1. IISER Pune: Academic freedom throttled; Ambedkar lecture series cancelled

At the Indian Institute of Science Education and Research (IISER) Pune, a carefully curated student-led event titled Muktiparv, organised to honour Ambedkar and host conversations around caste, resistance, and equality, was abruptly cancelled by the administration. The lectures were to feature prominent anti-caste voices including Deepali Salve, Nazima Parveen, and Smita M. Patil — all respected scholars and public intellectuals. Students had spent months preparing the event, which was to be a space for reflection on Ambedkar’s radical legacy.

However, within hours of a complaint by the Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad (ABVP), a right-wing student group that labelled the speakers as “extreme left,” the administration called off the event. A police complaint lodged by ABVP further pressured the institution. The IISER administration cited vague “concerns” as the reason for cancellation but failed to specify what the concerns were, or who raised them. In response, the Student Council and several campus groups condemned the move as “sudden and unjustified”, accusing the institute of buckling under political pressure.

Students connected this silencing to a broader institutional pattern — pointing to persistent underrepresentation of SC/ST faculty and systemic barriers faced by marginalised students in elite educational spaces. “This is not about one event,” a student said while speaking to The Observer Post. “It is about the gatekeeping of ideas. Who gets to speak, and who gets silenced?” The cancellation of Muktiparv is emblematic of how even academic spaces are shrinking for Ambedkarite thought and Dalit assertion.

2. Mhow, Madhya Pradesh: Dalit groom barred from temple, allowed entry only under police watch

In Sanghvi village near Mhow — the very town where Ambedkar was born — caste discrimination reared its head again. On his wedding day, a Dalit groom from the Balai community was denied entry into a Lord Ram temple by dominant caste villagers. His wedding procession had arrived with the intention of offering prayers, a common practice. However, they were stopped outside the temple, and only after two hours of argument and police intervention was the groom permitted to enter — that too under close police watch and in the presence of a few family members.

Eyewitness accounts and video footage shared on social media show the groom and his guests arguing with dominant caste locals, who resisted their presence in the temple. The police attempted to downplay the incident, claiming the dispute was merely over access to the sanctum sanctorum, which “as per tradition” is restricted to priests. But Dalit groups and community leaders were unconvinced.

Manoj Parmar, president of the All India Balai Mahasangh, denounced the incident, stating that it reflected the continued “frustrated mentality” of those clinging to caste-based exclusion. “Even today, our community is treated like outsiders in our own country,” he said, speaking to The New Indian Express. This incident — on Ambedkar Jayanti no less — laid bare how caste continues to dictate access to public and religious spaces, even in the birthplace of India’s greatest anti-caste thinker.

3. Udaipur, Rajasthan: Police stop Dalit groups from hoisting Ambedkar flag at iconic circle

In Udaipur, another symbolic assertion of Dalit pride was curtailed — this time by the police. At Ambedkar Circle in the heart of the city, activists from the Bhim Army and other Dalit organisations gathered to hoist a blue flag bearing Ambedkar’s image and the Ashoka Chakra. This flag, a potent symbol of resistance and Ambedkarite identity, was to be installed near the life-sized statue of Dr. Ambedkar — a tradition on his birth anniversary.

However, police led by Bhupalpura SHO Adarsh Parihar intervened, stopped the crane that was arranged to hoist the flag, and allegedly misbehaved with the crane driver. As per The Observer Post, despite the activists’ assurance that the flag would be respectfully removed after the day’s celebrations, the SHO insisted on written permission from the Additional District Magistrate and Superintendent of Police — permissions that were reportedly denied.

Shankar Chandel, leader of the Congress SC Cell, condemned the police action as discriminatory and politically motivated. “Why are other communities allowed to put up flags freely — for Hanuman Jayanti, Parshuram Jayanti, or Vivekananda Jayanti — but Dalit groups are blocked?” he asked, as reported by The Observer Post. The flag bore no religious symbols and was not permanent. Activists claimed this was not about procedure, but about prejudice. They announced plans to submit a memorandum to the Udaipur SP and Collector to protest what they called casteist and biased treatment. 

Remembering Ambedkar is still a struggle for the marginalised

These three incidents, all unfolding on Ambedkar Jayanti, reflect a dangerous contradiction. While state institutions and political leaders publicly celebrate Ambedkar with flowers and speeches, the substance of his message — of annihilating caste, asserting dignity, and challenging social hierarchies — continues to be resisted on the ground. Educational institutions silence Ambedkarite discourse, social spaces still police Dalit bodies, and state machinery selectively applies the law to block public assertion by marginalised communities.

Ambedkar once said, “Caste is a notion; it is a state of the mind.” These events show that the caste mindset is alive and well — not just in remote villages, but in our most prestigious institutions and modern cities. To truly honour Ambedkar, India must move beyond symbolic gestures and confront the structures and prejudices that still seek to silence the very people he fought for.

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The post Caste Shadow on Ambedkar Jayanti: From campus censorship to temple exclusion appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Another businessman friend of Sunil claims that Vanjari women are pure vegetarians. So, one should not see Vanjaris as a criminal tribe. He also adds, “Suppose there comes a flood, then all the garbage gets washed away in it and the area gets clean. We are anticipating that it will be the same after this political power war gets over. One can imagine the destructive social impact of this whole eco-political power game has created by the fact that four ‘soyrik meetings’ in my Vanjari community (meetings in which marriages of young couples get fixed) were discarded as some of the people in such meetings had differences in their opinions. One can definitely say that the political happenings keep impacting the ‘Roti-Beti Vyavhar’ (family relations) deeply.

Shantabai Rathod is a social worker in Parli. She has fought many civic fights there. In our short meeting, she underlines the fact that there are hardly any women in active politics in a taluka place like Parli. Anyone can have a look at ZP and Panchayat Samiti politics and sense the lack of presence of women there. Our men don’t want any space to be created for women. And now, these dirty eco-political power games make politics as well as town-space more unsafe for women. Beed is a district where liquor visibly flows everywhere in criminal and political scenes.

There is a plant of Awada wind energy firm near Massajog. CRPF have been assigned to guard that firm. One of the CRPF officials said, “We are here on duty to maintain law and order. We don’t know what had happened earlier.” While traveling from Beed to Parli, I could see several large huge trucks up and down on the roads with enormous fins tied to their back.

Jyotiram Kande is an NRI working in an IT field in Canada. He was born and brought up in Parli. While sharing his thoughts on a phone call, he expresses deep sorrow about the changing environment of his beloved city. Jyotiram was born and brought up in Parli. While recalling his childhood days, he says, “I still remember my teenage and childhood days. Those days seem like a fairytale when I roam the streets of Parli nowadays. We, as teenagers, were into different things those days. Today’s teens have already started glorifying goons as ‘social workers’. I am just not able to imagine why common citizens are not aware of their rights when it comes to the basic needs like electricity, water, transport and health. Many of my friends are not able to think logically today. They just get driven into personal-political emotions. I can’t hold any constructive conversation with my own friends in such a situation. Even my well-educated, government officer friends are not an exception. Due to all these things, I have started to feel kind of helpless.”

Jyotiram also shared his observations about the young teenage boys who are being used as goons by various political leaders. He says, “Common people have always looked at political leaders as some God-like figures. None of these politicised youth are into serious academics. Their leaders are of the same ilk and have become career icons. These youth get addicted to cigarettes, alcohol, and gutka-mava very easily. Sexual frustration also plays a crucial role in their behaviour. Everyone wants a girlfriend but no one gets one. I am just not able to imagine the speed of transition as I look at the changed scenario to compare it with my childhood days. Everyone has a perception that some other person is going to grab his or her educational seat, job, opportunity, monetary gains etc. I don’t find any institution or government body sufficiently aligned, systematic or transparent so that this could solve the issues of the common man. In such a situation, political goons that are so called social workers easily fill this space. Within no time, they just come forward to be a bridge between this purposely failed system and common man. And within no time the godly image of such political goons assume a larger than life aura. One needs a truly good governance to circumvent this scenario. The enormous energy of youth should also be channelised pro-actively to avoid destructive consequences. At village level, Gram Panchayats and social organisations should start gyms and libraries for the young generation.”

One of the random vegetable sellers in Parli was also anxious about the changing surroundings. He said, “We can feel that there the casteism in the air. Though everyone is not experiencing it directly, it’s there. In many conversations. We need to think twice about the ‘caste location’ of the listener. It was not like that before. I needed to check the caste location of everyone online and offline. Because most of the time, people keep talking from their caste location and not from their conscious location.

Meanwhile, one of my friends in Parli anonymously told me his experience when he went to a Biryani eatery with one of his friends. “I was sitting at one of the popular Biryani joints in the outskirts of Parli. It was crowded as always. All the tables were full. Both of us were eating at a table where one chair was vacant. One young guy came up and sat on that chair. His friends grabbed other vacant chairs at different tables. That guy at our table was fully drunk. He was in the mood to have a conversation with us. So, he asked my name at first. As I responded, his second question was, what’s your caste? I just ignored his question with a smile. Then he got angry and started boasting about his money and muscle power. My friend and I were listening to his babbling with a cool mind. At the end of his conversation, he told us that he possessed a gun until the week before but now he has surrendered it. Me and my friend finished eating and went to wash our hands. That guy came to us again. I kept my hand on his shoulder with a friendly gesture and told him that I am Mali (one of the OBC castes). He suddenly smiled at me and said, ‘Jai OBC bhava!’ Caste has penetrated this deeply in everyone’s veins, much like hard liquor.”

Keshav Waghmare is an author and a senior activist from the Ambedkarite Movement who hails from Beed. He has a separate vision about this whole state-wide issue of Beed which has been the talk of the town for the past two months. Keshav says, “To understand the scenario in its entirety, one needs to understand the construction of the political economy of Beed at first. The Vanjari community has got geared up politically and socially when the politics of Gopinathrao Munde was dominant. Until then, the political power was in the hands of the Maratha community. This shift in power politics gave birth to a constant tussle and cold war. In Beed, the major economy is based on sugarcane cutting. The mukadams (contractors) of sugarcane workers are mostly Vanjaris. Most of the time, these contractors behave unfairly with men and women in his toli (sugar-cutting team). Once upon a time, these mukadams were the karyakartas (workers) of Gopinathrao Munde. When it comes to land, most of the land business is in the hands of Vanjaris.

I recall one incident that refuses to fade in memory. There was the weekly aathawdi bazaar (weekly market gathering) at a village called Wadwani. There appeared a mukadam with one of his labourers. Both belonged to the same caste, Vanjari. There started a heated argument between two of them over some monetary issues. The mukadam started beating that labourer with his shoes. Coincidentally, there was a programme of Gopinathrao Munde planned on that day. Munde’s helicopter suddenly started making rounds in the air. The worker stopped crying and started waving his hands in the air with joy, shouting, “O mukadam, bagha aaplya bhaucha helicopter…” (Hey, mukadam, see, there comes the helicopter of our beloved bhau!”) Isn’t this very symbolic?” These mukadams are kind of powerful goons in small villages of Marathwada. They have got political support. The roots of the constantly erupting violence in Beed could be found in this nexus.

It was an interesting encounter with a politically vocal truck driver. He showed me his facebook account where he keeps expressing his views deliberately. He said, “We keep experiencing virtual casteism as people keep fighting with each other on social media. The leaders should keep the politics limited to elections. They are not expected to encash caste as a cash cards from the common people. In old times, it was different. Leaders used to think beyond casts. In this particular case, political Maratha leaders like Suresh Dhas have glorified false and imaginary things which were not even mentioned in the post-mortem (PM) report of Sarpanch Deshmukh. In the winter session speech, he said, the eyes of Deshmukh were burnt with a lighter. He also said some goons in the mob might have peed in Deshmukh’s mouth when he was pleading for water before dying. These false narratives percolated have percolated among the mob like a wildfire. Who is accountable for the caste-based hate being spread in Maharashtra? Now the Zilla Parishad elections are imminent. No doubt the politicians will try and encash this caste based fragmentation. Despite the fact that there is a serious agrarian crisis here, none of our ‘leaders’ seems to pay heed to it.”

All of the accused in the Santosh Deshmukh murder case can be seen observing a particular lifestyle. They come from a lower or lower middle class family but possess vehicles like Scorpio with VIP numbers like 3333, 7777, 1010. They have a particular aesthetic with a lot of swag. They wear white linen or khadi clothes with very fragile egos on their sleeves. They like to flaunt gold ornaments. Addictions like Gutka, Maava, Pudi (tobacco) are very common, especially in Marathwada. From a very young age, distracted from academics, they start following some local or state level leader. The local level contractor-ship and extortion activities for the leaders are their main income source. Obviously most of them have a criminal background. On social media, especially on Facebook and Instagram, one can find thousands of accounts run by such Bhau, Dada or Anna. On Instagram they have thousands of followers. They keep making reels about their leader. For example, when Valmik Karad surrendered to CID, Vanjari Insta Reelstars made reels for him with these songs playing in background, “Bhetal java me gunhyaat, mala atak kara ho Punyaat” (As you will find me involved in some crime, just arrest me in Pune”). This song was originally written by Ajay Gaikwad for a Bailgada Sharyat Premi (Bullock cart racing lover Person) Pandhari Sheth Fadake. Sometimes they make romantic reels as well. In the time of political crisis, they start a virtual war supporting their leader. They keep trolling opposition leaders though statuses and reels.

This is the season of sugarcane cutting. The sugarcane workers keep migrating to West Maharashtra from Marathwada. I stopped at a temporary basti of some sugarcane workers on the Beed-Nagar road. The workers live in ‘Khopis’. These khopis are made out of dry shoots of sugarcane. The group of workers belonged to the SC Category (Scheduled Caste). They are the followers of Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar. While discussing the continuous outrages in Marathwada, these workers put their views bluntly. Neeta (Name has been changed to ensure anonymity)   says, “See, we are Ambedkarites. We have got the reservation as per the Indian Constitution. For a long time, In Maharashtra, upper castes like Maratha have looked at us as rivals. We deserve reservation. Maratha is a caste in Maharashtra which has been in political power continuously. If this is the reality, then who is to be blamed for this downfall of Marathas? Maratha leaders should be criticised for this and no other reservation-benefited castes.

Ram (Name has been changed to ensure anonymity) invited me for tea in his Khopi. He and his wife Seema have kept their one son back at their village. He studies in standard 10th. They have brought their elder son with them who will take his 12th exam in a few months. Seema has also brought her younger daughter with her. While making the tea on an earthen chulha (stove), Seema says, “Aamchya kashtachi sakhar aahe bagha he, bagha kasa lagatoy chaha…” (This sugar is made out of our own labour, see how the tea is flavoured” while adding sugar in the tea. Seema is concerned about the education of her children.

Ram says, “We are SC by caste, but as a sugarcane worker, we all worship our Lokneta (Leader of masses) Gopinath Munde (Former Union Minister for Rural Development and Panchayat Raj), who did revolutionary work for the sugarcane mazdoors (labourers) of all the castes and tribes. He is like a god for us despite his caste. But nowadays the environment of Maharashtra has got so toxic that most of the people are judging each other on the basis of caste. This is not going to lead us anywhere. As a state, we have got bigger problems to solve. As a sugarcane worker, I need to break this vicious cycle of migration and poverty within my family. I don’t want my next generation to do all this harsh labour.” I bid farewell to the khopi-residents as they needed to start the next day at 3 am and start for the sugarcane fields.

Fidel Chavan, CPI leader, is a lawyer at Beed district court. Fidel has an experience of making interventions in some of the path-breaking court cases. There is a windmill repairing centre at Massajog. The fins of the windmills are around 70 to 175 meters long. One needs to construct a runway to take these fins through the farming fields. The lands of the farmers have been taken on lease for this purpose.

One of the young leaders accused of extortion, I am told, is Sandeep Tandale. Tandale hails from a poor family but owns a Scorpio car. He leads a team of 10-12 small goons and pays each one 17-20 thousand rupees. And there are so many of such political goons all over the Beed District. Most of the more powerful political leaders have tamed such goons for their benefits. Both the parties share a mutual political and monetary benefit. I need to think twice before I speak nowadays. It was not like this before.’

Mitali Deshmukh (Name has been changed to ensure anonymity) works at a technology firm in Pune. She is back home in Beed for a few days, her native place. She expresses herself in a nervous voice, “Beed people are the best when it comes to maintaining friendships. But these days, we are getting trolled on the basis of which native place we belong to. Several WhatsApp group admins have limited their group settings for one way messaging only, ‘admins only’. All this is new for an educated, conscious social girl like me. I am upset to see this new, unwanted wave of division flowing through my beloved city. I have never discussed such dark things with my family ever. These are some exceptional, hard days. I hope they will pass soon”

Prakash Chavan is a senior journalist from Parli. He shares his experience of reporting on the Ash power nexus, “It was the year 1971.  A thermal power plant was constructed in Parli. Earlier no one knew the value of the ash which was the residue of the plant. There are two types of ash derived in the thermal power making process. One is dry ash (fly ash) and the other is bottom ash. This bottom ash is used for making bricks. Hence, the bottom ash has got a big market value in itself. This has given birth to many ‘Ash Mafias’ in Parli Taluka and Beed district. Along with this, there are many Sand Mafias in the same area. At Daudpur, there was a dam where all the ash was being dumped for a long time. People planted trees there. Some awards were also conferred on that project. But as the value of the ash was underlined over a course of time, things changed drastically. Same kind of ash-lake was there at Daabi as well. These Mafias illegally dug out all the ash five years ago. These mafias have vast political support which is what has made them both powerful and brazen about their acts.

Maratha was a capitalist caste when it comes to land, money and power. But in the last 30 years, Marathas have got stuck in an agrarian crisis. Basically, the struggle and articulations should be class based and not caste based. But the people in power need the fight to remain caste based as they are going to benefit from it without delivering structural change. Here, population wise, the Maratha is the most prominent caste but the power is in the hands of Vanjari caste. In India, one can sense the caste based scenario, that is, most of the times, the majoritarian caste overpowers other castes. Here, in Parli, population wise, the Maratha is the most prominent caste but the power is in the hands of Vanjari caste. That is one of the causes of political and social tensions which keep erupting constantly. In Ashti-Patoda, the Maratha caste overpowers Vanjaris.

I feel like this is the fight between large big elephants. They just don’t care about other ant-like castes and communities. I keep wondering what will be the future of micro-minorities now and over time. Now the newly elected state government in Maharashtra has completed three months but no one is in any mood to discuss real life issues. This is basically a fight to gain and save reservation. Parli has got three collages. But most of the school and college students prefer to migrate to Latur for their studies. What is the future of this city?”

One of the Dhangar youth expresses his feelings while the hunger strike of Maratha Leader Manoj Jarange has started once again at Antarwali Sarati (Dist Jalna). “All this hate against us OBC’s has been sowed purposefully so that the ‘crop of Maratha reservation can be harvested.’ There are political egos behind the murders and tension created in Beed district. We shall all be paying a price if we paint this murder of Santosh Deshmukh in the colour of caste. We, as OBC’s, have found our own voice, our own pathways now. I, as an OBC youth, have started feeling that Marathas have just used us, under the blanket of the term ‘Bahujan’. But now, we are enlightened enough to fight our own fight as OBCs and not as Bahujans.”

On the way back from Beed, I realise, there is a strong strain of identity politics in this region. Adverse geographical conditions, agrarian crisis, scarcity of quality education, lack of employment and development make this politics darker. Most of the trucks or dumpers could be seen carrying a strong identity of some Caste or a political leader. ‘Chatrapati’ (Maratha) ‘Jai Bhagwan’ (Vanjari), ‘Apna Bhidu Bachhu Kadu’ (Political leader Bacchu Kadu), ‘Hoy Hinduch!’ (Yes, I am a Hindu), Jai Bheem (Ambedkarites) are some of the popular and visible slogans. Among these slogans, the enormous fins of windmills also keep crossing the paths. This region keeps shouting, Caste is not a thing to be apologetic about! It’s a thing to be flaunted, to be encashed! For the politics of the vote bank, as well as for the politics of survival. Caste could be personal, but let’s not forget, personal is political!

(With special thanks to Ashok Abuj, Sukeshini Naikwade, Dyaneshwar Mauli Munde, Amol Waghmare, Mahadev Shinde, Fidel Chavan, Comrade Namdevrao Chavan, Keshav Waghmare, Dinkar Choure, Baban Wadmare, Prakash Chavan)

Part 1 may be read here.

Special Thanks to Adv. Pankaj Chavan 

All photos credit – Yogesh Bhausaheb Dhakne

(This is Part 2 of the ground report. The author is an independent journalist and can be reached at sharmishtha.2011@gmail.com)  

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The post Beed, Marathwada: A heady and dangerous mix of mafia-political nexus has tainted the social fabric appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Now, over five weeks ago, on December 9, 2024, a 44 year-old Sarpanch of Massajog village (Taluka Kej, district Beed) was brutally murdered by some goons. Walmik Karad, the prime accused, is also the accused in a Rs. 2 crore extortion case linked to this murder and –after vocal agitation –is currently finally undergoing 14 days judicial custody. There are MCOCA (Maharashtra Control of Organised Crime Act, 1999) charges against Karad who is also considered to be the right hand man of NCP minister Dhananjay Munde. The murdered Sarpanch was Maratha by caste and the other accused– as well as Walmik Karad- (including minister, Dhananjay Munde) belong to Vanjari caste (classified as an Other Backward Casre-OBC). Today, in Beed and Marathwada, the entire chain of events are being seen as a caste war. This incident of December 9, the murder of a loved Sarpanch has caused deep schisms and polarisation in Maharashtra. There are ongoing and consistent protests that refuse to be silenced. On a ground visit of Beed, Parli and Massajog, this journalist tried to understand the unfolding tensions in the air as also gauge the damages to the social fabric. 

As one enters Beed, Shivaji Chowk is one of the centres of the city. Right as we enter, at the corners of the imposing Chatrapati Shivaji Maharaj statue, the smiling photographs of Santosh Deshmukh can be seen hanging, signifying a vocal, not to be silenced cry for justice. Only days before, a march, ‘Samvidhan Bachao Morcha’ (‘Save the Constitution Rally’) had taken place. Such morchas, agitations and hunger strikes are not new to the struggling peoples and land of Marathwada.

Marathwada is a land of hardships. For the last 20 years, the agrarian crisis has gotten worse year after year. There are no big business projects, no major MIDCs (industrial development units), no mills which could fulfil the employment needs of the widely growing population. So, a major chunk of the young population tries hard for competitive and police services exams. There are, therefore, many, study centres at the district and Beed is no exception.

I went to one such study centre. One can easily sense the brewing anxiety amongst that group of 30-40 young girls and boys after a detailed discussion. All of them hail from small villages in the Beed district. A majority of these students belong to farmer families. We all had a heated discussion over reservation, law and order, the challenging events and the social-political future of Maharashtra. (Names have been changed to ensure anonymity)

According to Naresh, the occurrence of Maratha Morchas and the agitation for Maratha reservation was not this divisive or toxic before. Various social segments and castes, including Muslims supported the Marathas in their demand of reservation. As months progressed however, stances and speeches changed and became more radical. Maratha leaders like Manoj Jarange-Patil began targeting various OBC castes like the Mali, the Vanjaari. This is a purposeless turn of events as it achieves nothing constructive towards achieving the goal of Maratha reservation. Sheetal said, “We were brought up in an environment where we have friends from all castes. Our parents wanted me to be a broad minded and a rational Indian, always. But now, times are changing and that too, rapidly. Due to such prevalent tensions, many students have fled back to their native villages. Group-ism among the young has increased considerably. Not all, but some of my friends have started keeping a distance from me. This is reflective on the display status’ they flaunt on WhatsApp or Instagram. They keep posting and sharing particular things on Facebook. To say this out clearly, they have started to participate virtually in the war being fought between the Maratha and the Vanjari castes. They keep admiring their leaders along with trolling voices or leaders from the ‘opposite’ caste. Sometimes they use abusive language for the people who differ with their opinion. YouTube channels keep morphing the content as per their own limited agenda. Put together, these things are creating a deep impact on people, the masses. ”

Pratik belongs to the Maratha caste. He clearly expresses himself by saying, “My brothers and I are from the Maratha community and live deeply affected by poverty caused by the agrarian crisis. In my village, a large number of youth are frustrated. No good education, no employment. We are struggling to find a bridegroom as well. We need our share, we need reservation. We don’t find any answer to our unending problems except in the demand for reservation. If the central government is not able to give us any reservation, then it should also cancel the reservations of all the other castes. Why doesn’t the government give the facilities on an economic basis rather than on a caste basis?” Some of his friends nod their heads in agreement.

Anmol and some of his friends have a different view. They say, “We believe that one should keep a distance from politicians and their blind followers if one wants to be a successful person in life, acquiring a post or rank in government services. When it comes to gundaraaj and terror of some political baahubalis (mobsters), we believe that it is our fear makes them more influential. So, we should not keep being afraid of them. This is the same with politicians, they need us, and we don’t need them. We should use our voting power consciously. And if you ask us about reservation, government sectors are rapidly getting privatised. What then is the use of this reservation?”

After bidding farewell to these future government officers, I met Balu with his friends at a small Chai Thela. All of them are drivers in the intercity transport line. Balu and his friends try to tap my caste at first by saying, “Parli has become a different caste now. There is a blunt and subtle discrimination against us when we go to Pune, Mumbai or even Aurangabad. There are very few opportunities here in Marathwada, especially Beed. So people are forced to migrate from Beed to bigger cities. I am afraid this will lead to some sort of anarchy.”

Balu’s friend Rehman is a Muslim. Starting in a low but firm tone, Rehman pours out his heart, “We, as Muslims, have been the victims of religious discrimination. We can very much relate toh this grief –and hatred–caused by caste and region faced by my friends. I feel like now, similar to Muslims, many others people are sailing in the same boat, facing prejudices while accessing jobs or a home on rent. Meanwhile another friend of theirs, Shubham Gite, showed us a recent video which went viral on Instagram some weeks ago. This video shows a Vanjari sugarcane worker alleged being beaten by some men because of reportedly belonging to that caste. This video continues to be circulated widely on social media.

Black Scorpios and Fortuners (models of cars) keep passing alongside as one walks around on the streets of Beed city and district. Most of these vehicles possess VIP number-plates. Meanwhile Beed is a district known for its sugarcane workers who keep migrating to West Maharashtra in every season. Another dark identities of Beed are its drought driven agrarian crisis & considerable numbers of Atrocities on SC & ST community.

Dinkar Choure is one of the shopkeepers in Beed city. He was affiliated with AISF (All India Students Federation) in his student days. He had worked closely with sugarcane workers for a long time. Choure has a prominent question for politicians of Maharashtra. He asks, “Why do the politicians keep trying all the experiments here in our Marathwada alone? There was a time when Peshwai Yuva Manch Adhiveshan (seminars) were impacting the minds of thousands. Later there was a wave of Maratha Morchas which have changed their form now. I am sure that Marathwada has become an experiment lab for politicians. There are so many people here, living without aim or direction, due to lack of opportunities and employment. There hasn’t been any major government recruitment or any MHADA or MIDC project (industrial parks) initiated for the past several years here in Beed district. Our sugarcane workers have kept migrating to West Maharashtra for so many years. Beed got its electricity in 1985 and West Maharashtra got it in 1960. Isn’t this symbolic enough?

So, the frustration and anger keeps boiling in their young, raw mind. It is these emotions that allow young persons to become, at a call, part of a mob. Who understands this mob psychology better than politicians? One can decipher the traces of this motivated politics visibly on the ground, but few people realise that the politics brewing beneath this outer layer is even more dangerous.

We, as Marathwadis, have been losing and sacrificing so many things since the Nizam rule. The world knows that we got our freedom one year later on September 17, 1948. Today, decades later, we have nothing to lose but our land. Hence, the land acquisition for the Green Energy windmills project has now become a cash cow for businesses here in Beed district. Land which hardly commandeered Rs 10 lakhs was recently sold for 40 lakhs. This business is going to destroy the land capital of Marathas over the years but no one is serious about all this. Everyone just wants to be the ultimate leader of the Marathas. This is the only, narrow fight going on.

Though not dire, some people have already become selective while choosing a hotel or a shop in some small towns and villages. Several victims of the Maratha-OBC fight are among students and government officials. The environment in the school-collages and various government offices is getting more polluted with casteism day by day.”

One of the citizens in a tea stall anonymously told me that the colleges in the city have also allegedly got divided in the Maratha-OBC cold war. Balbheem College is mainly of the Maratha caste and the KSK College is being chosen by most of the OBC students over the past few years.

Baban Wadmare is an Ambedkarite activist. He has experienced the socio-political melting pot of Beed very closely. Wadmare was working in the State Transport Department and has recently opted for voluntary retirement. While talking about the political character of Beed, he says, “Beed has been a broad-minded district for decades. Babasaheb Paranjape, Kesharkaku Kshirsagar, Gangadhar Appa Burande, Rajanitai Patil and Babanrao Dhakne were the MLAs who got elected, in the past, from Beed. All of them belonged to different castes. The case of Babanrao Dhakne is even more interesting. He was a Vanjari and hailed from a different geographical region that is Ahmednagar district. But this now feels like a dream. Most people are behaving suspiciously with each other. No doubt there are exceptions, but in some cases I have seen people even cutting off friendships while arguing about Maratha reservation and the current Massajog issue. The tea-stalls, Paan-Beedi shops, barber saloons are the social addas (hang-out places) in India. In Beed these addas (places) are a centre for heated arguments. In this not so normal environment, Dalit & Muslims and micro-minorities are apprehensive, afraid. Muslims were earlier supporting Marathas, they even distributed water to the Maratha Morchas (agitations), but now they have backed out as Maratha Morchas have become toxic and the leaders are spreading hatred against specific castes.

While going from Beed to Massajog, I stopped at a tea stall. There was a prominent board with the name of the stall and photos of Bhagwan Baba (A respected saint & activist from the Vanjari caste) and Gopinath Munde (former Union Minister of India). With his worldly wisdom, within no time, Garje, the stall owner, sensed that I am not a native person, and I might be a journalist. After offering the tea, he spontaneously started a conversation. Garje was telling me that allegedly Maratha quota leader Manoj Jarange once stopped at his tea stall but as soon as he sensed that the stall was being run by a person of the Vanjari community, he suddenly asked his teammates to get up and then they together left from there. Garje continued to express himself, “You know, I am originally from Pathardi (Nagar dist) There I have voted for Monika Tai Rajale, who is a Maratha. Pratap Kaka Dhakne, who is a Vanjari, was defeated, stood against her. This is Maharashtra, beyond caste consciousness. We are common people, we need a work-oriented MLA, that’s it. As a common man, my life is already full of hardships, I am no more interested in these tug of wards between politicians. People like Jarange keep spreading hatred within Marathas against us OBCs. But being a Maratha Leader, I will say, Jarange has united OBCs more than Marathas. He has shown us the importance of being together in these toxic times. We should actually thank Jarange for this.

Massajog is a village with 3-4 thousand population with Maratha being a prominent caste along with some OBCs and SC families. Massajog, famous for its matki-poha dish, is situated on NH 348 highway. The economy of the village survives on the income of small shops and hotels along with farming. Now the village is in the national headlines because of the brutal murder of 44 year old sarpanch, Santosh Deshmukh, on December 9.

The village is experiencing a drama much like the ‘Peepli Live’ movie due to the overwhelming presence of media, visible for the whole month of December. When I went to Deshmukh’s home in the evening, all the women, including his wife Ashwini and mother Shardabai were sitting near his photo. One can sense that some pooja rituals had been concluded just a while ago. Shardabai says, “I want justice as soon as possible, nothing else. Hang the culprits till death. My son was the blue eyed boy for the whole village. He was admired by numerous government officials for the developmental work he was doing in Massajog.

Sudarshan Deshmukh is one of the relatives of the Sarpanch. Sudarshan says, “The criminal offenses registered in our village since the last 10 years are less than 2%. Massajog is known for its admirable work in sanitation & water supply. Our village was active during the Maratha Morchas from the start. As a village we have always been united.

Dhananjay Deshmukh, Sarpanch Santosh’s brother, was sitting in a temporary canopy where a photo of Santosh has been kept, decorated with flowers. Dhananjay, with some of the villagers, was getting ready to start for Aantarwali Sarati. Before that, I was able to have a short talk with him. Deshmukh proudly talks about the legacy of his brother Santosh. He says, “My brother has been elected as vice-president (upsarpanch) of the Massajog Gram Panchayat. Then for the second term, his wife Ashwini was the (president) Sarpanch. Then, for this third term, he became the President (Sarpanch), two years ago.

Our family is originally from Barshi (Dist. Dharashiv). A few generations ago, our family migrated from Barshi to Massajog due to drought conditions. My brother and his wife were literally the icons for the villagers. Police should have taken the atrocity complaint of the scheduled caste (SC) watchman who was beaten by the same goons who then killed my brother Santosh. This would have prevented the further tragedy. Now the whole village has united to demand justice for their beloved Sarpanch. We are wishing that this all hooliganism should forever stop soon. I can feel the tensions in the air, that just one mistake of mine can lead to some anarchy. That is why I am more than alert while reacting to any developments. The whole village is with us but we are not in any mood to show muscle power. As a family, we want a democratic justice.

The mother of Santosh Deshmukh, Shardabai, was in deep grief. After a while, she managed to talk to me while some women wiped her tears. “Maza sonyasarkha lekru gela. Navra aani lek nasal tar baichya jagnyala kay arth asto sanga…. He jyanni kelay tyanna fashi dya tarch santosh cha aatma shant hoil. (My beloved son is now no more. Without a husband and a son, the life of any woman is in vain. The goons responsible for my son’s murder should be hanged till death. Then only his soul will rest in peace.)”

One of the villagers told me, “We have lost our dear first man of the village. As that dreadful news came, not a single person cooked anything in their kitchen. Whole village was mourning in grief. Hotel owners kept the hotels closed for eight consecutive days. Isn’t this exceptional?”

While going from Massajog to Parli, I stopped at a tea stall at Kej. Suleman Bhai (name changed to ensure anonymity) runs the stall. This is where Santosh Deshmukh used to sit with his friends and colleagues. While sharing memories of Deshmukh, Suleman Bhai says, “He was a soft spoken and humble person. He has always worked hard for the betterment of his village. I strongly feel that the home minister should be held accountable for all this. Maharashtra is a state with law and order. No caste should overpower other castes in a democracy. Some people are really afraid these days, I have observed this while running my tea stall here. This is not an ideal situation in our democratic country. The people behind all this tragedy do not belong to any caste or religion. They are just sworn to power. However no person in power remains always in in power. This is the only truth. Minorities are being forced to live in a vulnerable condition today. Politics is just a game played by a few goons.”

On social media, virtually, one can witness the clashes between the young generation over the changing image of Beed and Parli. In one social media posts, a young boy outside Parli posted a mile-stone signboard of Parli Town and asked, ‘Shall I proceed or go back?’ In the same post, while commenting, several social-media users from Beed and Parli have expressed their deep anguish. Some of them logically expressed themselves by saying that a handful of people can’t decide the character of any city. Many of the users even abused that person for bad-naming their city. One can find such posts revolving around Beed and Parli with heated arguments in the comment box these days.

Parli Vaijnath is the second largest city in the Beed district when it comes to population. It is the birth place of Gopinath Munde. The city is famous for religious reasons. As one of the 12 Jyotirlingas of Shiva, Vaijanath is situated in Parli, the pilgrims from across India keep visiting the ancient temple. Nowadays, it is in headlines for different reasons.

Sunil (name changed to ensure anonymity) is a politician from Parli. He enjoys a large circle of friends which is a mix of diverse classes and castes. I went for a small tea party with Sunil and his friends. With a sarcastic tone, they started like, “We believe that the main profession in Parli is of people keeping alive heated discussions about politics with a cup of tea. If you ask us about Parli, this is a land which believes in the personality cult phenomenon. And this has its inevitable consequences.

One of Sunil’s friends says, Beed and Parli themselves have become a different caste now. When it comes to this geographical area, we are being treated as kind of ‘untouchables’. People outside Beed have already started treating us differently. Memes, sarcastic comments and jokes are enjoyable to a certain extent. There comes a time, however, when this hurts.

(To be continued)

(This is part one of the ground report. The author is an independent journalist and can be reached at sharmishtha.2011@gmail.com)

Images: Yogesh Bhausaheb Dhakne

Related:

Special Report: ‘They came like monkeys; they came like Nazis.’ Ambedkari Bastis in Parbhani face the traumas of police brutality

Gruesome murder of Sarpanch Santosh Deshmukh in Beed triggers state-wide protests, political fallout in the ruling government, and rampant calls for justice

Massive all-party march in Parbhani demands justice for Dalit youth’s custodial death

The post “Beed has become the new caste now!” an in-depth exploration of simmering caste tensions in Marathwada appeared first on SabrangIndia.

These incidents not only highlight the urgent need for systemic reforms and accountability but also reflect the pervasive caste biases that continue to manifest in violence and discrimination. As communities rally for justice, these cases serve as a clarion call to confront the cultural and institutional barriers that allow such atrocities to occur, demanding immediate action to protect the rights and dignity of Dalit individuals, particularly women and children.

Incident 1:

In the first case, a 47-year-old Dalit farmer named Ramesh Chand allegedly died by suicide in his home in a Kasganj village on October 7, a day after he was forcibly removed from a Ram Lila event. According to the report of The Indian Express, spectators at the event complained that Ramesh had been standing too close to the stage, and some alleged that he might have been intoxicated. As a result, police personnel forced him out of the event, which reportedly caused Ramesh immense distress.

As per multiple media reports, Chand was allegedly kicked, punched, and humiliated by local policemen. According to Ram Rati, Ramesh’s wife, he attended the Ramlila around 9 PM on Sunday and sat on an empty chair. His presence on the chair angered the event organisers, who then called constables Bahadur and Vikram Chaudhary to “remove Chand.” The officers reportedly assaulted him brutally under the organisers’ instructions, using casteist slurs as they did so. Ram Rati recounted that the officers pulled a gamcha (a traditional cloth) around Ramesh’s neck, threw him to the ground, and kicked and punched him.

In a state of despair, Ramesh pleaded with the bystanders to understand what he had done wrong, but received no response. He rushed home to tell his wife about the humiliation he suffered and subsequently went to his room. Tragically, Ram Rati discovered her husband hanging from the ceiling the next morning. Ramesh Chand was a farmer, survived by his wife and their four minor children, including two daughters.

Following his death, family members and members of the Dalit community staged a protest on Monday, demanding accountability for the officers involved. In response to the escalating tensions, a substantial police presence was deployed to the area. Ramesh’s body has been sent for a post-mortem examination, and senior police officials have initiated an investigation into the incident. The protests were called off only after senior police officials intervened, and two constables involved in the incident were transferred to Police Lines.

Kasganj Circle Officer Achal Chauhan confirmed that the post-mortem report indicated death by hanging, with no signs of external injuries. However, Chauhan added that the exact motive behind the suicide remains under investigation.

Additional Superintendent of Police Rajesh Bharti had also commented on the incident, stating that Ramesh had climbed onto the stage in an intoxicated state and had been removed at the request of the organisers and spectators. He added that Ramesh returned home safely, and by 6 AM on Monday, he was found hanging in his house.

Meanwhile, SP Chief Akhilesh Yadav has condemned the ruling BJP government, accusing it of promoting a culture of humiliation against Dalits. In a statement, Yadav expressed grief over the incident and criticised the “hegemonic mind-set” fostered under the current government, particularly towards the Dalit community.

Shocked and traumatised after allegedly being kicked, punched and humiliated by some policemen for sitting on a chair at the local #Ramlila, a 48-year-old #Dalit man went home and hanged himself to death at #SalempurVivi village under #Soron police station of #Kasganj district,… pic.twitter.com/tVPlEHmIs1

— Hate Detector (@HateDetectors) October 8, 2024

Incident 2:

In a separate and equally tragic incident, a 14-year-old Dalit girl from a village in Bulandshahr district was allegedly gang-raped by two men from the upper caste community. The accused, Naresh Singh and Harvindra Kumar, who work as drivers, reportedly assaulted the girl over the course of several weeks, offering her Rs. 100 at times to remain silent as per a report of Times of India. The crime came to light on October 5, when the girl’s mother discovered the money in her school bag and questioned her. The girl then revealed the harrowing details of how the men had first assaulted her two weeks prior and had continued the abuse, threatening her to keep quiet.

Following the family’s complaint, an FIR was registered under relevant sections of the law, including the SC/ST Act. Both accused were arrested, and the girl was sent for a medical examination, which confirmed the assault. Her condition has been reported as stable, and an investigation into the case is ongoing.

Circle Officer (Sikandrabad) Purnima Singh stated on October 8 that following the family’s complaint, an FIR was lodged against the two accused, Naresh Singh and Harvindra Kumar, both in their 30s, under BNS Section 70 (2) (gang rape) and Section 3 (2) (v) of the SC/ST Act. Singh added that the girl’s father had passed away a few years ago due to illness, leaving her mother, who works as a daily wage labourer, to support the family.

Both accused, who work as drivers, reside in the same locality as the survivor. The girl was promptly sent for a medical examination, and her condition is reported to be stable. An investigation into the matter is currently underway.Top of Form

#Horrific A 14-year-old Dalit girl from Bulandshahr was repeatedly gang-raped by two caste Hindu men, accused Naresh Singh and Harvindra kumar arrested. pic.twitter.com/QBarD4gzwf

— The Dalit Voice (@ambedkariteIND) October 9, 2024

Unpacking recent anti-Dalit incidents in Uttar Pradesh

Despite constitutional safeguards, Dalits often find themselves on the receiving end of brutal violence, often without swift or meaningful justice. Both the above-mentioned cases involve marginalised victims and highlight the ongoing struggle for dignity and safety within Dalit communities in the state.

Uttar Pradesh has become a focal point for the alarming rise in anti-Dalit incidents, showcasing a troubling trend of violence, discrimination, and systemic oppression against the Dalit community. This northern Indian state consistently reports the highest number of atrocities against Dalits in the country, reflecting the entrenched caste biases that continue to shape social dynamics.

Over the past two months, Uttar Pradesh has witnessed a shocking surge of anti-Dalit incidents that reveal the deep-rooted issues of caste-based violence and discrimination within society. In one tragic case, a Dalit school teacher named Sunil Kumar, along with his wife Poonam and their two young daughters, was brutally shot dead in Amethi on October 2, 2024. This horrific event unfolded just a month after the family had lodged a First Information Report (FIR) against an individual who had threatened them, indicating a growing sense of insecurity and helplessness among Dalit families in the state.

The violence against Dalits extends beyond the tragic murder in Amethi. In another alarming incident, a 16-year-old Dalit boy died after being allegedly tortured by police in Kheri. Picked up in connection with a theft case, he endured severe beatings while in custody. Despite being transferred to a hospital in Lucknow for treatment, he succumbed to his injuries shortly after, sparking protests from his family and the local community. Their demands for accountability reflect the frustration and anger felt by many against a system that seems to perpetuate such atrocities.

Additionally, the academic sphere has not been immune to the pervasive caste discrimination plaguing Uttar Pradesh. Shivam Kumar, a Dalit research scholar at Banaras Hindu University, experienced casteist harassment from a senior professor during an academic meeting. The professor’s violent outburst, which included throwing food and hurling slurs at Shivam, underscores the troubling reality that even educational institutions are rife with discriminatory practices.

Moreover, in Meerut, a Dalit student faced brutal treatment at the hands of a teacher who violently assaulted him with a pipe, using caste-based slurs in the process. Despite the boy’s obvious injuries and the family’s complaints, the teacher threatened him and dismissed the allegations, illustrating the widespread culture of impunity that allows such behaviour to persist.

These incidents are just a glimpse into the systemic violence and discrimination faced by Dalits in Uttar Pradesh. They reflect a broader societal issue that requires urgent attention and action to combat the ingrained prejudices that fuel these tragic events. The pattern of violence against Dalits, particularly in a state where caste dynamics are so deeply entrenched, demands a comprehensive response from both authorities and communities to ensure justice and equality for all.

A need for systematic change to address the cycle of violence against Dalits in Uttar Pradesh

Recently only, a union government report published by the Ministry of Social Justice and Empowerment had revealed that the state of Uttar Pradesh reported a staggering 12,287 cases accounting for 23.78% of the total 51,656 cases registered under the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, 1989, (PoA Act) in the year 2022.  (The detailed report may be read here)

The vulnerability of Dalits in Uttar Pradesh is compounded by their marginalised status, which exposes them to targeted violence from upper-caste individuals. Attacks on Dalits are frequently motivated by a desire to reinforce caste hierarchies and exert control over marginalised communities. The pervasive culture of impunity allows perpetrators to act with little fear of legal repercussions, further entrenching the cycle of violence.

In addition to physical assaults, the economic and social marginalisation of Dalits in Uttar Pradesh further exacerbates their vulnerability to violence. Dalits often face discrimination in employment, education, and access to basic services, perpetuating cycles of poverty and exclusion. This systemic inequality fosters an environment where violence against Dalits is tolerated, and their grievances are often dismissed or minimised.

The response from law enforcement and the judicial system has been criticised for its inadequacy. Despite existing legal protections for Dalits, including provisions under the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, the implementation of these laws remains inconsistent. Police indifference, bureaucratic hurdles, and a lack of sensitivity towards victims contribute to a culture of impunity that emboldens perpetrators of anti-Dalit violence.

Addressing the escalating violence against Dalits in Uttar Pradesh requires a multi-faceted approach that encompasses legal reforms, community education, and social awareness initiatives. It is imperative to strengthen the enforcement of existing laws, ensuring that perpetrators are held accountable for their actions. Furthermore, fostering a culture of respect and equality, coupled with advocacy for the rights of marginalised communities, is crucial to dismantling the systemic barriers that perpetuate caste-based violence.

In conclusion, the ongoing violence against Dalits in Uttar Pradesh is a pressing issue that demands immediate attention. As society grapples with the realities of caste-based discrimination, it is essential to amplify the voices of Dalit communities, recognise their rights, and work collectively towards a future where equality and justice prevail for all. Only through sustained efforts can we hope to dismantle the structures that enable violence against Dalits and foster a more inclusive and equitable society.

Related:

Escalating anti-Dalit violence in India: A disturbing surge of brutality and discrimination since July 2024

Caste and Indifference: Two separate incidents of rape against minor Dalit girls in UP and Bihar receive no media coverage, protest or outrage

MP diverted SC/ST welfare funds for cow welfare, atrocities against Dalits reported across country

The post Uttar Pradesh in crisis: The ongoing struggle for Dalit rights and dignity, multiple anti-Dalit incidents emerge from the BJP-ruled state appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Kolar, Karnataka

On October 17, in Doddavalagamaadi, Bangarpet taluk, Kolar district, a 29-year-old Dalit construction worker was brutally beaten after being verbally abused by his employers because he had demanded his rightful wages. The victim is now recuperating at the hospital, according to Deccan Herald. The Bangarpet police have acted on the case and have invoked the Atrocities Act. Three of the accused are siblings from the Rajput community – Jagadish Singh, Ravi Singh, and Satish Singh have been named. Two of them, Jagadish Singh and Satish Singh have already been taken into custody, and attempts are being made to locate and look for and detain the third sibling, Ravi Singh. Kolar Deputy Superintendent of Police Mallesh has been assigned to lead the investigation.

According to the report by Deccan Herald, the victim had been hired by Jagadish Singh and his brothers for the construction of their new residence and they had agreed for his wages to amount to Rs 3,500, but when the time came, they had only paid him Rs 2,000. Following this the day of the incident he met the accused at a local roadside tea shop and asked payment of his outstanding dues. However, the response he received was in the form of a barrage of caste-based insults, humiliation and physical violence.

Amreli, Gujarat

A harrowing incident has come to light from a government school in Gujarat’s Amreli district. A Dalit school teacher lost his life to suicide after repeated instances of casteist abuse. The incident took place last Friday, on October 20th.

His name was Kanti Chauhan and he was reportedly a dedicated teacher at Juna Janjariya village in Bagasara. He recorded a video with his final words before attempting to kill himself. In the video, he revealed that the village’s Sarpanch had repeatedly threatened him, pressuring him to surrender the grants he had received and had even circulated defamatory messages against him and his caste across various social media groups.

The schoolteacher committed suicide by consuming poison while at the school. However, after he was taken to the hospital and was receiving treatment, he passed away. Villagers gathered the next day at the Bagasra police station demanding action against those mentioned in the video by Kanti Chauhan.

Local authorities have responded with the police filing a case against five individuals. The case includes the village Sarpanch and three school teachers, and following complaint, the Sarpanch was taken in custody. The case has been registered under Section 306 which pertains to abetment of suicide as well as with various sections of the Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribe (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, according to J. P. Bhandari, Deputy Superintendent of Police in Amreli.

Kuchaman, Rajasthan

Three arrests took place for the gang rape of a Dalit woman, according to The New Indian Express. The incident happened in August, however a formal case was registered only last week. The incident with the 32-year-old woman took place in the Kuchaman district of Rajasthan.

A case has been filed for gang rape and with certain sections of the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act. While the police have taken the 3 men, whose names are Kishore Mali, Ramdev Thalod, and Tejpal into custody, they are also reportedly actively searching for the two remaining suspects who are still at large.

Bengaluru, Karnataka

In a horrifying incident, the father of a teenaged minor was arrested for having murdered her. The 50 year old man had reportedly murdered his daughter because she had been involved in a relationship with a Dalit boy. The accused, who is a farmer, surrendered to the Bengaluru police October 22, 2023, according to the Indian Express. He had also reportedly coerced his daughter to leaving college and sending her to a relative’s house to prevent her from meeting the boy. However, the girl reportedly went missing by October 14, following which her parents arrived from Mysore to Bengaluru to search for her and then filed a report on October 18. The girl was soon discovered in a few days, and the Dalit youth was arrested with a Protection of Children from Sexual Offences (POCSO) filed against. However, the ordeal did not end there, the father soon attacked her and later she succumbed to her injuries. Her mother was also injured in the process of defending her. The accused is now in judicial custody.

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The family members of Ashok, who belonged to a Dalit community, along with DYFI activists and several fellow villagers, blocked the Tirunelveli-Madurai highway in protest, demanding immediate arrest of the culprits.

Ashok used to work in a tyre-manufacturing unit at an industrial estate run by the State Industries Promotion Corporation of Tamil Nadu (SIPCOT) in Gangaikondan. The murderers attacked him as he was walking home around 10.45 pm. They hacked him to death and threw his body in the bushes near the railway track.

People belonging to the Dalit community in the region have to pass through a settlement belonging to the dominant maravar caste to reach the fields where they work. According to reports, some people from the maravar community had been abusing Dalit workers and women – most of whom are agricultural workers – as they passed through this route. Some youth, including Ashok, asked the harassers to stop their casteist abuse.

Subsequently there was an attack on Ashok and his mother last month as they were returning home from the fields, allegedly by a few persons belonging to the group of harassers. Ashok tried to file a case under the SC/ST Atrocities Act, but the Thachanallur police only filed a case under other sections.

DYFI activists say that the murder of Ashok is in response to the role that he played in the resistance against the abuse of Dalit workers and women by reactionary elements of the dominant community, as he mobilised youth to fight caste oppression and discrimination in his village.

“Comrade Ashok was in the forefront of the fight against the casteist forces with conviction,” said a statement by the DYFI’s Central Executive Committee. The murder of Ashok is revenge by the casteist forces, for his fight for equality, the statement said. “There has been criminal negligence on the part of the police.”

The DYFI has demanded immediate arrest of the accused, time-bound investigation and justice in the case, along with strict action against the police officers who did not act on Ashok’s complaint. The organisation has also demanded that the SC/ST Atrocities Act should be included while filing the case.

The DYFI has called for a nation-wide protest on 15 June.
 

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Estimating that a huge 4.48 lakh people were displaced in India due to internal conflicts and violence in India last year, a new report, jointly prepared by the Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre (IDMC) and the Norwegian Refugee Council (NRC) has said that there are 7.96 internally displaced persons (IDPs) in the country.

The report points out that it was displacement caused by violent secessionist movements has primarily been associated with the National Socialist Council of Nagaland and the Assam movement, as well as the ongoing war between militants and the state in Kashmir”, the report states, “Identity-based autonomy movements have also caused displacement in many parts of India, including the states of Telangana and Assam.”

The report does not rate communal and caste conflicts to have led to large-scale displacements. It says, “Localised inter-communal violence between Hindus and Muslims, for example in Gujarat, has resulted in smaller-scale displacement, as have caste disputes in states such as Bihar and Uttar Pradesh.”

It is developmental  projects that are the cause of largescale displacement, “as part of India’s rapid development and industrialization”, the report, which is titled “Global Report on Internal Displacement”, says, “The large-scale acquisition of land and the eviction and displacement of tens of millions of people over the past decades, not only for the purpose of building dams, mines and industrial plants, but also for other objectives such as urban renewal and environmental conservation.”

Especially singling out “the most controversial cases is the Sardar Sarovar dam”, the report states, “Approved in 1984, the project had displaced an estimated 350,000 people in Gujarat, Madhya Pradesh and Maharashtra by 2015.”

 

 

“In addition to the government’s indifference to the adverse impacts of displacement, extreme inequality in land ownership, insufficient implementation of laws and policies to protect indigenous lands, the power imbalance between project implementers and the affected communities, and the government’s severe approach to dissent are some of the key factors that enable and perpetuate displacement in the context of development projects”, the report states.

Pointing out that “there is a strong link between development projects and conflict”, the report says, “Most of India’s land conflicts arise from state takeovers, often on behalf of private investors”, adding, “The adverse social and environmental impacts of development projects implemented through large-scale land acquisitions with minimal (if any) consultation and compensation have fuelled tensions, violence and conflict over land access and use.”

“As a result”, it says, “Non-state armed groups have gained support from some marginalised communities affected by development projects. Meanwhile, despite numerous state-level housing policies and schemes, limited access to adequate housing in urban and rural areas continues to increase people’s vulnerability to displacement associated with natural hazards.”

Estimating that about 70 million people were displaced development projects between 1947 and 2010, and regretting that data on those displaced since 2010 is not available, the report underlines, only about “a third of the displaced people have been resettled in a planned manner, but their locations are unknown and their resettlement is not a durable solution.”

As for the reminder, the report says, they have “to fend for themselves”, adding, “Many of those who were not settled elsewhere ended up living in informal settlements surrounding New Delhi, Kolkata and other cities, or moving in with nearby relatives, and some have returned in cases where projects have not materialised. Compensation has been paid in cash or land in some cases, but it has often been insufficient for people to restart their lives.”

 

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We reproduce below excerpts from the work of one of the oldest authorities on the Marathas, historian Jadunath Sarkar. In two books on the issue, the historian has dealt with the ticklish issue of caste which affected Shivaji’s acceptance as a formal ruler.

A deep study of Maratha society, indeed of society throughout India, reveals some facts which it is considered patriotism to ignore. We realise that the greatest obstacles to Shivaji’s success were not Mughals or Adil Shahis, Siddis or Feringis, but his own countrymen. First, we cannot be blind to the truth that the dominant factor in Indian life — even today, no less than in the seventeenth century — is caste, and neither religion nor country. By caste must not be understood the four broad divisions of the Hindus which exist only in the textbooks and the airy philosophical generalisations delivered from platforms. The caste that really counts, the division that is a living force, is the sub–division and sub–sub–division into innumerable small groups called shakhas or branches (more correctly twigs or I should say, leaves, they are so many!) into which each caste is split up and within which alone marrying and giving in marriage, eating and drinking together take place…
 
And each of these smallest sub–divisions of the Brahman caste is separated from the other sub–divisions as completely as it is from an altogether different caste like the Vaishya or Shudra, e.g., the Kanyakubja and Sarayupari Brahmans of northern India, the Konkanastha and Deshastha of Maharashtra.
Personal Jealousy Hindering Shivaji

Shivaji was not contented with all his conquests of territory and vaults full of looted treasure, so long as he was not recognised as a Kshatriya entitled to wear the sacred thread and to have the Vedic hymns chanted at his domestic rites. The Brahmans alone could give him such recognition, and though they swallowed the sacred thread they boggled at the Vedokta! The result was a rupture… Whichever side had the rights of the case, one thing is certain, namely, that this internally torn community had not the sine qua non of a nation. 
Nor did Maharashtra acquire that sine qua non ever after. The Peshwas were Brahmans from Konkan, and the Brahmans of the upland (Desh) despised them as less pure in blood. The result was that the state policy of Maharashtra under the Peshwas, instead of being directed to national ends, was now degraded into upholding the prestige of one family or social sub–division.

Shivaji had, besides, almost to the end of his days, to struggle against the jealousy, scorn, indifference and even opposition of certain Maratha families, his equals in caste sub-division and once in fortune and social position, whom he had now outdistanced. The Bhonsle Savants of Vadi, the Jadavs of Sindhkhed, the Mores of Javli, and (to a lesser extent) the Nimbalkars, despised and kept aloof from the upstart grandson of that Maloji whom some old men still living remembered to have seen tilling his fields like a Kunbi! Shivaji’s own brother Vyankoji fought against him during the Mughal invasion of Bijapur in 1666.

Shivaji’s religious toleration and equal treatment of all subjects
He stands on a lofty pedestal in the hall of the worthies of history, not because he was a Hindu champion, but because he was an ideal householder, an ideal king, and an unrivalled nation-builder. He was devoted to his mother, loving to his children, true to his wives, and scrupulously pure in his relations with other women. Even the most beautiful female captive of war was addressed by him as his mother. Free from all vices and indolence in his private life, he displayed the highest genius as a king and as an organizer. In that age of religious bigotry, he followed a policy of the most liberal toleration for all creeds.

The letter which he wrote to Aurangzeb, protesting against the imposition of the poll–tax on the Hindus, is a masterpiece of clear logic, calm persuasion, and political wisdom. Though he was himself a devout Hindu, he could recognise true sanctity in a Musalman, and therefore he endowed a Muhammadan holy man named Baba Yaqut with land and money and installed him at Keleshi. All creeds had equal opportunities in his service and he employed a Muslim secretary named Qazi Haidar, who, after Shivaji’s death, went over to Delhi and rose to be chief justice of the Mughal Empire.

There were many Muhammadan captains in Shivaji’s army and his chief admiral was an Abyssinian named Siddi Misri. His Maratha soldiers had strict orders not to molest any woman or rob any Muhammadan saint’s tomb or hermitage. Copies of the Quran which were seized in the course of their campaigns were ordered to be carefully preserved and then handed over respectfully to some Muhammadan.”
(From Jadunath Sarkar’s book, ‘House of Shivaji’).

The Coronation of Shivaji And After (1674-1676)

Why Shivaji wanted to be crowned

Shivaji and his ministers had long felt the practical disadvantages of his not being a crowned king. True, he had conquered many lands and gathered much wealth: he had a strong army and navy and exercised powers of life and death over men, like an independent sovereign. But theoretically his position was that of a subject; to the Mughal Emperor, he was a mere zamindar. He could not claim equality of political status with any king.

Then again, so long as he was a mere private subject, he could not, with all his real power, claim the loyalty and devotion of the people over whom he ruled. His promises could not have the sanctity and continuity of the public engagements of the head of a State. He could sign no treaty, grant no land with legal validity and an assurance of permanence. The territories conquered by his sword could not become his lawful property, however undisturbed his possession over them might be in practice. The people living under his sway or serving under his banners could not renounce their allegiance to the former sovereign of the land, nor be sure that they were exempt from the charge of treason for their obedience to him. The permanence of his political creation required that it should be validated as the act of a sovereign.

Shivaji recognized by Gaga Bhatta as a Kshatriya
But there was one curious hindrance to the realization of this ideal. According to the ancient Hindu scriptures, only a member of the Kshatriya caste can be legally crowned as king and claim the homage of Hindu subjects. The Bhonsles were popularly known to be neither Kshatriyas, nor of any other twice-born caste, but mere tillers of the soil, as Shivaji’s great–grandfather was still remembered to have been. How could an upstart sprung from such a Shudra (plebeian) stock aspire to the rights and honours due to a Kshatriya? The Brahmans of all parts of India would attend and bless the coronation of Shivaji, only if he could be authoritatively declared a Kshatriya.

It was, therefore, necessary first to secure the support of a pandit, whose reputation for scholarship would silence all opposition to the views he might propound. Such a man was found in Vishweshwar, nicknamed Gaga Bhatta, of Benares, the greatest Sanskrit theologian and controversialist then alive, a master of the four Vedas, the six philosophies, and all the scriptures of the Hindus, and popularly known as the Brahma–deva and Vyas of the age. 

After holding out for some time, he became compliant, accepted the Bhonsle pedigree as fabricated by the clever secretary Balaji Avji and other agents of Shiva, and declared that Rajah was a Kshatriya of the purest breed, descended in unbroken line from the Maharanas of Udaipur, the sole representatives of the solar line of the mythical hero-god Ramchandra. His audacious but courtierly ethnological theory was rewarded with a huge fee, and he was entreated to visit Maharashtra and officiate as high priest at the coronation of Shiva. He agreed, and on his arrival was welcomed like a crowned head, Shiva and all his officers advancing many miles from Satara to receive him on the way.

(From ‘Shivaji And His Times’ by Jadunath Sarkar).
 
(Archived from the October 2001 issue of Communalism Combat)
 

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Contrary to popular belief, there were many failed attempts on the life of Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi, the Mahatma. Out of these attempts five are well documented and involve the Pune branch of the Hindu Mahasabha. Three of which also point to the involvement of Narayan Apte and Nathuram Godse. 

The following text is based on the book Hatyakand (The Story of Gandhi’s Murder), a good work in Hindi giving a minute–by–minute account of the Gandhi murder trial. 

The First Attempt: Bomb thrown at Pune
25th June 1934, Pune: During the Harijan Yatra in 1934, the Mahatma visited Pune. On 25th June he was to deliver a speech at the Corporation Auditorium. The Mahatma and Kasturba were travelling in a motorcade consisting of two similar cars. At one place en route the car in which the Gandhis were travelling was detained at a railway level crossing.

The first car arrived at the auditorium and the welcoming committee assumed that the Gandhis had arrived and stepped forward to welcome them. Just then a bomb was thrown at the car which exploded, grievously injuring the chief officer of the municipal corporation, two policeman and seven others. 

The bomb was reportedly hurled by anti–Gandhi Hindu extremists as mentioned by Mahatma’s secretary Pyarelal in his book, The Last Phase, and by his biographer BG Tendulkar. Pyarelal has written: “This time their attempt was very well planned and executed to perfection….” Implying that the attempts before 25th June 1934 failed due to lack of planning and co–ordination. And also that the murderers were getting better with each attempt.
Pyarelal has said: “These people kept photographs of Gandhi, Nehru and other Congress leaders in their shoes. They were trained to shoot by using Gandhiji’s photograph as their target, these were the same people who later murdered the Mahatma while he was striving to bring peace to a riot ravaged Delhi, in 1948.”

After the attack, speaking at the function to felicitate him, the Mahatma said: “It is sad that this happened while I am working for the uplift of the Harijans. I have no desire for martyrdom as yet, but if it is to happen I am prepared to face it. But in trying to kill me why are they inconsiderate to the innocents who are likely to be killed or injured along with me? My wife and three young girls who are like daughters to me were travelling in the car with me. How have they angered you?”

The attacker escaped and there is no record of investigations or arrests. This was the first documented attempt in India on the life of the Mahatma. Many historians have alleged that this was the work of the Nathuram Godse and Narayan Apte gang. This gang was involved in several other bomb attacks on other opponents of their Hindutva and dominance of the upper caste ideology.
(http://web.mahatma.org.in/attempts/attempt0.asp) 

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