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Historical figures like Jotirao Phule and Bhimrao Ambedkar have highlighted the exploitation experiences of marginalized groups, which led to upper-caste organizations promoting ideas of a glorious Hindu past and the concept of a Hindu nation, drawing from the values propagated in the Manusmriti.

In recent years, particularly under the influence of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), a narrative has emerged portraying all castes as equal. RSS ideologues have produced numerous publications that assert an egalitarian history among different castes.

Nevertheless, some RSS leaders attribute the emergence of Dalits and tribal communities to “Muslim invasion” during medieval history. Bhaiyyaji Joshi, a prominent figure within the RSS, argues that the category of ‘shudras’ was never synonymous with untouchables in Hindu scriptures, claiming that so-called “Islamic atrocities” gave rise to this social stratification. He elaborates that historical foreign invaders forced Hindu communities into degrading labor, perpetuating a caste engaged in tasks like skinning animals as a punitive measure.

Amidst the rising calls for a caste census, there is an orchestrated effort to recast the caste system in a favorable light, portraying it as a protective structure of Hindu society. An article in the RSS publication Panchjanya, penned by Hitesh Shankar on August 5, 2024, asserts that foreign aggressors failed to dismantle the caste system and that it has been integral to maintaining the well-being of the nation. The piece even references former Bombay Bishop Louis George Milne, suggesting that caste is inherently tied to both social structure and religious identity.

Shankar’s article posits that just as missionaries once criticized caste, the Indian National Congress (INC) – likened to the colonial East India Company – similarly perceives it as a societal impediment. It suggests that those invaders could not breach the “caste fortress,” instead relegating upper-caste individuals to menial tasks, an assertion the author argues lacks historical grounding.

Ambedkar famously denounced the Manusmriti, while the RSS promotes its values of caste inequality

However, this perspective is rife with inaccuracies. The caste system, as delineated in the Manusmriti, predates foreign invasions and laid the groundwork for practices of untouchability and manual scavenging, steeped in notions of purity and pollution. Works like the Narada Samhita and the Vajasaneyi Samhita explicitly describe roles and duties tied to caste hierarchies, including tasks involving sanitation.

Dr. Ambedkar, a key advocate for the rights of the oppressed, viewed caste as a Brahminical constriction on society and called for its complete eradication. In stark contrast to the pro-caste sentiments expressed in the RSS’s narrative, many radical Dalit scholars and activists identify the caste system as a grave ailment of Hindu society.

While the call for proportionate representation and a caste census is viewed as a threat by Hindu nationalists led by the RSS, its roots can be traced back to the historic Poona Pact between Gandhi and Ambedkar. The caste census eventually found its place within the Indian Constitution, even as opposition efforts have historically manifested through violence, such as the riots in Ahmedabad in the 1980s.

The claim is that the INC is merely a vestige of the East India Company and its founder, A.O. Hume, is a distortion of history. Key figures in the INC, from Lokmanya Tilak to Gandhi, actively resisted British colonial rule. Grassroots organizations, such as the Madras Mahajan Sabha and the Bombay Association, sought platforms to voice their demands, eventually aligning with the INC to champion the aspirations of a burgeoning national consciousness.

The INC evolved to call for ‘Total Independence’ and the ‘Quit India’ movement. Its agenda included social justice principles championed by Ambedkar, a stark contrast to the RSS’s hierarchy-defending ideology.

In conclusion, the divergence between Ambedkar, who fought for the equitable ideals embedded in the Indian Constitution, and the RSS, which advocates for Hindu nationalism and caste hierarchy, remains profound. Ambedkar famously denounced the Manusmriti, while the RSS promotes its values of caste inequality.

Ambedkar’s role in drafting the Indian Constitution stands in opposition to the long-standing resistance from the RSS, reflecting deep ideological divides in contemporary Indian society.

Author is Political commentator

Courtesy: CounterView

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Paying tribute to the messiah of social justice as VP Singh has been known, the life size statue is first one to be installed outside V P Singh’s native place, was unveiled in the presence of his family members and Akhilesh Yadav at Presidency College in Chennai. The statue was installed at a cost of ₹52 lakh.

While Tamil Nadu Congress leaders were conspicuous by their absence, Akhilesh Yadav’s presence is significant, considering that his father Mulayam Singh Yadav, then UP CM, had, in 1990, withdrawn support to V P Singh and backed Chandra Shekhar.

After the unveiling of the statue, Stalin, at a function held at Kalaivanar Arangam, said caste census should be conducted along with “the much-delayed” population census. “The reservation for backward classes, ST/ST and minorities should be properly implemented. To ensure that this is done across the country, an all-party MPs panel should be formed,” he said. Stalin also stated that all political movements interested in social justice should join hands to achieve this. Though the caste matrix differed in each state, the problems of boycott, discrimination, and untouchability remain the same.

Social justice was the answer and antidote to these problems and for social justice to thrive, these measures were crucial, Stalin noted. “We should convert the political programme aimed at the growth of SC/ST, OBCs and minorities into government policies,” he said.

Appreciating Stalin for installing the statue, Akhilesh Yadav said the gesture gave them strength to fight for the downtrodden. “This also translates into a message from Tamil Nadu to the leaders in New Delhi to remember that social justice should drive all policies,” he said. “The Samajwadi Party stands with DMK in its fight for social uplift…it’s a long road ahead and we will fight this together,” said the former UP chief minister.

Related:

This is the recognition of the Dravidian model: MK Stalin on DMK win

The Communalisation Project: The Tamil Nadu story

Rejection of Narayan Guru is a rejection of Indian Pluralism and Dissent

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The ongoing survey, launched by the Bihar government, seeks to collect comprehensive data on caste demographics and socio-economic conditions within the state’s population. The survey’s implications are far-reaching, with potential impacts on policy-making, representation, and the fight against caste-based discrimination. However, this initiative has not been without entrenched opposition, these leading to legal challenges and debates about its necessity and consequences.

Historical Context and Importance of Caste Data:

The historical context of caste-based census in India dates back to 1931, during the time of British colonial rule. This comprehensive census attempted to capture the intricate tapestry of caste identities that make up the social fabric of the country. However, since then, the endeavour to gather caste-related data has been met with various challenges, often rooted in concerns related to “privacy, discrimination, and the potential for political manipulation.” Hidden by these stated concerns, however lies a caste privilege based resistance reluctance to be faced with data that will, in every likelihood, upturb propagandist views.

Despite the passage of time and the evolution of Indian society, the question of caste remains deeply embedded within its social, economic, and political dynamics. The consequences and continued widespread prevalence of the caste system continue to shape access to education, employment opportunities, and even political representation. In recognition of these enduring inequalities, the concept of affirmative action emerged in the form of the caste-based reservation system.

The reservation system was conceived with the intention of addressing historical injustices, ensuring that historically marginalized and oppressed communities receive opportunities for advancement and upliftment. However, the efficacy of this system hinges on the availability of accurate and up-to-date data. Without reliable caste data, it becomes increasingly challenging to implement targeted policies that can effectively address the complex socio-economic disparities arising from centuries of caste-based discrimination.

In this context, the revival of caste-based census is not merely a statistical exercise; it carries significant socio-political and policy implications. Accurate and current data on caste demographics is essential for designing and implementing policies that cater to the unique needs and challenges faced by various communities. It empowers the government to allocate resources, develop educational programs, and establish affirmative action initiatives based on a nuanced understanding of the prevailing disparities.

The reservation system, intended as a tool of social justice, can only fulfill its purpose when it is backed by comprehensive and precise caste data. By ensuring that benefits are distributed fairly and equitably among disadvantaged communities, the system can effectively counteract the historical biases that have entrenched inequalities for generations.

The reluctance to undertake a caste-based census, fueled by concerns over data privacy and potential political consequences, must be balanced against the urgent need to address the deep-rooted inequalities that persist within Indian society. By embracing a caste-based census with transparency, thoughtful implementation, and sensitivity to concerns, the Indian government has an opportunity to harness accurate data as a powerful tool for positive change. This change is not only about numbers and categories; it is about acknowledging historical wrongs, enabling social mobility, and fostering an inclusive society where every citizen can thrive regardless of their caste background.

Caste as an Intrinsic Marker within Indian Democracy:

Caste, a deeply ingrained social hierarchy based on birth, has historically been an intrinsic marker  of Indian society. Its roots trace back to ancient times, shaping relationships, professions, and even religious practices. Despite the significant changes that accompanied India’s transition to a democratic nation, caste continues to play a substantial role in both social and political spheres, to the extent of causing restrictions and exclusions.

In Indian democracy, caste manifests itself in several ways:

Impact on Social and Political Spheres:

The enduring influence of caste has far-reaching implications for Indian society:

Nation Builders’ Intentions and Post-Independence Efforts:

The framers of India’s constitution recognised the detrimental impact of the caste system on social cohesion and sought to create a modern, egalitarian nation. With the aim of eradicating caste-based discrimination and inequality, they incorporated provisions for social justice, reservations, and equal rights for all citizens.

However, erasing centuries of caste-based discrimination proved challenging. Despite the idealistic vision of India as a casteless society, the deeply entrenched nature of caste required more than legal reforms. Over time, political leaders recognised that caste could not be ignored, leading to policies such as affirmative action to uplift marginalized communities.

While India has made progress, the legacy of caste endures. The challenge lies in reconciling the aspiration for a modern, inclusive society with the reality of deeply embedded caste identities. Acknowledging and addressing caste-based inequalities is essential for building a truly democratic nation where every citizen enjoys equal rights, opportunities, and dignity.

Current Scenario: The Bihar Caste-Based Census:

The Bihar government’s initiation of a caste-based survey seeks to gather comprehensive data on the socio-economic conditions of various caste groups, with a focus on historically marginalized and disadvantaged communities. The objectives of this survey are multi-fold:

While the Bihar government’s intent to conduct a caste-based survey is laudable, the recent Patna High Court order reflects an opposing view.

The concerns raised by various communities and activists highlight the importance of ensuring that the survey is designed and executed in a manner that respects the identities and rights of all individuals, while also fulfilling its objectives of collecting accurate socio-economic data for effective policy formulation and inclusive development.

Patna High Court’s Ruling:

The Patna High Court’s recent judgment instructed the Bihar government to immediately halt the ongoing caste-based survey. The court’s decision was prompted by concerns raised in petitions filed by various groups and activists. The key issues highlighted in the petitions included data integrity, data security, allocation of substantial funds for the survey, and the overall legality of conducting such an exercise. The petitioners contended that the survey’s approach was flawed and failed to adequately address the concerns of marginalised communities, particularly transgender individuals and Extremely Backward Class groups.

Reshma Prasad, a transgender activist, raised specific objections regarding the classification of the transgender community as a caste in the census, arguing that it misrepresented their identity and further marginalized an already vulnerable population. Other groups from the Lohar community and some from the Extremely Backward Class also expressed concerns about the survey’s methodology and potential consequences.

The court’s interim order to stop the survey reflects the complexity of the issue and the need for thorough examination. The court’s decision has provided an opportunity for the Bihar government to address the concerns raised by various communities and activists and potentially refine the survey’s approach to ensure accurate and comprehensive data collection.

Benefits of Caste-Based Census:

Addressing Inequalities and Formulating Effective Policies:

Accurate caste data is essential for addressing deep-rooted inequalities that persist in Indian society. The caste system has historically marginalised certain communities, depriving them of opportunities and resources. A caste-based census would provide a comprehensive picture of the socio-economic conditions of different caste groups, allowing policymakers to design targeted interventions and policies. This data-driven approach is crucial for dismantling caste-based discrimination, promoting social justice, and ensuring inclusive development.

Caste-based disparities affect various aspects of life, including education, employment, healthcare, and political representation. Without accurate data, efforts to tackle these inequalities lack precision and impact. A caste-based census would enable authorities to identify the most vulnerable communities and tailor policies that uplift them, ultimately leading to a more equitable and just society.

Insights into Wealth, Education, and Representation Gaps:

Critically, a caste-based census would yield invaluable insights into wealth distribution, educational attainment, and representation across different caste groups. The data would reveal the extent of economic disparities between upper-caste groups and historically marginalized communities. This information is crucial for understanding the socio-economic structure of Indian society and developing strategies to bridge the wealth gap.

Moreover, the census would shed light on education gaps among caste groups. It would show which communities have better access to quality education and which are lagging behind. This data would highlight the need for targeted educational reforms and initiatives to ensure that every child, regardless of their caste, has equal access to quality education.

Representation in political institutions is another vital aspect that a caste-based census would illuminate. It would provide data on the underrepresentation of certain caste groups in positions of power and decision-making. This information would prompt efforts to increase political participation and representation for historically marginalized communities, fostering a more inclusive and representative democracy.

In essence, a caste-based census is a comprehensive tool for identifying and understanding the multi-dimensional disparities that exist within Indian society. It provides a data-driven foundation for formulating policies that address these disparities and promote inclusive growth, thereby contributing to the advancement of the nation as a whole.

Opposition to Caste-Based Census:

Fear of Exposing Privilege and Dismantling Reservations:

Upper-caste and Hindutva groups oppose a caste-based census due to the fear that it would expose the extent of their socio-economic privilege and highlight the systemic advantages they have enjoyed for centuries. The data from such a census would clearly reveal the concentration of wealth, education, and power within these groups, undermining their claim to meritocracy and equal opportunity. The prospect of exposing this entrenched advantage threatens the narratives of merit-based success and could lead to a broader societal questioning of their positions and dominance.

Moreover, a caste-based census has the potential to challenge the basis of reservations and affirmative action programs that are meant to uplift historically marginalized communities. Accurate data would help in recalibrating reservation policies by considering the actual socio-economic conditions of different caste groups rather than relying on outdated statistics. This recalibration might result in more equitable distribution of reserved seats and benefits, leading to a reduction in the privileges that upper-caste groups have historically enjoyed.

Apprehension About Impact on Political Alliances and Agendas:

Upper-caste and Hindutva groups are also concerned about the potential impact of a caste-based census on their political alliances and agendas. These groups often rely on consolidating the support of various caste communities, including non-dominant OBCs, through a narrative of Hindu unity. A caste-based census could disrupt this narrative by exposing the distinct socio-economic conditions and disparities among different caste groups, eroding the notion of a homogenous Hindu vote bank.

For example, upper-caste and Hindutva groups have traditionally sought to forge alliances with non-dominant OBCs to strengthen their political base. These alliances are based on a broad Hindu identity that often overlooks caste differences. However, a caste-based census might reveal that the interests and concerns of non-dominant OBCs differ significantly from those of upper-caste groups, potentially leading to fractures within these political alliances.

Additionally, upper-caste and Hindutva groups might fear that a caste-based census could reconfigure political dynamics by giving a voice to historically marginalized communities. The resulting data could lead to the emergence of new political actors who advocate for issues relevant to these communities, thereby challenging the dominance of existing political forces.

In conclusion, the opposition from upper-caste and Hindutva groups to a caste-based census stems from their fear of losing socio-economic privilege, dismantling their historical advantages, and the potential disruption of their political alliances and agendas. These concerns reflect the complex interplay between socio-economic dynamics, political power, and identity politics in contemporary India

Importance of OBC Census:

Urgency to Bridge Inequalities and Address Historical Injustices:

Conducting a caste-based census, especially with a focus on Other Backward Classes (OBCs), is of paramount importance to address entrenched inequalities and historical injustices that continue to persist in Indian society. The marginalised and historically disadvantaged OBC communities have faced socio-economic discrimination and exclusion for generations. Accurate data about their representation, access to education, economic opportunities, and political participation is crucial to devise targeted policies that can uplift these communities and provide them with equal opportunities for growth and development.

OBC communities have suffered from systemic disadvantages that have hindered their social mobility and access to resources. A caste-based census would shed light on the extent of these disparities and help policymakers understand the nuanced challenges faced by OBC communities across different regions and sectors. Such data would be instrumental in formulating policies that address these specific challenges and ensure a more equitable distribution of resources, opportunities, and benefits.

Efforts of State Governments:

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On 14 April, numerous organisations celebrated the first law minister and Constitution-writer Dr Bhimrao Ambedkar’s 132nd birth anniversary. The celebrations this year perhaps surpassed those held in previous years, for Ambedkar’s contributions to uplift India’s Scheduled Caste, Scheduled Tribe, and other disadvantaged communities are increasingly being recognised nationally and abroad. This year, his birth anniversary was celebrated in over 150 countries. Most groups committed to social justice and equality, which oppose birth-based hierarchies and injustices, mark this day with reverence and hope. Often, this celebration takes on a quasi-religious overtone, as rituals are accorded more space than Ambedkar’s values. In this context, the struggle to fulfil the dreams he fought all his life for must be re-launched and sustained.

Other formations, such as the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) and its Hindu nationalist progeny, deeply oppose the annihilation of caste and the principles Ambedkar stood for. Instead, they project the notion of harmony among castes, which does not involve altering the hierarchy inherent in caste. Ambedkar espoused affirmative action for the deprived sections of society. Reservations were initially meant to last for ten years—perhaps Ambedkar and others hoped a decade would be sufficient to root out the malice of caste from Hindu society. However, implementing the reservation policy itself lies in the hands of members of elite castes, and they found ways to circumvent it. That is why discrimination and exclusion based on caste have continued, and ending it remains a prerequisite to the march toward social justice.

The Constitution of India—Ambedkar chaired the committee that drafted it—provided reservations for the Scheduled Castes and Tribes. However, backward classes, a significant constituent of society, did not get recognition or reservations. The Other Backward Classes (OBC) were not a legal category until the Mandal Commission report was implemented in the 1990s.

Further, the last decadal census that considered the caste composition of India was released in 1931. At the time, the proportion of backward classes was 52%, which the Mandal report relied on. It became the basis for ensuring 27% of reservations in the 1990s to the backward classes. These classes were identified based on social and educational backwardness, thus beginning India’s post-independence journey in affirmative action.

But reservations, for any social group, have always been an eyesore to a large section of Indian society. Groups such as “Youth for Equality”, which stood for the abolition of reservations, spread the idea that reservations have allowed undeserving people to find jobs at the cost of “deserving” ones. The social biases around Dalits and OBCs recently culminated in the deaths by suicide of Rohith Vemula and Darshan Solanki. This bias also formed the base of anti-Dalit violence in the 1980s in Ahmedabad and anti-backwards violence in Gujarat in 1985.

In the meantime, the BJP, using its Hindutva plank, floated organisations like the Samajik Samrasta Manch or Social Harmony Forum to reach the most marginalised sections of society. At an ideological level, the Hindu right-wing has made efforts to attribute the ills of the caste system to the “invading” Muslim rulers—the crux of Hindutva. This effort has paid it rich electoral dividends but did not improve the conditions for the poorest and most marginalised sections. One outcome was that the BJP has been able to score many victories for its leaders from constituencies reserved for the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes.

The pracharaks and swayamsevaks of the RSS have pursued what is widely known as social engineering in tribal regions, encouraging Sanskritisation without rights and charitable works without demanding the State recognise the rights of the people who live in these backward and remote regions.

It is no surprise that the BJP and its associates also celebrate Ambedkar anniversary with gusto. Yet they undermine the need for a caste census which can pave the way to modify policies which would benefit the marginalised sections in a real sense.

This background makes Congress leader Rahul Gandhi’s recent speech in Kolar, Karnataka, significant. He has asked for a population census and said the results of affirmative action are not visible in the top bureaucracy in the Union government, as hardly 7% belong to the most marginalised or backward sections. He said the findings of the 2011 caste census, conducted when his party shared power with other constituents of the United Progressive Alliance, must be made public. He said, “The data will provide evidence if OBCs, Dalits, and Adivasis don’t have enough representation in the country’s politics proportionate to their population.” Share in power and representation proportionately to their share in the population is a long-standing slogan and demand from India’s disadvantaged communities.

In contrast, the BJP is trying to dodge the issue. The party did not want a caste census and pleaded in the Supreme Court in 2021 that such a census would be “administratively difficult and cumbersome”. It said it was a “conscious policy decision to exclude such information from the census purview”. Its position has not changed. The real intent of the BJP vis-a-vis social justice becomes apparent when it makes crucial decisions.

During the last nine years, it introduced reservations for the Economically Weaker Section or EWS, a category that dilutes provisions for the non-elite castes and social groups. It is widely understood that the EWS category will help the better-off members of elite caste groups whose income is below a generous Rs 8 lakh a year cut-off. The BJP wants to obfuscate the fact that economic status was never a criterion to provide or deny reservations. Reservations in India are based on historical discrimination (for the Scheduled Castes), geographical remoteness (for the Scheduled Castes), and social and educational backwardness (for the OBCs). But the BJP wants to nullify caste as a category for people wishing to improve their societal position.

Its constructed biases are why the BJP faces the charge that Ambedkar’s principles don’t matter to it. Hindu-nationalist politics could spread widely precisely because it opposed the growing assertion of the Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes, and backward sections. Its foundational ideological pronouncements glorified holy tomes and traditions that boost traditional caste and gender hierarchies. A genuine assessment of the population of different marginalised sections is needed to modify our policies and bring society’s uneven and unequal growth on the path of equality.

Numerous and relentless deaths of students from non-elite castes studying in top educational institutions and allegations that caste-based discrimination led to these deaths should awaken us to combat caste-based discrimination. India must strive for a future where the annihilation of caste is the central credo of society.

The author is a human rights activist and taught at IIT Bombay. The views are personal.

Courtesy: Newsclick

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On December 13, during the winter session in the Lok Sabha, A Ganeshamurthi, of DMK, asked the Ministry of Home Affairs a question about when census will get conducted and whether there is a change in proforma in the questionnaire

The MHA responded that while the intent of the Government for conducting Census 2021 was notified in Gazette of India on 28th March, 2019, the enumeration has been postponed “until further orders” due to the outbreak of COVID-19. The government has stated, “In Census, data is collected on demographic and various socio-economic parameters like education, SC/ST, religion, language, marriage, fertility, disability, occupation and migration of the individuals”. The questions for the first phase or the houselisting phase have already been notified.

The MHA has further stated that the forthcoming census will be the “first digital census” with the provision for self-enumeration. “Mobile App for collection of data and a Census Portal for management and monitoring of various Census related activities have been developed,” says the MHA.

Caste Census

When asked  about the caste-based census, the MHA said that governments of Bihar, Maharashtra and Odisha and a few organisations have requested to collect caste details in the forthcoming Census. The MHA has, in response, stated that India has not enumerated caste wise population other than SCs and STs in Census since independence.

In fact, the last caste census was carried out in 1931.

Research conducted jointly by Savitribai Phule Pune University (SPPU), Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU) and the Indian Institute of Dalit Studies found in a paper titled ‘Wealth Ownership and Inequality in India: A Socio-religious Analysis’ that “…of the total [national] assets, the highest 41% is owned by upper caste Hindus followed by 31% by OBC groups, whereas the lowest among STs and SCs, each owning 3.7% and 7.6% of the total assets, respectively”. This disparity in wealth distribution is nothing but a reflection of caste hierarchy.

The Socio-Economic  Caste Census that was carried out in 2011 revealed very superrficial data since the entire raw data has not been made available publicly and the government has shown no intention to release the data. The data since released can be found here.

The response may be read here:

Related:

CENSUS V/S NPR

NPR database declared as ‘Critical Information Infrastructure’; needs to be updated soon: MHA

Is the GoI’s database linkage plan a precursor to NRC?

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