D R Balli was born in a village near Phillor in Punjab on April 12^th, 1953. His father Sant Ram used to do leather work in Punjab and did not have enough land to feed the family hence he migrated to England in the late fifties or early sixties and started working in a foundry along with his elder brother. When Bali Saheb was in his 9^th standard, his father called him to England in 1968. On December 27^th, 1975 he got married to Balbir Kaur who had arrived in the UK from Punjab. She flew from Delhi to London via Frankfurt all alone during her maiden journey out of India. Her father was an army person and wanted to educate his children but since the school of Balbir Kaur was not in her village, she had to abandon her studies after 9^th Standard. Those were the days when the families would not risk the safety of their daughters if they were going outside their village for studies. The result was that Balbir had to leave her education. It was this time that her father engaged her with Daulata Ram Balley, who too belonged to Jalandhar and was working in a foundry in England. As young Daulata was unable to come to Jalandhar for marriage, Balbir travelled on her own to London and they got married there. He started working the foundry which was extremely hard. It was more manual work and because of his strong body structure he was always given tough work. Most of the time it was 12 hours work for seven days and he used to get BP 4.50 a week which was considered to be a fairly good amount. His brother used to get around 9 Pound a week. Once a person was confirmed in the job then he would get 8.50 pound a week.

Their hard work paid when all the three members, his father, brother and he got the job. They would go together and come back home. Things were damn cheap that time. On weekends they would go to the pub to have beer and also go to watch movies. The labour work was mainly confined in the midland areas such as Birmingham, Wolverhampton, Coventry and Derby. ‘He says, ‘the work given to us was mostly heavy iron work which was done mostly by the Punjabis and because they all worked heavily over time too they became economically ‘well off’’. ‘All the Indians loved heavy work because it had more money’ says Balley.  He was part of the labour movement but he felt that the labour organisations rarely spoke about the caste discrimination. After work, they would come and go to have beer as it was cheaper than water. They were a close family and took care of their three sisters. Two of them are no more now.

He also invested in business with a friend and started a general store for nearly 10 years. With steady income, he was able to get a good house for him in Birmingham nearly 35 years ago. In 1969, he thought of embracing Buddhism but did not get an opportunity but in 1974 he took ‘Deeksha’ at a special ceremony organised in his house by well-known Bhikhu of that time H. Sadatissa who was a close associate of Baba Saheb and had come from Sri Lanka. He says, ‘my brother opposed my decision. He was respectful to Baba Saheb but not keen on Buddhism. All my relatives opposed my decision and stopped speaking with me’. Many of the Ravidasis opposed me and actually offered me to become General Secretary of the Ravidas Mahasabha’’. When everything failed then one day he was attacked with ox but he survived.’ The fact of the matter is that a person faced the biggest challenge from his own community and relatives when an act is considered as a challenge to traditional values and the hierarchical system with in the community or family.

Actually, his father was fond of veteran Ambedkarite and founder editor of Bhim Patrika, Shri L R Balley and hence Ambedkarism was part of their upbringing for long but most of the family was not inclined to embrace Buddhism. This is a normal difference which happened in the Ambedkarite families as many went to Buddhism while a number of others felt no need to convert and retained their original identity as Ravidasis.

He remembers many veteran Ambedkarite of his period in England who contributed immensely for the growth of the movement there. The most important among them was Khush Ram Jhummat, who had passed his M A from DAV College Lahore and was the most educated among his peers at that point of time. The other such eminent persons were Sansari Lal, Malook Chand, Keru Ram, Darshan Ram Sarhare who were responsible for Buddhist Society of Birmingham since 1960s and they used to organise Buddha Purnima and other celebrations here every year.  In June 1973, he went to the town hall for the conversion ceremony in which over 500 people participated. There was a lot of discussion regarding it. It was the first conversion in UK of the Ambedkarites into Buddhism and those who made it possible were Mr Bishan Das Mahay, Ratan Lal Sampla, Paramjeet Rattu alias Pahalwan, Deburam Mahay, Surjeet Singh Mahay, Gurmukh Anand and Fakir Chand Chauhan. Buddhist Society people also helped.  The first programme that he attended was in 1968 in Glasgow organised by Ratan Lal Sampla.  And the second was organised in Birmingham. Eminent Ambedkarite Mr Bhagwan Das came here in 1975 and stayed here for over a month and spoke at various functions in Birmingham, Bedford and Wolverhampton.

Many people came here, he informs me adding that the most prominent among them were Mr B P Maurya, RPI leader, Dr Gurusharan Singh Punjab, Veteran Ambedkarite Dr Suresh Anjat came twice. Waman Rao Godbole, Prakash Ambedkar and Kanshiram also came there. L. R Balley has been a very popular figure here. During emergency time he was here.  Indian workers association and Ambedkarites protested against Indira Gandhi when she came to Birmingham in 1975.

I ask him the most important question which always comes to our mind about the situation in England and whether there was discrimination in society. Whether he has your ever-faced caste discrimination personally?

‘We had a mixed team of both the upper caste Sikhs as well as Hindus. There was a good relation among them but caste minds too were there. During the Kabaddi game they used to call me Chamar and yet I used to call my Sikh friend Bhai Saheb but I got offended with his statement and decided to be put off from the team. I told my brother that I can’t do it. I wanted to resign and leave the foundry but the manager did not accept his resignation. Balley informs that the upper caste Sikhs used to tease him in the village. He was a hockey player and a Jat Sikh pushed him with his bamboo stick meant to lash at the cattle, he retaliated with his Hockey. He never accepted any caste slur and responded in the same language.

Balley ji says that he is upset that people don’t follow Ambedkarism with culture and continue to keep their women subjugated. He says that when he was getting married, he was asked to follow a tradition of Punjab where the veil of the wife is lifted by the elderly people of the family like father in law and brother in law. Balley says he refused to accept this practice despite a number of his relatives getting highly upset with his decision. His wife Balbir Kaur came to the UK on her own. She had to leave her studies after 9^th standard as the school for the girls was far away from her village and it was highly unsafe for the Dalit community girls to go to other villages for studies. Though her father was in the army who wanted to educate his daughter, he decided to get her married because of the caste based insecurity prevailing in the village, particularly with the safety of the women folk.

Both Balley Saheb and his wife worked together to strengthen their family. They had two daughters and one son. Both the daughters opted for their own marriage. I asked whether he ever felt disturbed or uncomfortable when their son in laws who are white Englishmen. Both Balley Saheb and his wife were categorical that they respected their daughter’s choice and were happy with it.

He is concerned about Bodh Gaya and feels that it is the rightful place of the Buddhist and must be handed over to them. He feels that Ambedkarites must concentrate on cultural aspects by strengthening Buddhism and liberating Bodhgaya. A couple of years back, Balley Saheb had some health issues but with his strong will he recovered well and now dedicating his time to Ambedkarism and Buddhism. Watch the video ‘In Conversation with D R Balley’ here https://youtu.be/61-G4UHIg48

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A video Of Delhi Minister’s taking an oath at Buddhism event triggered a BJP vs AAP row on October 7 even when just two days ago, Ahmedabad saw the voluntary conversion of 140 people from various districts on October 5 (Dussehra Day) to Buddhism. These persons embraced Buddhism at a function in Majur Gam area near Kankaria lake in Ahmedabad city. The event was held on the occasion of Dussehra festival which Buddhists celebrate as Ashoka Vijayadashmi.

While the event in Gujarat was organised by the Gujarat Buddhist Academy and saw participation of people from districts like Ahmedabad, Panchmahals, Banaskantha, Vadodara, the Delhi event was organised by the Jai Bheem Mission – founded by the AAP minister.

The latest fall-out between the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) and the BJP came about after a video clip of AAP Minister Rajendra Pal Gautam at a public religious conversion event went viral. In the clip, thousands can be heard taking an oath stating that they have ‘no more faith in Brahma, Vishnu and Maheshwara and nor shall I worship them.’ The minister can also be heard taking this oath.

Ironically, this mass conversion event, on a day called the Dhamma Chakra Pravartan Din, is a yearly event marking Dr BR Ambedkar’s conversion to Lord Buddha’s faith in October 1956 along with hundreds of thousands of followers. Dr Ambedkar had then taken 22 vows, which included distancing himself from the worship of Hindu Gods that are now annually repeated during these mass conversion events.

Hence, here too, the AAP Minister, among a thousand others at the event, can be heard taking an oath, saying, “I shall have no faith in Brahma, Vishnu and Maheshwara, nor shall I worship them”. Predictably, the BJP has condemned the participation of the AAP minister, calling it an insult to Hinduism and Buddhism. 

BJP Delhi chief Adesh Gupta has filed a police complaint ‘social media posts’ by Mr Gautam “provocative, exasperating, mischievous in nature”. 

“These social media posts are created with the obvious motive of inciting violence and promoting hatred against Hindutva and Hindu religion, which subsequently is motivated to provoke them,” his complaint said.

कोई भी धर्म यह नही सिखाता कि किसी दूसरे धर्म का अपमान किया जाए।

आज AAP के कैबिनेट मंत्री द्वारा हिन्दू देवी-देवताओं को अपमानित करने के विरुद्ध संसद मार्ग थाने में @DCPNewDelhi से मिलकर शिकायत दर्ज कराई।@ArvindKejriwal में यदि जरा सी भी शर्म है तो वे उन्हें तुरंत बर्खास्त करें! pic.twitter.com/z4jC9r3NSa

— Adesh Gupta (@adeshguptabjp) October 7, 2022

Other BJP leaders rallied being Mr Gupta to attack Mr Kejriwal and the AAP. “AAP ministers are attempting to incite riots. The minister should immediately be removed from the party. We’re submitting a complaint against him,” BJP MP Manoj Tiwari said.

The BJP’s Delhi unit tweeted the video, accusing the AAP minister of “spewing venom” against Hindus.”See how Kejriwal’s minister is spewing venom against Hindus. The anti-Hindu face of the electoral Hindu Kejriwal and AAP has come in front of everyone. The public will soon give a befitting reply to the anti-Hindu AAP. Shame on you, Kejriwal,” it tweeted.

देखिए, किस तरह केजरीवाल का मंत्री हिंदुओं के विरूद्ध ज़हर उगल रहा है। चुनावी हिन्दू केजरीवाल और AAP का हिंदू विरोधी चेहरा सबके सामने आ गया है। जनता जल्द हिंदू विरोधी AAP को उचित जवाब देगी। शर्म करो केजरीवाल। pic.twitter.com/vYhmXJtbaq

— BJP Delhi (@BJP4Delhi) October 7, 2022

Not to be outdone or silenced, Rajendra Pal Gautam, who is presently the Social Welfare Minister in the Delhi Cabinet, responded, reminding the BJP of constitutional rights. “BJP is anti-national. I have faith in Buddhism, why does anyone have trouble with it? Let them complain. The constitution gives us the freedom to follow any religion. BJP is afraid of AAP. They can only lodge fake cases against us,” he said.

Adesh Gupta took a dig at Arvind Kejriwal, questioning why he goes to temples during elections when his minister is “making people take an oath against Hindu Gods”.

“Once again the anti-Hindu face of AAP exposed.@ArvindKejriwal The ministers are making people take an oath that I will not believe in any Brahma, Vishnu, Mahesh!

So what do you go to temples to show during elections?

Does Hinduism sting so much in AAP’s eyes? Why so much hate?” he tweeted in Hindi.

एक बार फिर AAP का हिंदू विरोधी चेहरा बेनकाब..@ArvindKejriwal के मंत्री लोगों से शपथ दिलवा रहे हैं कि मैं किसी ब्रह्मा, विष्णु, महेश को नहीं मानूंगा!

तो फिर चुनाव के दौरान मंदिरों में क्या दर्शाने के लिए जाते हो?

क्या हिंदू धर्म इतना चुभता है AAP की आंखों में? इतनी नफरत क्यों? pic.twitter.com/beQeYR4LUA

— Adesh Gupta (@adeshguptabjp) October 7, 2022

Firm on both his convictions and his stand, the AAP minister said he has faith in Buddhism and nobody can force him to follow a religion.

“Those who do caste based politics are traitors, they don’t have any other agenda. They think they have exclusive rights over a religion. They are asking why AAP workers go to temples. Well, those who have faith will go. I have faith in Buddhism, I will go there. No one can force me to follow a religion,” Mr Gautam added.

The Delhi event was organised by the Jai Bheem Mission – founded by Mr Gautam – where nearly 7000 people, mostly Dalits, embraced Buddhism. The event was also attended by the great-grandnephew of BR Ambedkar, Rajratna Ambedkar.

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As many as 140 people from various districts on October 5 (Dussehra Day) embraced Buddhism at a function in Majur Gam area near Kankaria lake in Ahmedabad city. The event was held on the occasion of Dussehra festival which Buddhists celebrate as Ashoka Vijayadashmi.

The function was organised by Gujarat Buddhist Academy and people from districts like Ahmedabad, Panchmahals, Banaskantha, Vadodara etc. attended the same.

Prashant Mehta from Gujarat Buddhist Academy said that the function went off peacefully and that out of the total 140 people who embraced Buddhism, three were Brahmins and rest belonged to Scheduled Caste communities.

Related:

VHP meet stresses blanket ban on conversion 

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Modern day Odisha is known to be the ‘epicenter’ of brahmanism as the socio-cultural-economic dominance of the brahmanical castes in Odisha is complete. One wonders what happened to it and why Odisha, once the hub of Buddhist activities and culture, completely lost it. I am sure a fair analysis of history needs to be done in the greater interest of our secular values and retaining our original heritage.

The heart of brahmanical Odisha is Puri and its famous Jagannath temple, where the temple openly propagates division among communities. Non-Hindus are not allowed, which is fine as it is their fundamental right to deny people who do not have the faith, yet there are thousands who proclaim themselves as Hindus but are not allowed inside the temple. Dalits, too, are not allowed entry inside the temple and, it is said, President Kovind, too, was unwelcome in the temple complex when he visited there.

The temple has enormous wealth. It has large tracts of land and devotees throng from all over the world. One local shopkeeper told me that it is the ‘most powerful god’. I told him that every god is ‘powerful’ because of the power and politics of the ‘dominant’ behind them. Can we say that the god at the Tirupathi temple is lesser important. Can we say that Kashi Vishwanath is not important or the huge Laxmi Narayan Temple in Thiruvananthpuram does not matter? Every temple matters in this country because a common person expects ‘miracles’ here but the powerful get money and power from them. They have become shelter places for all kind of politicians, who influence politics and are not keen on people’s welfare.

Since the politicians and power chums are never ever interested in people’s welfare, so traditionally you are ‘good’ if you donate to a temple or build a temple. But we know that all these religious places are not merely religious in nature, they provide economic as well as political clout for the powerful. So Odisha’s power flows from Lord Jagannath.

Now, Odisha government has put up big banners and advertisements about its Buddhist heritage. It is there at the Airport but there are not many visitors there. I had earlier visited Dhaulagiri, where Ashoka defeated his rival army in the battle of Kalinga in the year 261BC. It is assumed that over one lakh people were killed in this war, which forced Ashoka to ponder over and reject violence as he embraced Buddhism and massively propagated it the world over. As I visited the two beautiful Buddhist heritage sites of Ratnagiri and Udayagiri hills, in Jaajpur district of Odisha, many things came in my mind.

Udayagiri hills are absolutely fascinating and the architecture there looks like that of a university. The sad part is that amidst the beautiful heritage site, we have a ‘Mahakal temple’, which looks planted and deliberate. I do not know how the Archaeological Survey of India allows these things. The first thing should be to investigate who planted this and whether this is really a Mahakal or Buddhist statue?

The Udayagiri site is surrounded by beautiful lush green hills and must be developed fully. Nearly 30 kilometers from Udayagiri hills is Ratnagiri, across the river Birupa. The Ratnagiri site showed some stunning artefacts of the Buddhist era, as well as diverse nature of worshipping patterns among the Buddhists. Once you go to see the marvellous structure, which dates from 2nd BC to 6th to 9th century BC, then you realise how India would have been a country of great minds, both in terms of spiritualism as well as architecture. Buddhist era in India was dedicated to education and learning but we must now explore who destroyed these places learning.

I was pained to see many of these artefacts, which were targeted. The excavated artefacts and idols reveal that they must have been attacked by those who were not keen on Buddhism.

Had this happened in Uttar Pradesh and Bihar, the ‘historians’ would have blamed Islam and the Mughals for the assault but what about Odisha? Who were responsible for killing Buddhism and Buddhist places of learning in India? It is important to know because these are the same people who blame Muslims for every attack on India, including breaking the idols of the Hindu Gods and goddesses.

I was wondering where had the Buddhist population disappeared? Isn’t it the duty of the anthropologists to look for them? Most of them have been too charitable and polite to Hinduism and no questions are asked about the Hindu Rajas and their brutality towards Buddhism. A friend informed me that many people call Lord Jagannath, an avatar of Buddha or Buddha, an avtar of Jagannath. If Jagannath and Buddha are the same, then I have my doubts about Jagannath temple which, many people suggest, was a Buddhist temple and was conquered by the brahmanical forces and converted into a highly orthodox Hindu temple.

It is good that Odisha government is developing these Buddhist sites, which are extraordinary, but historians owe a duty towards all to give us an unbiased picture as  to who were responsible for the destruction of the Buddhist places and Buddhists in India. The historians have their own biases as they never bothered to speak about the Buddhist past of Ayodhya. Also, the brahmanical forces would have been still controlling Bodh Gaya as a Shiva temple still exists inside the holiest shrine of Buddhists the world over. Historical wrongs cannot be corrected but it is important to give people the real picture. Historians in India discussed Buddhism in terms of an event and did not present a detailed picture of how great places of education and learning during the Buddhist period were destroyed by the Brahmanical rulers. Perhaps, if this country has such a huge number of illiterate and poor people, it is because the democratisation process during the Buddhist period became the biggest challenge to brahmanism and its exclusive privileges for particular communities. But these communities were not ready to share their privileges with others and unleashed their caste superstructure with the ‘divine sanction’ on the masses. India was never the same again, and the consequences of the brahmanical assault on Buddhism are being felt now, when the society is highly polarised and the racist caste system is being justified and encouraged, all in the name of tradition. It is time to embrace the India of the Buddhist period and bring equality and enlightenment in the lives of all Indians so that we do not suffocate in dirty rituals and horrible traditions and survive to a better civilisation which can make all of us proud.

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Image Courtesy: India Today

Kripa Mohan alleges he has been targeted because he participated in several protests. A student activist and also a student of the Department of Buddhism of the University of Madras has been declared ineligible for the programme. Kripa Mohan, who graduated from the University’s Department of Journalism and Communication in 2018, applied for a master’s programme in the Department of Philosophy for a course in Buddhism on July 31. According to the Hindu, he said his admission was rejected as he had not produced an eligibility certificate. According to him, the head of his department told him that his admission was rejected due to pressure from the Governor/Chancellor’s office.
 

Mr. Kripa Mohan was active in student politics and a secretary of the student body of the Ambedkar Periyar Study Circle while being a student in the journalism department. “Now I am a member. We organised protests when Tarun Vijay (former Rajya Sabha member) and BJP leader L. Ganesan came to the University. We protested against ban on beef eating and the New Education Policy recently. When I applied for the programme the Buddhism HoD said I need not provide TC as I had graduated from another department in the same University. Just the PG provisional certificate was required.” On August 29, the department head rejected his admission since he had not submitted the eligibility certificate.

Rules not followed

Vice-Chancellor P. Duraisamy said when a student joins another programme in a different department he has to get a letter from the previous department head. “He had completely violated the admission guidelines. Last year and the year before, he created a lot of protests. The candidate had graduated from Anna University in engineering and then done a PG in journalism. He has not met the conditions of the admission guidelines,” he said and added that the letter from the head of journalism department regarding his conduct was factored in. The Chancellor’s office was not involved in the rejection process, he clarified.
 

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The 14th Dalai Lama, Tenzin Gyatso, the spiritual leader of Tibet, is turning 84 on July 6. With his advancing age, the question of who will succeed him, has become more pressing.

Tibetan spiritual leader the Dalai Lama sits on his ceremonial chair at Tsuglakhang temple in Dharmsala, India. AP Photo/Ashwini Bhatia

Winner of the 1992 Nobel Peace Prize and one of the most recognizable faces of Buddhism, the Dalai Lama is an important figure bringing Buddhist teachings to the international community.

The successor to the Dalai Lama is traditionally located by senior monastic disciples, based on spiritual signs and visions. In 2011, however, the Chinese foreign ministry declared that only the government in Beijing can appoint the next Dalai Lama and no recognition should be given to any other succession candidate.

As a scholar of transnational Buddhism, I have studied Buddhism and its refashioning in the context of globalization.

The Dalai Lama’s succession today is not just a religious issue, but a political one as well. Here’s how the Dalai Lama is chosen.

The Dalai Lamas in Tibetan Buddhism

The Dalai Lama is a highly influential figure.

All of the Dalai Lamas are thought to be manifestations of the bodhisattva of compassion, Avalokitesvara. The 14 generations of Dalai Lamas, spanning six centuries, are linked through their acts of compassion.

For Buddhists, the ultimate goal is enlightenment, or “nirvana” – a liberation from the cycle of birth and death. East Asian and Tibetan Buddhists, as part of the Mahayana sect, believe bodhisattvas have reached this highest realization.

Furthermore, Mahayana Buddhists believe bodhisattvas choose to be reborn, to experience the pain and suffering of the world, in order to help other beings attain enlightenment.

Tibetan Buddhism has developed this idea of the bodhisattva further into identified lineages of rebirths called “tulkus.” Any person who is believed to be a rebirth of a previous teacher, master, or leader, is considered a tulku. Tibetan Buddhism has hundreds, if not thousands of such lineages, but the most respected and well-known is the Dalai Lama.
 

Locating the 14th Dalai Lama

The current Dalai Lama was enthroned when he was 4 ½ years old and renamed Tenzin Gyatso.

The search for him began soon after the 13th Dalai Lama died. Disciples closest to the Dalai Lama set to identify signs indicating the location of his rebirth.

There are usually predictions about where and when a Dalai Lama will be reborn, but further tests and signs are required to ensure the proper child is found.

In the case of the 13th Dalai Lama, after his death, his body lay facing south. However, after a few days his head had tilted to the east, and a fungus, which was viewed as unusual, appeared on the northeastern side of the shrine containing the body. This was interpreted to mean that the next Dalai Lama could have been born somewhere in the northeastern part of Tibet.

Disciples also checked Lhamoi Latso, a lake that is traditionally used to see visions of the location of the Dalai Lama’s rebirth.

The district of Dokham, which is in the northeast of Tibet, matched all of these signs. A 2-year-old boy, named Lhamo Dhondup, was just the right age for a reincarnation of the 13th Dalai Lama, based on the time of his death.

When the search party, consisting of the 13th Dalai Lama’s closest monastic attendants, arrived at his house, there were immediate signs that this was the one they were looking for.

Dalai Lama memoirs

An undated photo of the future Dalai Lama of Tibetan Buddhism, born Lhamo Dhondrub on July 6, 1935. AP Photo

The 14th Dalai Lama recounts in his memoirs about his early life that he remembered recognizing one of the monks in the search party, even though he was dressed as a servant. The search party did not show who they were to the villagers, to prevent any manipulation of the process.

As a little boy, he remembers asking for the rosary beads the monk wore around his neck. These beads were previously owned by the 13th Dalai Lama. After this meeting, the search party came back again to test the young boy with further objects of the previous Dalai Lama. He was able to correctly choose all items including a drum used for rituals and walking stick.

China and Dalai Lama

Today the selection process for the next Dalai Lama remains uncertain.

In 1950 China’s communist government invaded Tibet. The Dalai Lama fled in 1959 and set up a government in exile.

The Dalai Lama is revered by Tibetan people and his exile has created anger inside Tibet. China’s threats to manipulate the selection process is believed to be a way to impose control on the Tibetan people.

In 1995, the Chinese government caused the disappearance of the Dalai Lama’s choice for the successor of the Panchen Lama, the second most important tulku lineage in Tibetan Buddhism, when he was 6 years old. The Chinese government appointed their own Panchen Lama.
China also wants to appoint its own Dalai Lama. But it is important to Tibetan Buddhists that they are in charge of the selection process.

Exiled Tibetans listen to their spiritual leader the Dalai Lama, at the Tsuglakhang temple in Dharmsala, India. AP Photo/Ashwini Bhatia

Future options

Because of the threat from China, the 14th Dalai Lama has made a number of statements that would make it difficult for a Chinese appointed 15th Dalai Lama to be seen as legitimate.

For example, he has stated that the institution of the Dalai Lama might not be needed any more. However, he has also said it was up to the people if they wanted to preserve this aspect of Tibetan Buddhism and continue the Dalai Lama lineage.

Another option the Dalai Lama has proposed would be for him to appoint his reincarnation before he dies. In this scenario, the Dalai Lama would transfer his spiritual realization to the successor. A third alternative Tenzin Gyatso has stated is that if he dies outside of Tibet, his reincarnation would be located abroad, most likely India.

Lastly, he has mentioned the possibility of being reborn as a woman, but added that he would have to be a very beautiful woman. He believes that appearance is important in transmitting Buddhist teachings.

The Dalai Lama is confident that no one would trust the Chinese government’s choice. In April 2019, U.S. Sen. Cory Gardner said at a hearing of the Senate Foreign Relations Asia Subcommittee that the Congress would not recognize a Dalai Lama chosen by the Chinese government.

Courtesy: The Conversation

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After their dramatic rescue from Nang Non cave, 12 Thai boys and their soccer coach are mourning the loss of a Thai Navy SEAL, Saman Gunan, who died during the rescue efforts. The father of one of the boys said that in order to pay tribute to the Navy SEAL, many boys are considering temporarily becoming monks.
 

Thai monks pray during a cleansing ceremony and memorial service for Saman Gunan, the Thai SEAL diver who died while trying to rescue the boys trapped in the cave. AP Photo/Vincent Thian

Ordaining as a full monk – known as “bhikkhu” in Pali, the religious language of the Theravada Buddhism – is only available to men over 20. The boys would instead be ordained as novices, or “nen,” who undergo fewer restrictions. Additionally, at least one of the boys is Christian, and would likely not be ordained as a monk.

But in the wake of the rescue efforts, the act of ordaining is not surprising. In Theravada Buddhist practice, ordaining to be a monk and donating the merit thus gained is one of the greatest honors that a person can give to another.

Monasticism in Thai life

Monks in Southeast Asia, with their saffron robes and shaven heads, are iconic. They can be seen on the roadside with alms bowls, accepting handfuls of rice from villagers in early morning processions, or gathered in the evenings chanting Pali scriptures in the Buddhist temples that lie at the heart of most Thai villages. In my own research, I spent hours talking with monks – from abbots of major temples to those who had been ordained for a short period.

I also met monks engaged in “magical” activities such as healing, to those who saw their role as scholars. My first impression, like that of many travelers, was of a group of men seeking enlightenment through isolation from the world.

Meditating Buddhist monks in Thailand. CC BY

Indeed, this isolation is at the core of Buddhist teachings. For Buddhists, worldly desires lead to suffering. Therefore, cessation of desires can lead to happiness and eventually enlightenment.

But monks are not a homogeneous group. Buddhists join the monkhood – the sangha – for many different reasons, only some of which are related to achieving transcendence and enlightenment. While some may choose to remain monks for their entire lives, most Buddhists ordain for a limited period. Thai Buddhists with whom I’ve worked have ordained for a few months during childhood, for the length of the rainy season, or even just for a day before undertaking a dangerous journey or following the death of a parent.
Buddhism, as it is practiced in Thailand, addresses many worldly needs. It takes into consideration the lives of people who are not necessarily ready to renounce the world quite yet.
 

Monastic education

Before the advent of government-run schools in the late 19th century, the Buddhist temple was the key institution for the education of young boys in Thailand. Boys as young as 5 entered the temple to learn to read and write, and to study the basics of Buddhism.
When Theravada came to Southeast Asia from India in the second millennium A.D., replacing local versions of Hinduism and Mahayana Buddhism, this religious focus on promoting education within the village was revolutionary, as it became a central part of village life.

Theravada was focused not on the trappings of kingship and rule, but on serving communities. The temple in the center of the village served as the school, fairgrounds, hostel and welfare office in addition to its role as a religious center.

Today, this role of educating Thai boys has largely been replaced by government-run schools. This transition has allowed for the education of girls.

But some Buddhist schools remain, especially in Thailand’s North, that keep a focus on mostly men’s religious education. They teach the local Northern Thai script (distinct from Central Thai and largely fallen out of use) in addition to the religious languages of Pali and Sanskrit.
 

Karma and merit

But education is not the only reason to seek to be ordained.

Most Thai men get ordained in order to make merit – known as “tham bun.” Devoting oneself to the study of the Buddha’s teachings, the dharma, is one of the most holy acts that one can do. Buddhists who get ordained are believed to acquire a great deal of bun, or merit.

For Buddhists, this life is but one in a cycle of deaths and rebirths, where the good deeds one does in the past determine where and in what form – human, animal, divine being – one is reborn. Eventually, over many lifetimes, enough knowledge and merit will allow for escape from this cycle and transcendence.

But as anthropologist Lucien Hanks described, in Thai religious system, practitioners can donate and receive merit from others. Normally, the recipient of the merit are parents. It is a way to thank them for their sacrifices.

In the case of the 12 boys and their coach, however, they are offering the merit they will make to Officer Saman, in order to ensure a better rebirth in his next life.
 

The obligation of a debt

Like many languages, Thai has certain concepts that do not translate well into English. One of these, “krengjai,” refers to the feeling of obligation toward someone who has given a gift too great to repay. It is a heavy feeling.

Thais at a cleansing ceremony and memorial service for Saman Gunan, the Navy SEAL officer, who lost his life during the rescue operation. AP Photo/Vincent Thian

For observers, it is easy to imagine the gratitude that the boys must feel to Officer Saman, but it is just as easy to overlook the sense of responsibility that must weigh on the boys as well. As the classic anthropological theorist Marcel Mauss pointed out, gifts come with obligations, and the sacrifice of a life is no different.

In this way, the boys are likely becoming monks not to reflect upon their own fate or experience in the cave. Rather, they are doing this to repay Saman’s sacrifice with the greatest gift that they can offer.
 

Andrew Alan Johnson, Assistant Professor of Anthropology, Princeton University

This article was originally published on The Conversation. Read the original article.

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जब देश की आज़ादी का भी, सदियों  से चले आ रहे हिंदू धर्म के जाती प्रथा पर कोई असर नहीं पड़ा, तो आख़िरकार बाबासाहेब ने अपने लाखों साथियों के साथ १९५६ में बौद्ध धर्म की दीक्षा ले ली । सबरंगIndia में देखिए, उस दिन उनके द्वारा ली गयी २२ प्रतिज्ञाएं.

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Image: Hindustan Times

Denied citizenship status and classified as illegal immigrants, Rohingya Muslims have been the target of repeated violence with state connivance in Buddhist-majority Myanmar. The continuing persecution has forced the Rohingyas to flee and seek refuge in neighbouring Bangladesh, Malaysia, Indonesia. From Bangladesh, an estimated 40,000 Rohingyas have sought shelter in India.

The Union Minister of state for Home, Kiren Rijiju told Parliament last week that the Centre has asked state authorities to identify and deport illegal immigrants, including Rohingyas.
   
“Obviously, we have our concerns about the treatment of refugees,” Guterres’ Deputy Spokesman Farhan Haq told during a regular briefing at UN Headquarters in New York. “Once refugees are registered, they are not to be returned back to countries where they fear persecution.”

According to doctrine in the UN Convention on the Status of Refugees, no nation shall expel or return a refugee in any manner to territories where his life or freedom would be threatened.

Some of the 4,000 Rohingyas who have been living in the old city of Hyderabad told the Hindustan Times, “If sent back forcibly we’ll be killed.” Maulana Hameed-ul-Haq (50), a cleric at one of the Rohingya settlements in Balapur, says, “It will be better if we are killed in India than in our own country. We will anyway be killed if we are forcibly sent back.” 

“The Indian government was kind enough to acknowledge us as refugees. The Telangana government has been looking after us really well and we feel safe and secure here. Now, suddenly the news about we being sent back has caused a lot of panic among us,” said the Maulana.

The UN spokesperson told the Dawn that UNHCR (UN High Commissioner for Refugees) office would take up the issue with the Indian government. He reminded India of UN’s position against deporting refugees.
 
Meanwhile, Amnesty International has said deporting and abandoning the Rohingya would be “unconscionable,” according to an ANI report.

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Photo credit: Wessex Scene

For nearly one and a half million Rohingyas, it must be a rude shock to realise that they are no longer Burmese citizens. Rohingyas are Burmese Muslims who settled in that part of the world in the wake of British East India Company colonizing Burma. These Muslims primarily came from Bangladesh but they were not the only Muslims living in Burma. Muslim presence in Burma predates the migration of Bangladeshis to this country. But the problem today is that if you are a Muslim in Myanmar then you are considered an outsider and a threat to the country. It does not matter when your ancestors came to this country.

 It does not matter if in the past, Burmese Kings styled  themselves on the Nawabs of Bangladesh and were largely emulative of Islamic culture. What matters today is that the Buddhists do not want Muslims in their country and perhaps will go to any extent to realise this dream of Muslim free Myanmar.

Buddhism proclaims itself as a peaceful religion and goes to the world announcing its non-violence and inclusivity of its faith. And yet today the same Buddhists are baying for the blood of Muslims. Ever since the Buddhists of Burma have experienced nationalism, they have realised the need to project another: in this case an internal enemy who are supposedly bleeding the country dry. The comparisons with nationalisms in other countries have chilling similarities. Accusations of ‘breeding like rabbits’, non-acculturating tendencies of Muslims and of course their link to terrorism is touted as the reasons why Buddhist majority is supposedly losing its patience with the Muslims.

 The truth is always complex: Muslims being poor definitely have higher birth rates but whether it is due to their religion or their class situation is hardly discussed. There is hardly any documented evidence to suggest that Rohingyas have been active within any jihadist networks. But then when nationalism becomes the ruling ideology, truth is always the first casualty. There is no point talking about evidences and facts, what matters are the perceptions.

And the overwhelming perception today within Myanmar is against the Muslims. The problem is compounded by the fact that these Muslims are concentrated in one part of the country-the Rakhine state- and that gives them greater visibility as well as marks them as a community to be discriminated against.

Nothing can justify what is happening to these Muslims. Through a slow process, they are being disenfranchised and there is institutional discrimination against them. In 1982, the Burmese government passed an order which effectively made them non-citizens within their own country by classifying them as Bengali refugees. Moreover laws passed by the Myanmar government have made marriages within Rohingya community extremely difficult.

The two child norm forced by the state for this ethnic community means that other children born within families remain without education and other facilities which other children get. What is most problematic is that after being stripped of their citizenship status, the Rohingyas have been denied freedom of movement which means that they can hardly go outside of the Rakhine state. This essentially means that they are being made to live in ghettos without any opportunity to earn their livelihood.

It is heart rending to hear tales of their persecution including forcible evictions, houses raised to the grounds, shops and establishments being burnt and looted and reports of mass rape. What is perhaps more disappointing is that there is hardly any voice within Myanmar today which can call this injustice by its name: that it is akin to a pogrom or that the state has become committed to a genocide.

 It was hoped that Aung San Suu Kyi would be in a position to urge the international community to take notice of what has been happening in her country. However it is a rather sad commentary on the so called human rights activist and Nobel Prize winner that she has been silent on the whole issue. Not only has she been silent but at times she is even seen to be supporting the military junta over the question of Muslim repression. Her silence only means that there is near consensus within Myanmar over the Muslim Rohingya question.

But the most severe criticism should be reserved for Muslim countries. There are 57 Muslim countries representing a combined Muslim population of 1.7 billion and yet they have hardly been pro-active on this issue. It is true that some Muslim countries have offered refugee status to these Rohingyas but the situation is hardly satisfactory even within these countries. The Rohingya settlements in Bangladesh for example are another ghetto where these Muslims do not have freedom of movement. They are cut off from the rest of the world and independent journalists hardly have access to these settlements. But the real important point is this: that despite Muslim countries having clout in the United Nations and elsewhere, they have not been able to bring international pressure on Myanmar over its treatment of the Rohingyas.

It is not that atrocities against these Muslims have not been documented: Human rights groups have done and have tried to make international bodies aware of it. Despite all these documented proofs, important Muslim countries like Saudi Arabia and Iran have not been able to isolate Myanmar over this issue. We need to ask those who swear in the name of the Ummah: is the blood of Rohingyas insipid in comparison to other Muslims?

(Arshad Alam is a NewAgeIslam.com columnist).

(This article was first published on NewAgeIslam).

 

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