but as a serious player capable of winning seats outright and, crucially, determining outcomes in triangular fights. This brings Kerala to “three-front politics” – a development that could permanently fracture the bipolar alternation between Left and Congress fronts that has characterised the state since the 1980s.

Reading 2026

The local body results provide sobering indicators for next year’s Assembly elections. The scale of urban swings suggests the UDF enters as the clear favorite. If local momentum translates, the Congress-led alliance could win 80 to 90 seats in the 140-member Assembly – well above the 71-seat majority threshold. The LDF faces potential reduction to 40-60 seats from its 2021 strength of 99. Strongholds remain in parts of Kannur and Alappuzha, but elsewhere erosion appears severe.

The critical variable is BJP vote-splitting in three-cornered contests. Across 30-40 competitive constituencies, the party’s 16-18% support could prove decisive. If the NDA consistently polls this range while the UDF and LDF split remaining votes, the UDF wins by plurality in seat after seat – a formula that repeated across 2025’s local body wards and promises comfortable Congress victory at the Assembly level.

Crumbling red bastions

For tracking India’s broader political evolution, these results carry weight beyond Kerala’s boundaries. Since the late 1960s, the CPI(M) has almost continuously held at least one state government. When West Bengal’s Left Front governed from 1977 to 2011 – the longest-serving elected communist administration in world history – crumbled, Tripura provided continuity. Throughout transitions, Kerala remained the party’s permanent base. An LDF defeat in 2026 would mark the first extended period since the 1960s when Indian communists hold no state government. The implications are substantial.

State power sustains organisational machinery – jobs for cadres, resources for activities, platforms for leaders, demonstration effects for policies. West Bengal’s experience is instructive: five years after losing power in 2011, the once-formidable Left Front won just one assembly seat in a state it had governed for 34 years. Tripura mirrored this trajectory after 2018 – initial shock giving way to organisational atrophy and near-irrelevance.

A question of revival

The Left theoretically retains recovery options. Rigorous self-assessment – examining religious polarisation, governance gaps, youth disconnect – could inform course corrections. Most crucially, the party must resolve the contradiction turning its positioning: the impossibility of simultaneously being secular champion and Hindutva sentiment cultivator. Political parties in decline rarely undertake clear-eyed self-examination. More typical is denial, with organizational energy diverted toward managing internal conflicts rather than reconnecting with voters.

Kerala’s transformation extends beyond state politics. For the Congress, a potential 2026 victory would provide crucial momentum after years of electoral disappointments. It would demonstrate the party’s continued relevance in at least one major state and offer a governance platform ahead of 2029’s general elections.

For the BJP, even without winning power, Kerala represents breakthrough territory. A strong Kerala presence – even in opposition – strengthens the saffron party’s southern footprint.

For the Left, the stakes are existential. A governing party can survive electoral defeat and rebuild. A party without state power, failing organisational capacity, watching its last bastion slip away – that party faces questions not of revival but of survival. The red flag still flies over party offices across Kerala. But the wind has shifted. Whether it brings renewal or relegation depends on choices made in the coming months, by leaders confronting uncomfortable truths, by voters rendering their verdict, and by the unpredictable dynamics of India’s most politically sophisticated state.

M.P. Basheer, a journalist and writer based in Thiruvananthapuram, was the executive editor of Kerala’s first TV news channel, Indiavision.

Courtesy: The Wire

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Bihar Elections: Trains for votes? The unanswered mystery of the ‘phantom’ specials from Haryana to Bihar https://sabrangindia.in/bihar-elections-trains-for-votes-the-unanswered-mystery-of-the-phantom-specials-from-haryana-to-bihar/ Tue, 02 Dec 2025 10:13:58 +0000 https://sabrangindia.in/?p=44803 Explosive RTI documents reveal unannounced special trains running from Haryana to Bihar mere days before polling, serious allegations of state-sponsored voter smuggling, as the dust settles on the Bihar 2025 verdict, video evidence of ‘free tickets’ compounds the mystery, leaving questions over the violation of the Model Code of Conduct, the definition of "Corrupt Practice" under the RP Act, and the deafening silence of the Election Commission dangerously unanswered

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The line between logistical necessity and electoral manipulation is often thin, but recent Right to Information (RTI) replies from the Northern Railway suggest this boundary may have been breached. Although the Bihar elections have concluded and the new NDA government is in place, scrutiny remains on the operation of four unannounced “Special Trains” that departed from Haryana’s Karnal and Gurugram for Bhagalpur and Barauni on November 3, 2025.

The timeline of suspicion

The timing remains the primary indictment against the transparency of the process. With the Bihar Assembly polls scheduled for November 6 and 11, 2025, the departure of these trains on November 3 was not a random administrative decision. It suggests a meticulously timed arrival, allowing thousands of passengers just enough leeway to disperse into specific constituencies before the crucial “silent period” (campaigning ban) came into force.

According to the RTI responses, the special trains operated on a synchronised schedule departing on November 3, 2025, from origins in Karnal and Gurugram, Haryana. These unannounced services were routed via Patna (PNBE) to terminate at strategic locations in Bihar, specifically Bhagalpur and Barauni, thereby creating a direct corridor between the two states mere days before the critical voting phase.

The RTI stonewall: “rush clearance” or cover-up?

The RTI responses from the Commercial Department of the Delhi Division are notable not for what they reveal, but for what they conceal. When the RTI activist Ajay Basudev Bose demanded specifics regarding who booked the trains, the total fare paid, the security deposits, and the exact passenger count, the Railway authorities deflected.

The official reply cited vague “Press Releases” and the generic excuse of “Rush Clearance.” However, the Coach Composition details betrayed the scale of the operation that Configuration A – “12 GS + 2 GSCN + 2 SLR” and Configuration B – “9 GS + 9 GSCN + 2 SLR.”

This composition is heavily skewed towards General Seating (GS), capable of ferrying thousands of individuals in high density. The refusal to disclose the financial trail—specifically who footed the bill—has led critics to argue that the “Rush Clearance” narrative is a bureaucratic veil. As noted in the appeal by activists, the stonewalling on the question of payment “Smells like a cover-up!”

Why were they run specifically from Haryana when they could not run such trains during Chhath?: Kapil Sibal

On November 9, during a joint press briefing, Rajya Sabha MP and legal luminary Kapil Sibal dismantled this defense with a simple question of logic that “Why were they run specifically from Haryana when they could not run such trains during Chhath?”

Sibal’s argument highlights a critical anomaly. Migrant workers return to Bihar from across India—Delhi, Mumbai, Surat, Punjab. Yet, the concentration of these specific, unannounced trains originated from Haryana, a state ruled by the BJP, heading into a state where the BJP was a key contender. If this were purely for Chhath, why were similar “emergency” trains not reported from non-NDA ruled states with equal urgency?

The “professional voter” theory: a modern booth capture?

The dimensional part of this story was introduced by RJD MP A.D. Singh, who moved the allegation from logistical support to criminal conspiracy. Singh suggested that the passengers were not merely home-bound migrants, but a mercenary force of “professional voters”—individuals moved across state lines to vote in multiple constituencies or impersonate absent voters.

“The passengers would be ‘professional voters’ who vote from constituency to constituency on a particular date. They must be having fake EPIC cards for which the EC has been helping them.” — A.D. Singh

Singh further alleged a direct nexus, claiming he received information that railway officials were instructed to coordinate these movements directly with Haryana BJP chief Mohan Lal Badoli and other party functionaries. He issued a direct challenge that remains unmet:

“The payment has been made by the BJP. Let the rail minister say who paid the money for these trains.”

The “festival alibi” vs. geographic logic

The Railway Ministry responded quickly, arguing that the situation was due to the overlap with Chhath Puja and Diwali. Their statement said, “This festival season, the railways is running 12,000 special trains; 10,700 special trains are scheduled and about 2000 trains are unscheduled. We are operating war rooms at three levels, divisional, zonal, and Railway board level.” “Whenever there is a sudden rush of passengers at any station, we immediately put into service unscheduled special trains” as per a report in The Print.

Caught on camera: the ‘free ticket’ confession

Apart from the RTI revelations, video evidence has now surfaced that seemingly confirms the precise mechanics of this alleged “voter smuggling” operation. While the Railway Ministry maintained the bureaucratic defence of “rush clearance,” ground reports from Sonipat and Karnal tell a radically different story that the trains were the hardware, but the ruling party provided the software—specifically, free tickets and food.

Investigative footage from SNA News and Swarnpatr captures a brazen display of electoral mobilisation where the distinction between state infrastructure and party machinery completely collapsed.

In the exposed footage, the denial of “sponsored travel” unravels through the testimonies of the passengers themselves. When asked who paid for their journey, multiple laborers are seen on camera admitting, “Ticket BJP ne diya hai” (BJP gave the ticket) and “Modi sarkar ne paisa diya” (The Modi government paid). Even more incriminating is the on-record admission by local BJP functionaries present at the station. In one instance, a party worker explicitly states, “Ticket BJP arrange kara ke de rahi hai… bilkul nishulk” (The BJP is arranging the tickets… absolutely free), justifying the expenditure as a necessary service to help poor laborers participate in the “festival of democracy.”

This visual proof directly contradicts the “festival rush” narrative; these were not passengers buying tickets to go home for Chhath, but voters being ferried free of cost with the specific instruction to “cast their vote” (“Vot girane ja rahe hai”), a fact corroborated by video documentation where local leaders admit to the free distribution of tickets  and passengers confirm they did not pay a single rupee for the journey.

MCC and “corrupt practice” under RP Act, 1951

Even with the elections concluded, the legal ramifications of these allegations persist. If proven, they point to a structural rot in the electoral process involving two key frameworks:

First, violation of the Representation of the People Act, 1951 (RP Act) The core allegation triggers Section 123(5) of the RP Act, which deals with “Corrupt Practices.”

Section 123(5): The hiring or procuring, whether on payment or otherwise, of any vehicle or vessel by a candidate or his agent… for the free conveyance of any elector… to or from any polling station…

While the text specifies “to or from a polling station,” judicial interpretation of “corrupt practice” often extends to the entire election apparatus. If a political party paid for trains to transport voters from Haryana to Bihar for the explicit purpose of voting, it violates the spirit of this prohibition. The RTI’s failure to disclose the “party or person who booked” the trains effectively suppresses evidence of a potential federal crime.

Secondly, misuse of official machinery under the Model Code of Conduct (MCC) The MCC is unequivocal, the party in power at the Centre must not use its official position for campaigning.

Para VII of MCC: The party in power whether at the Centre or in the State… shall ensure that no cause is given for any complaint that it has used its official position for the purposes of its election campaign.

The Indian Railways is a central ministry. If “unscheduled” trains were allocated based on backchannel requests from political functionaries to aid a specific party’s mobilisation, it constitutes a gross misuse of state machinery, shattering the “level playing field” the ECI is sworn to protect.

Institutional failure: the ECI’s abdication

The most troubling part of the “Phantom Trains” episode is the inaction of the regulator. The ECI, which is empowered by Article 324 of the Constitution to supervise and control elections, has remained silent.

The Bihar 2025 Assembly elections may be over, but the alleged “Trains for Votes” incident should not be brushed aside. The RTI documents clearly show an irregularity that needs an institutional response. If the Indian Railways—the country’s main transport network—can be used in a way that shifts voters on polling day as alleged, then the idea of a free and fair election is at risk.

The unanswered question of who paid for these trains raises serious doubts. Until the Election Commission conducts a transparent audit of these “Phantom Trains,” the election process will continue to face suspicion that government machinery was used to influence the outcome.

Related

The Indian Railways Need to be Saved

‘Designed to Exclude’: The ongoing enumeration phase of the SIR

Bihar’s SIR process reveals an exercise of illegitimate powers, ECI forcing district machinery to resort to unethical practices: CCG’s Open Letter

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Odisha: senior Bhubaneswar municipal official assaulted on duty, told to “apologise” to BJP leader https://sabrangindia.in/odisha-senior-bhubaneswar-municipal-official-assaulted-on-duty-told-to-apologise-to-bjp-leader/ Tue, 01 Jul 2025 12:09:28 +0000 https://sabrangindia.in/?p=42558 In an incident reported on June 30, the motley group of BJP supporters then allegedly started assaulting him without any provocation and demanded that he apologise to Pradhan, reports the Indian Express.

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A group of men allegedly dragged out and assaulted a senior on-duty official of the Bhubaneswar Municipal Corporation (BMC) during a grievance hearing on Monday, June 30. The matter came to light after a video of the same was posted by former chief minister Navin Patnaik on “X” formerly twitter.

The incident reportedly occurredd in the BMC office premises when the official, Additional Commissioner Ratnakar Sahoo, was in the midst of conducting a grievance redressal meeting at his chamber. According to a subsequent police complaint that Sahoo filed, six-seven unknown individuals entered his chambers and aggressively asked whether he had spoken to Jagannath Pradhan, a BJP leader from Bhubaneswar. Sahoo said he responded that he had a telephonic conversation with Pradhan earlier in the day. The group then allegedly started assaulting him without any provocation and demanded that he apologise to Pradhan. Why they wanted him to apologise was not made clear.

“They beat me brutally in full public view with an attempt to murder, in the presence of public representatives, i.e. corporators of the BMC, BMC officers, staff, and citizens. While I was trying to shield myself and plead for mercy, they threatened me and attempted to forcibly drag me into a vehicle, saying that I must come to Jagannath Pradhan and apologise,” Sahoo said in the complaint.

The assailants also allegedly snatched his mobile phone and uploaded scandalous content as his WhatsApp status, he said.

The incident has sparked state-wide outrage, with BMC officials staging a cease-work protest blocking a major road outside the BMC office. They demanded the immediate arrest of the miscreants. There was heavy police deployment within the BMC premises following the incident.

Police sources said they have registered a case and arrested three persons, including BMC corporator Jeevan Rout, in connection with the attack. Police said they were investigating the involvement of other persons.

Pradhan the BJP leader thereafter described the incident as unfortunate and said that he knew two people allegedly involved in the attack. He also said the BJP government would not shield anyone and would take action against all those involved in the assault.

The issue has also triggered a political row, with the Leader of Opposition and former chief minister Naveen Patnaik calling the attack “appalling”. He demanded “immediate and exemplary” action in the matter.

His post on “X” states:

I am utterly shocked seeing this video. “If a senior officer is not safe in his own office, then what law and order will ordinary citizens expect from the government?” Patnaik asked in a post on X.

Demanding immediate action to restore faith in his government, Patnaik said the government shouldn’t allow heinous acts to go unpunished. “The people of #Odisha will not forgive this,” he said.

Today, Shri Ratnakar Sahoo, OAS Additional Commissioner, BMC, a senior officer of the rank of Additional Secretary was dragged from his office and brutally kicked and assaulted in front of a BJP Corporator, allegedly linked to a defeated BJP MLA Candidate.

What is more appalling is that this happened in broad daylight, in the heart of the capital city-#Bhubaneswar to a senior officer while he was in his office, hearing grievances of people.

I ask @MohanMOdisha

Ji to take immediate and exemplary action against not only those who perpetrated but more importantly the political leaders who orchestrated and conspired this shameful attack. The people named by the officer in his FIR have behaved like criminals. If a senior officer is not safe in his own office, then what law and order will ordinary citizens expect from the Government

I only hope that Shri Majhi directs immediate action to be taken to restore faith in his government and not allow this heinous act to go unpunished like the assault on an officer by the ex-Governor’s son. The people of #Odisha will not forgive this.

 

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Sanjay Raut’s Prison Memoir Stirs Political Storm https://sabrangindia.in/sanjay-rauts-prison-memoir-stirs-political-storm/ Tue, 10 Jun 2025 12:52:14 +0000 https://sabrangindia.in/?p=42105 The book chronicles Raut’s experiences and encounters from the time he was imprisoned at Mumbai’s Arthur Jail.

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Opposition leaders Sharad Pawar, Uddhav Thackeray and others criticised the BJP-led NDA government for misusing central agencies and anti-corruption laws to target opposition and the voice of dissent, while speaking at the launch of Shiv Sena (UBT) MP Sanjay Raut’s explosive book ‘Narkatla Swarg’ (Heaven in Hell) on Friday. The book, which has already stirred controversy in the state’s political arena, chronicles Raut’s experiences and encounters from the time he was imprisoned at Mumbai’s Arthur Jail. Raut was arrested by the Enforcement Directorate (ED) in August 2022, over the allegations of money laundering in the Patra Chawl land development case under the Prevention of Money Laundering Act (PMLA), 2022.

“The ED dragged Sanjay Raut in a case wherein he was not at all involved. This book is a great account of how power is being misused. It shows how the agencies function now,” said NCP(SP) Supremo Sharad Pawar.

Book stirs controversy

Earlier, speaking about his book, Raut said that while he wrote 80 percent of his book in the prison, he took another two years after getting out of the prison to complete the rest of the book.

“This book is political. Those who want to work while in the opposition must read this book. This book is not for those who only seek power,” Raut said.

Along with Thackeray and Pawar, Trinamool Congress (TMC) MP Saket Gokhale, renowned writer-lyricist Javed Akhtar and several leaders from the Maha Vikas Aghadi including NCP (SP)’s Jayant Pawar, Anil Deshmukh, Shiv Sena (UBT)’s Aditya Thackeray, Anil Parab, were present at the event.

Raut’s book, which has made several explosive allegations, has come under fire from the ruling party. In his book, Raut has claimed that Sharad Pawar helped PM Narendra Modi and Home Minister Amit Shah avoid legal action after the 2002 Gujarat riots. He also said that Shiv Sena founder Balasaheb Thackeray helped Amit Shah when his arrest was imminent in the same case. He has also written a chapter about the arrest of Jharkhand’s independent journalist Rupesh Kumar Singh, who has been jailed since July 2022 under the draconian Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act (UAPA).

The book has been met with jibes and criticism from BJP leaders over its explosive content. However, while speaking at the book launch, Pawar questioned how did the people in power know what’s in the book without even reading it.

Raut as well as the other dignitaries also mentioned several other opposition leaders like Saket Gokhale, Anil Deshmukh, AAP’s Sanjay Singh, who faced action under PMLA.

The use of PMLA

Pawar was part of India’s Union Government when the PMLA was enacted. Speaking at the book launch, Pawar shared that he had tried to warn the then UPA-led government of the potential dangers of this Act.

“It was P Chimdambaram who had proposed to the cabinet an amendment to the PMLA. I had informed the then prime minister Manmohan Singh that this proposal is very dangerous, we shouldn’t do that. If we lose power, it might be used against us. And then, we lost power and the first person who was arrested using PMLA was P Chidambaram himself,” Pawar said.

He was speaking of a provision under the PMLA, which puts the onus of proving innocence on the accused in order to even get bail, instead of the investigating agency having to prove his crime. The Supreme Court, last year, took note of this provision multiple times, criticising it.

Trinamool Congress (TMC) MP Saket Gokhale, who was also arrested under the PMLA in Gujarat, was present at the book launch. He also drew attention to this provision of the Act.

“This law used to break parties, people. ED is being used for that. Our judiciary has failed completely, that’s why this is happening. The judiciary is responsible for overseeing that the government functions properly. But when your cases don’t see the light of the day, the government does not fear anyone. It’s people like Sanjay Raut who instill that fear back in the government,” Gokhale said.

Pawar also pointed out how the UPA and the NDA governments used this law. He said that while the UPA government had evoked this law for a probe against nine people, there were no arrests made. However, he said that the NDA government has used this act against 19 leaders from different opposition parties and arrested most of them.

Shiv Sena (UBT) Chief and former CM Uddhav Thackeray also alleged that the Centre has been using agencies to intimidate the state governments.

“When I was the CM, Maharashtra’s Director General of Police (DG) and Chief Secretary (CS) were called by the CBI. Mamata Banerjee [West Bengal CM] also faced the same thing, her CS then resigned. If these people hold the strings of people using government agencies, how are we supposed to rule?” Thackeray questioned.

He also demanded that the states should also be allowed to force acts like PMLA. “Our country is a union of states. The states have just as much rights as the Centre, as they should. The states should also be allowed to use the ED, the Income Tax department, the CBI, the PMLA. Let’s put those found accused in the Central Government behind bars and ask them to prove that they are innocent,” Thackeray said.

Courtesy: Indie Journal

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Save the honour and self-respect of India’s Armed forces: Former army naval personnel & citizens https://sabrangindia.in/save-the-honour-and-self-respect-of-indias-armed-forces-former-army-naval-personnel-citizens/ Thu, 29 May 2025 11:22:12 +0000 https://sabrangindia.in/?p=41945 Almost a hundred citizens have written to President Draupadi Murmu in her capacity as Supreme Commander of India's Armed Forces to “safeguard their honour and self-respect in the wake of controversial statements made by leaders of the Bharatiya Janata Party.

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Close to a hundred citizens have written to President Draupadi Murmu in her capacity as Supreme Commander of India’s Armed Forces to “safeguard their honour and self-respect” especially given problematic statements made BJP leaders like Jagdish Devda and Vijay Shah in the context of the recent Indo-Pak conflict. Devda is deputy chief minister of Madhya Pradesh and Vijay Shah, a minister in the same government.

Signatories like Mrs Lalitha Ramdas, wife of Admiral Ramdas (retired), former Chief of the Indian Navy, Vishnu Bhagwat (retired), former Chief of the Indian Navy, Lt. General (Retd) Vijay Oberoi, Vice Admiral (Retd) Sanjay Misra, Major M G Devasahayam IAS (Retd), and EAS Sarma IAS (Retd) among several others have stated that such derogatory statements made by these two Ministers can “adversely affect the morale of the serving personnel of our Armed Forces resulting in the weakening of national security and territorial integrity.” Hence the signatories have demanded that both the Centre and the State should therefore initiate decisive action against the two Ministers for making such derogatory statements under the relevant provisions of the Bhartiya Nyaya Sanhita.  The Chief Minister of Madhya Pradesh should remove forthwith the two Ministers from the State Cabinet. The central leadership of the concerned party should publicly condemn the derogatory statements made by the two Ministers and initiate action against them.

The signatories, in their open letter, dated May 17, 2025, have added that, because of the stringent Rules and discipline in the Armed Forces its members are unable to respond to these derogatory statements and humiliation. Therefore, as Supreme Commander of the Armed Forces they have urged President of India, Draupadi Murmu to defend the honour and self-respect of the brave Indian Armed Forces by directing appropriate action against those indulging in such denigration and preventing the same in the future.

It may be recalled that statements made by deputy chief minister, Madhya Pradesh, Jagdish Devda and minister Vijay Shah came in for sharp criticism some weeks ag during the recent Indo-Pak conflict. First, Madhya Pradesh Minister Vijay Shah made a public statement referring to Col Sofia Qureshi, the official spokesperson for the defence forces as the “(terrorists) wiped the sindoor of our sisters and daughters (in the context of the recent Pahalgaon attack by terrorists), and we sent their own sister to give it back to them in kind ” openly betraying his gender-insensitive, non-secular, divisive state of mind, a statement that tends to deprecate women in general, incite communal fissures and insult the defence forces.

Second, Deputy CM Jagdish Devda, speaking at a training session for civil defence volunteers in Jabalpur on Friday, controversially told the audience, “Pradhanmantri ji ko bhi dhanyawad dena chahenge, aur pura desh, desh ki wo sena, wo sainik, unke charno mein natmastak hain. Unke charno mein pura desh natmastak hai. Unhone jo jawab diya hai (We would also like to thank the Prime Minister; the entire country, the country’s Army, its soldiers are bowing at his feet. The entire country is bowing at his feet. For the response he gave).”

The open communication also recalls and records that earlier, Shri Yogi Adityanath, the Chief Minister of UP made a similar derogatory statement against the defence forces by calling the armed forces, “Modiji ki sena” in April 2019. Through all of these remarks that affect the dignity and morale of the forces the Government has chosen to remain silent in the matter leading to the repetition of the humiliation of the Armed Forces!

Besides, Shri Adityanath’s earlier statement and Shri Devda’s latest statement showed their outright disrespect for the letter and spirit of Article 53 of the Constitution, which defines executive power of the Union as follows:

“(1) The executive power of the Union  shall be vested in the President and shall be exercised by him either directly or through officers subordinate to him in accordance with this Constitution.

 (2) Without prejudice to the generality of the foregoing provision, the supreme command of the Defence Forces of the Union shall be vested in the President and the exercise thereof shall be regulated by law.

 (3) Nothing in this article shall—

 (a) be deemed to transfer to the President any functions conferred by any existing law on the Government of any State or other authority;” In other words, under Article 52(2) of the Constitution, the supreme command of the Defence Forces of the Union shall vest in the President of India and no other authority.

Finally, the letter records that it is unfortunate that, instead of questioning and condemning these “despicable acts” senior leaders of BJP at the national level and their handlers are supporting them. In conclusion, the signatories have stated that while expressing solidarity with Col Sofia Qureshi and the Defence Forces in general for their unwavering commitment to safeguarding national security, we unequivocally condemn the statements made by the two Ministers.

Signatories:

  1. Mrs Lalita Ramdas, Wife of Admiral (Retd) L. Ramdas, Former Chief of the Naval Staff
  2. Admiral (Retd) Vishnu Bhagwat, Former Chief of the Naval Staff
  3. General (Retd) Vijay Oberoi
  4. Vice Admiral (Retd) Sanjay Misra
  5. Major M G Devasahayam IAS (Retd)
  6. EAS Sarma IAS (Retd)
  7. Surendra Nath IAS (Retd)
  8. Prof (Retd) Sebastian Morris (IIM, Ahmedabad)
  9. Thomas Franco (People First)
  10. Joe Athialy (Centre for Financial Accountability)
  11. Dinesh Abrol (Delhi Science Forum)
  12. Soumya Dutta (MAUSAM, Environmental Activist)
  13. V Sridhar (Journalist, Bengaluru)
  14. Prasad Chacko (People’s Union for Civil Liberties )
  15. Vijayakumar (Indian School of Social Sciences)
  16. Smita Ramanathan (Social Activist)
  17. R. Sankari (TNGPA)
  18. Teesta Setalvad (Human Rights Activist)
  19. Vivekanandan (Retd Professor, MUTA)
  20. K Ashok Rao (Patron All India Power Engineers Frederation)
  21. Kaushik Majumdar (Social Activist)
  22. Vivekaanandhan (TANRECTA)
  23. Praveer Peter (Sajha Kadam (for Peace & Harmony))
  24. Venkatesh Athreya (Retd Professor, Economist)
  25. Nityanand Jayaraman (Chennai Solidarity Group)
  26. Amanulla Khan (All India Insurance Employees’ Association)
  27. Tara Rao (Eddelu Karnataka)
  28. Uma Shankari (Social Activist)
  29. Meera Sanghamitra, Social Activist (NAPM), Telangana
  30. Madhu Bhaduri, Delhi
  31. Malathi N Thomas, Karnataka
  32. Prabhat Patnaik, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi.
  33. Arun Kumar, Haryana
  34. Cedric Prakash, Gujarat
  35. Arun Kumar
  36. VIVEKANANDAN TD, Tamil Nadu
  37. Ambassador K P Fabian, Delhi
  38. Ashok Sharma IFS (Retd), UP
  39. Elizabeth D’Souza , Mumbai
  40. A. NATHAN – PRESIDENT – NEW LIFE PEOPLE’S PARTY, TAMILNADU
  41. Sushil, Karnataka
  42. Beena Choksi, Maharashtra
  43. Sathish Kumar, Tamil Nadu
  44. Sabina Basha, Karnataka
  45. Biraj Mehta, Maharashtra
  46. Rahul George, Karnataka
  47. Sabala, Maharashtra
  48. John Dayal, Delhi
  49. Chellappa, Tamil Nadu
  50. Maj Sharat Chandra Singh (DGM BOI Retd) Uttar Pradesh
  51. H S Gujral Punjab
  52. SHARAD BEHAR, IAS Retired       Madhya Pradesh
  53. Armaity Irani, Maharashtra
  54. Mariadasa, Tamilnadu
  55. Prabhat Sharan (Senior Journalist), Maharashtra
  56. Ravi Budhiraja IAS(Retd), Maharashtra
  57. Ashish Kajla, Delhi
  58. Aruna Rodrigues, Madhya Pradesh
  59. AlokPerti, Delhi
  60. Calvin Dsouza, Goa
  61. Madhu Bhaduri, Delhi
  62. Peter, Tamilnadu
  63. Bob Monteiro, Karnataka
  64. Mariadasan, Tamilnadu
  65. Amanulla Khan, Karnataka
  66. MOHAMED IMRAN, TAMILNADU
  67. S M Sebastian, Tamilnadu
  68. Pranjali Tripathi, Delhi
  69. Kirity Roy, MASUM, West Bengal
  70. Aditya Mukherjee, Delhi
  71. Narendra Panjwani, Maharashtra
  72. M.Fidelis , Tamil Nadu
  73. Ramesh Dixit, Uttar Pradesh
  74. Koshi Philip, Tamilnadu
  75. Neera Burra, New Delhi
  76. Antony Ravi J, Tamil Nadu
  77. Maya Krishna Rao, Karnataka
  78. ivy lobo karnayaka
  79. S Om Prakash, Karnataka
  80. Kripa Noronha, Karnataka
  81. Mridula Mukherjee, Delhi
  82. Hilarius , Tamilnadu
  83. Justice D. Hariparanthaman (Retd)
  84. Sarbendu Guha, West Bengal
  85. T.R. Colaso, Karnataka
  86. Samrat, Delhi
  87. Captain Subbarao Prabhala IN Retd, Karnataka
  88. Naveen Yadav, Delhi
  89. Nagalsamy , Tamilnadu
  90. Varsha, Telangana
  91. Gleetus, Tamil Nadu
  92. Anjali Bhardwaj, Delhi
  93. Amrita Johri, Delhi

 

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What the ‘Cauliflower’ in BJP Karnataka’s X Post Means https://sabrangindia.in/what-the-cauliflower-in-bjp-karnatakas-x-post-means/ Mon, 26 May 2025 06:58:39 +0000 https://sabrangindia.in/?p=41888 The reference is understood to point to the 1989 Bhagalpur anti-Muslim riots in which over 900 people were killed. In the village of Logain, 110 Muslims were buried in a farm and cauliflower saplings were planted over their dead bodies. In recent years, this reference has been revived by alt-right groups.

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The official X account of the Bharatiya Janata Party’s Karnataka wing today, May 23, posted an image depicting Union home minister Amit Shah holding a cauliflower over a gravestone that reads “RIP Naxalism.”

This post was captioned “LOL Salam, Comrade” – a take on communists’ use of ‘lal selam’ or ‘red salute’. It was posted as a response to a press statement by the CPI(ML) condemning ‘Operation Kagar’ – a joint operation by the paramilitary, state police, and various security forces in the dense and hilly forests of Telangana and Chhattisgarh, in which officials said 27 ‘Maoists’ were killed.

The CPI (ML) had condemned the “cold-blooded extra-judicial killing of Maoist activists and Adivasis in Narayanpur-Bijapur.”

The party statement also said that Shah’s celebratory post reflected that the “state is spearheading Operation Kagar as an extra-judicial extermination campaign and taking credit for killing citizens and suppressing Adivasi protests against corporate plunder and militarisation in the name of combating Maoism.”

The connotations of a cauliflower 

While the Union government’s response has indeed been celebratory, it was, in fact, the presence of a cauliflower in BJP Karnataka’s X post that stunned online commentators.

The use of the cauliflower has become a de-facto stand-in for a call to Muslim genocide.

Capable of circumventing hate speech laws online, it was most recently widely shared by pro-BJP political commentators following the communal clashes in Nagpur.

The imagery is understood to refer to the 1989 Bhagalpur anti-Muslim riots in which over 900 people were killed. In the village of Logain, 110 Muslims were killed and buried in a farm. It is well known that cauliflower saplings were planted over their dead bodies.

In recent years, this reference has been revived by alt-right groups, particularly the trads. Some of its less disguised versions in the past have portrayed hijabi women as cauliflowers.

In their social media bios, many Hindutva ‘trads’ refer to themselves as “cauliflower farmers.”

Trads constitute the extreme end of the Hindutva universe, and comprise youth who want to serve as self-styled civilisational warriors online. Trads view other right-wingers as too liberal and call them ‘raitas’. They also consider PM Narendra Modi too weak to further the real Hindutva agenda due to his alleged appeasement of Dalits and inability to deal with the Muslims with an iron hand.

In 2022, The Wire had reported on these trads following the ‘Sulli Deals’ case in which a hundred Muslim women were ‘auctioned’ on an app.

The Wire had reported how trad iconography is usually designed to ‘trigger’ minority communities with shockingly violent ‘humour’. They include memes depicting the beheading of Muslims, caricatures of Muslims being mowed under their cars, Dalits depicted as “cockroaches” being gassed, or rape victims (who are either Muslims or Dalits) being urinated upon by a saffronised ‘Pepe the Frog.’

The report had said how this dependence on iconography draws directly from Western neo-Nazi creators and in some cases imitates the content of alt-right 4chan activists. References like the cauliflower meme or the invocation of the Ranveer Sena, a banned anti-Dalit militia accused of massacres in Bihar, are local additions.

While the BJP had so far steered away from this extreme discourse and gory trad imagery, the recent caricature is testament to its growing tolerance.

In the past year, trad iconography has become more acceptable in mainstream Hindutva lexicon, especially while addressing Muslims. In the many caricatures the BJP have posted since January 2024, especially during their 2024 Lok Sabha campaign, they adopted some of this imagery and symbols – like Pepe the Frog, a depiction of PM Modi dressed in saffron and taking on the Muslims in green, and an animation of Muslims taking away property and the belongings of the Dalits.

In 2022, in a post on X captioned Satyamev Jayate (truth alone prevails) a caricature was shared by the official handle of the Gujarat BJP featuring a dozen skull-capped and bearded men in white kurtas being hanged. Social media users and commentators drew comparison with Nazi caricatures and the tweet was taken down by Twitter. But the party said that they were not targeting any particular religion and that the cartoon was based on real incidents – a Gujarat court convicting terrorists for the 2006 Ahmedabad blasts.

Courtesy: The Wire

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Standing Truth on its Head: Ambedkar and BJP agenda https://sabrangindia.in/standing-truth-on-its-head-ambedkar-and-bjp-agenda/ Thu, 17 Apr 2025 11:13:09 +0000 https://sabrangindia.in/?p=41247 This 14th April (2025) the Nation celebrated Ambedkar Jayanti (Anniversary). Many aptly celebrate it as ‘Equality day’. Nationwide celebrations also witnessed the lectures and Seminars to recall the values and principles of the man who was a pioneer of the ideology and movements striving for equality and democracy. Interestingly those whose agenda is totally opposed to […]

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This 14th April (2025) the Nation celebrated Ambedkar Jayanti (Anniversary). Many aptly celebrate it as ‘Equality day’. Nationwide celebrations also witnessed the lectures and Seminars to recall the values and principles of the man who was a pioneer of the ideology and movements striving for equality and democracy. Interestingly those whose agenda is totally opposed to these values, those who are working for the opposite agenda of Hindu Nation and base their ideology on Manusmriti also sing praises for him on this day. This Holy book dictates the values upholding the caste system and patriarchal values.

While paying lip service to Ambedkar, RSS Chief Mohan Bhagwat equated him to RSS Founder K.B. Hedgewar, “Both dedicated their lives to social progress and held a common aspiration for nation’s growth”. Now what is common between Ambedkar’s dream of social equality, democratic, federalism, abolition of caste and RSS founder’s vision of a Hindu nation, based on the ancient holy books upholding caste system and patriarchy? These are polar opposites. But as paying tribute to Babasaheb has become mandatory for all for electoral compulsions, Bhagwat has to stretch things to pull Babasaheb in the ambit of list of their icons.

Not to be left behind, Narendra Modi, the Prime Minister of India went on to criticise the Indian National Congress “Congress has become the destroyer of Constitutions. Dr Ambedkar wanted to bring in equality… Babasaheb wanted every poor, every backward to be able to live with dignity and with their heads held high, to have dreams and complete them…Congress has always treated SCs, STs, and OBCs as second-class citizens.”

In a way Narendra Modi is distorting the facts. It is true that Ambedkar was critical of Congress and Gandhi at various occasions; still it was Congress and Gandhi with whom he interacted maximally to achieve his goal of social equality in particular. Gandhi is much criticized for betraying the cause of Dalits. ‘Poona Pact’ has come under severe criticism, but all said and done this was the most practical step towards affirmative action for Dalits. Gandhi was so touched by Ambedkar’s positions that he understood the ills of caste in a deeper way and made eradication of untouchability as his major mission for the next two years. Going from village to village, ensuring that Dalits are permitted entry into the temples and are able to draw water from the village wells. This also became the mission for many Congress workers.

This is the time when BJP ideology founders were singing praises for the values of the caste system and arguing that it is this system which has given stability to Hindu society! Ambedkars yeoman service to the nation was recognized by the national leaders and they were keen that Ambedkar should be part of the Constituent Assembly, In her biography ‘BABASAHEB: My Life with Dr. Ambedkar’, Savita Ambedkar quotes correspondence between Dr. Rajendra Prasad, President of Constituent Assembly, Pt. Jawaharlal Nehru, the Prime Minister-elect, Sardar Patel, the Home Minister, G. Mavalankar, Speaker and BG Kher, the CM of Bombay state to stress how all the top Congress leaders were extremely keen to have her husband elected to the Constituent Assembly unopposed. For instance Patel wrote to Mavalankar on July 5, 1947: ‘Dr Ambedkar’s nomination has been sent to PM. I hope there would be no contest and he would be returned unopposed so that he could come here on the 14th.’ “

Congress ensured that Babasaheb won the seat for Constituent Assembly and made its Chairman. The participation and Contribution of Babasaheb, well supported by Congress, yielded the fruit in the form of the Indian Constitution. On the contrary Organiser, the mouthpiece of RSS, the father organization of BJP, came out heavily saying that this Constitution has nothing Indian about it. The ideological mentor cum fellow traveller of RSS, Savakar was against it saying the “Manusmriti is the Constitution for India.”

Same way Ambedkar handled the responsibility of drafting the Hindu Code Bill, with Nehru standing behind him. The Code was opposed by some elements within but mainly by the ideologues of Hindu Nationalism, who went on to burn the effigy of Ambedkar on 12 December 1949. While RSS-BJP are upholding the Brahmanical version of Hinduism Babasaheb had already declared that I was born a Hindu but I will not die a Hindu.

Similarly as RSS was talking of Hindu Rashtra, Babasaheb in revised edition of the book on Pakistan, opposed it on the ground that this may pave the way for Hindu Raj which will be the biggest tragedy for us. BJP’s Hindu nationalist ideology is deeply opposed to Babasaheb’s dream of Annihilation of caste and has been deeply opposed by Modi’s ideology. Modi’s parent organization RSS has floated Samajik Samrasta Manch, which talks about harmony among caste rather than its annihilation.

Currently some ideologues are arguing that since annihilation is not easy, so let us resort to strengthening sub caste identities to get them more privileges! This will be a disaster for the values of our Fraternity, the core principle of Indian Constitution. RSS is also trying to wean sections of Dalits by co-option and social engineering. RSS organizations are also inventing icons of sub communities among Dalits and giving them values of patriarchy, and caste hierarchy along with Anti Muslim slant.

One could see the response of BJP to implementation of Mandal Commission, which was a major step towards social justice. In response, BJP did not oppose it for electoral calculations but instead intensified their Ram Temple campaign. The way BJP is floating the identity issues and derailing the path of social justice is highly despicable. At the same time through various manoeuvres it has also succeeded in turning a section of deprived youth as its foot soldiers who dance in front of mosques with naked swords.

On the top of that it is Rahul Gandhi of Congress who brought to fore the implementation of the Constitution as the major path for social and economic justice. Putting the blame on the plight of Dalits/OBC and neglect of Babasaheb by Congress is like putting the truth on its head! At the same time it is putting the blame of one’s own doings on others.

Disclaimer: The views expressed here are the author’s personal views, and do not necessarily represent the views of Sabrangindia.

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