Ironically, it is when voices are most suppressed that they must rise the loudest. Individuals and communities facing relentless and chronic targeting and oppression, can go through fatigue – a fatigue that comes out of being hurt or shocked by every day incidents of targeting or meanness, feelings of being abandoned by all that one used to trust – one’s friends, neighbours, colleagues, relatives, elected representatives, leaders and such– like a disease that does not get better, but only hurts you in more ways and more places, and spaces. True nationalism demands of those communities that are NOT the target of these systemic oppressions and discriminations, take up the onus of pushing back against the system.

Nationalism is not about being on the side of obvious discrimination and oppression and waiting eagerly for one’s share of the pie. When livelihoods are lost, homes are destroyed, people are killed, their religious spaces are vandalised, those who clap and jeer on the side-lines, convince themselves that they are the true ‘nationalists’ and that all that is being done in their names is for some larger good. Such people are, in fact, nothing more than cruel and complicit accomplices.

Citizens as scrupulous watchdogs

It is up to us as individuals and communities to decide whether the Constitution of our country is a living document that we uphold, however inconvenient or nothing more than a piece of paper. There should be a very narrow gap between what the Constitution says, and what each of us practice as individuals and communities. Certain aspects or lines even about the Constitution can become tools to rationalise one or the other morally wrong act, but we cannot use that to do away with the spirit of our Constitution which is undeniably fraternity, justice and equality. When the pillars of democracy are crumbling before our very eyes, we become the crucial pillar that upholds the value and morality of all these other pillars. If enough people criticise the media for their wilful polarisation, if we refused to elect people who were abusive and violent liars, if we refused to accept judgements that were patently flawed, we hold all these institutions to account. The more we push for their accountability, the stronger all these structures will be. Instead, if we allow crimes and mistakes only because the perpetrators belong to our own caste, religion or region, we do a great disservice to the country and are the real ‘anti-nationals’. Unfortunately, the mainstream media, instead of uplifting the concerns and voices of citizens, is ideologically biased in favour of power.

As with the Right to Food Act (2013), the National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (NREGA), the Right to Information (RTI) Act, and several other government decisions, it was the relentless persistence of civil society that made these changes see the light of day. Attempts are constantly underway to undermine these Acts and make them toothless, therefore vigilance has to be continuous. One cannot sit back and say that victory was achieved and that it is time to relax. As citizens, we need to be constantly watchful and vigilant.

Citizens must distance themselves from political parties

Civil society may choose to support one political party or the other for election promises that they hope will be beneficial. However, this does not mean that civil society should become uncritical allies or ardent supporters or one or the other party. That would be disastrous, making us nothing more than party workers. We need to hold parties accountable, and for that, we need to be informed, concerned and moral. Political parties have the capacities to co-opt leaders, influencers and civil society movements.

The role of the civil society is to be firm, with the agenda of welfare or development, faithful to the rule of law and not act according to convenience or political gains. It cannot adopt a selective approach when it comes to demanding accountability from the government, irrespective of the party in power. No party should be given scope for compromise or dereliction of Constitutional responsibilities. This is a very serious and delicate distinction that every responsible citizen and civil society organisations must make today.

The credibility of civil society organisation and clarity of the objectives and ideology matters. Everything cannot be tolerated in the name of choosing the lesser evil all the time. The ‘lesser evil’ should also be made equally accountable. Hence the message from the civil society should be consistent and not opportunistic. Rule of law, Constitutional values and due process should be our base rather than becoming victims or allies of opportunistic political games, partisan politics, selective application, and reducing everything to the matter of convenience or personal gain. There are individuals who join parties in the hope of bringing about social change, but can become silenced by party ideology.

Shifting loyalties from political parties to the Constitution.

The duty of the citizen is to abide by the Constitution and respect its ideals and institutions, and to promote harmony and the spirit of common brotherhood amongst all the people of India transcending religious, linguistic and regional or sectional diversities; to renounce practices derogatory to the dignity of women. Sadly it is the government that is violating these very duties.

When India achieved independence from foreign rule, the people became the sovereign masters of the country. It was “we, the people of India” who gave unto themselves a constitution and provided in its space for the legislative, executive and judicial systems to function. As much as the Constitution is the creation of the people, the basic constitutional values embodied in the Preamble, the fundamental rights and The Directive Principles of State Policy represent citizenship values. The role of the citizens is not to be seen as mere taxpayers but as active participants evolving policies and plans and in monitoring performance of the government. Citizen governance is meant to translate the concept of sovereignty of the people into a reality. The government is seen as an equal partner with the citizens.

The 73rd and the 74th amendments to the Constitution of India are meant to bring in place citizen governance in the rural and urban areas through the involvement of the citizens in the vital areas of governance, economic development and welfare. The purpose of these amendments is to ensure civic engagement towards effective, efficient, transparent and accountable government.

The concept of Citizen Governance Democracies is weak without citizen governance. Citizen governance is value based and thus must be construed within civil society organisations and leaders should examine their own political context and vision for change. Unless the government is open to listen to the citizen groups and involve them in the governance process no tangible benefits will flow to the society from citizen governance. The three elements of the governance model are citizen engagement, performance measurement and government policy and implementation.

Citizen engagement refers to the involvement of citizens, using the term “citizens” in the broadest sense to include individuals, groups, non-profit organisations and even business corporate citizens. Citizen engagement in a community is best when it is broad, inclusive and representative of citizens.

Citizens as spokespersons for the vulnerable

The gaze of the citizen should be clearly focused on the welfare of ALL individuals, more so the most vulnerable and distributive social justice being central. A citizen is someone who has a legal right to participate in the affairs of the state. A citizen who does not meet these responsibilities of holding the state accountable, becomes part of the problem and socially disruptive.

Instead of caste, religion, region, class etc. defining our allegiances, can we rather place it on the Constitution or a sense of justice and morality? Can we look at actions of the government or our communities through these lenses rather than through hatred and othering? Creating ‘others’ helps to break down the cohesiveness of a community. Someone we went to school with, who was from our neighbourhood, who participated with us in activities, is suddenly viewed with suspicion as someone who can steal our women or our homes, our jobs, our rights. Whether this is true or not, our imagination accepts it because we are bombarded every day with messages of hatred and ‘othering’. If all of us break into cliques and silos, fighting with everyone else, the ones who gain are those in power, the elected representatives, the so-called religious leaders, the business community. For those who keep fighting, there are losses on multiple fronts, some more than the others and some more tangible than others.

Active citizenship is when we work to ensure a better life for all in our community, leaving no one behind. As we saw with Covid-19, irrespective of whatever fancy apartments we lived in, if there are pockets of overcrowding then the entire area is at risk of spread of disease. The solution then is not to forcibly evacuate communities, as we often do in our ‘smart cities’, but to ensure affordable housing to all that also makes sound public health sense. Further citizenship should be based on pluralism, respect for dignity and rule of law.

If we are okay with some of our citizens being beaten, bullied, harassed and discriminated against, it will not be long before these behaviours seep into our own lives too. The principles of non-discrimination are of value only when we uphold it for all citizens. This principle itself cannot be discriminatory.

Pushing individuals and communities to a state of having lesser rights, lesser participation and lesser dignity cannot be the way forward for India, but unless we are wary and watchful, this is exactly where we seem to be heading. When people have lesser access to justice, or livelihood or resources, freedom of expression, or economic development, it pulls the country’s entire indicators down. We cannot climb up as a society or country, unless we all climb up.

For instance, if the government wants to reduce spending on social security schemes that benefit the poor of the country, they can start spreading the narrative that some people are lazy and don’t want to work, that ‘freebies’ go to people who are well off and not really poor, that the well-off are being denied resources that should rightfully belong to them. Because of this narrative, an influential section of the population may turn against these schemes. They start believing that any government which does away with these schemes is an assertive government. In fact the people deprived may be those who are disadvantaged because of their caste, gender, physical ability, age, region, occupation, livelihood etc. When we support cutting down these schemes based on what we see on WhatsApp or political speeches, we do a disservice to our own fellow citizens. Further we teach our young people also these false narratives. Rather than astutely question political rhetoric, we become their biggest supporters.

Conclusion and way forward

Our role as citizens is not limited to elections alone. If our fellow citizens chose to protest about one or the other issue, we should stop seeing this as an act of disobedience or wilfulness. Protests help overcome inequalities, ensure safety of public spaces, protect the vulnerable, demand accountability. Even if we do not agree with the reason, we have to unflinchingly support people’s right to protest, just as we should oppose political bullies who prevent people from exercising their voting rights.

Indian citizens really need to take a call about whether we want to at the lowest rung of participation as citizens where we are more likely to respond to misinformation, whipping up sentiments and manipulation than being at the highest rung as rational, informed, moral citizens.

The government of India says that its citizens are one of the dominant pillars of the country. However, this same government is constantly attacking all the pillars that hold the democracy of the country.  Further the government says that the state or country should provide its citizens with fundamental civil rights such as personal rights, religious rights, social rights, moral rights, economic rights, and political rights, etc. A right is a liberty that is protected by the state, such as the right to free speech and religion. Ironically, it is this same government that is hammering away at these very same rights every day. Let us not become mute spectators but active and observant and questioning citizens.

(The author is the Director of St. Joseph’s College of Law, Bengaluru)

[1] Company manufacturing excavators and diggers.

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The post The unwavering gaze of the observant citizen: India’s need of the hour appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Eddelu Karnataka (Wake-Up) has successfully established a model of effective civil society intervention. Its efforts have not only brought hope to the people of Karnataka but have also inspired progressive individuals and organizations in other states.

What is the impact?

• ‘Eddelu Karnataka’ has emerged as a platform for passionate individuals who aimed to defeat the rightwing Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and contribute to the cause. It resulted in a remarkable surge of energy and successfully motivated thousands of activists to take action.

• The journey is not yet complete. It has instilled a sense of confidence in civil society, proving that with dedication and a well-planned strategy, it is indeed possible to overcome the BJP in electoral battles to start with.

• It has given rise to an autonomous political force of the people, independent of any particular party and free from financial or other dependencies.

• It has significantly enhanced the understanding of our political policies and tactics in the present-day society, particularly among the marginalised and oppressed communities. The importance of avoiding vote fragmentation was emphasised, promoting the idea of voting for candidates with higher chances of defeating the opposition. It is noteworthy that the occurrence of vote splitting was considerably reduced this time.

• The message of resistance reverberated throughout society, thanks to an extensive and impactful social media campaign. It revitalised the spirits of those who had lost hope and provided rational answers to those who were confused. Resistance gained a charismatic aura through the power of songs.

• A substantial set of counter-narratives have been constructed to challenge the strategies employed by the BJP and the Sangh. This achievement should not be underestimated. This time, the BJP’s Urigowda, Nandini, and Sudeep were all confronted effectively. Even Modi’s visit failed to create a significant effect. The role and contribution of independent civil society activists and teams, working in coordination with Eddelu but with their own unique approaches, played a crucial part in this humble accomplishment.

• The BJP attempted to maneuvre its way out of the pit it had dug for itself. The murder of Idris Pasha (April 30-May 1, 2023) and the revocation of reservations for Muslims were not mere acts of retribution. They were political monstrosities, part of a conspiracy to incite Muslims and steer politics in a communal direction. However, the collaborative efforts of Muslim organisations working in coordination with Eddelu shed light on a different path. The entire community thus unanimously decided to respond legally and politically, refraining from taking to the streets.

• A confidence-boosting survey emerged. Amidst the media’s constant chatter about the BJP’s grip on power or its precarious state, the “Eedina” team’s scientific survey, commissioned by civil society, confidently asserted that “Congress will independently form the government.” This survey provided a noteworthy contribution, instilling confidence among the progressive circles and the dedicated activists striving to defeat the BJP. Such assurance was vital to their cause.

• While its impact may not have been overwhelmingly powerful, it served as a wake-up call to those advocating for the rights of various marginalised groups during the elections. The platform brought attention to the issues faced by the landless, farmers, underprivileged agricultural laborers, communities seeking internal reservations, and government employees fighting for their rights, among others. It compelled the dominant parties, particularly the Congress, to acknowledge and address these concerns to some extent. As a result, the respective communities made a resolute decision to defeat the BJP. Furthermore, it marked a fine milestone in people’s politics, as Congress was made to commit itself to resolving the people’s issues though much struggle remains to see that that it is fulfilled.

• By focusing on increasing voter turnout and minimizing divisions, Eddelu Karnataka played a vital and positive role in consolidating votes in favor of the opposition. A considerable amount of effort went into persuading 49 minority and Dalit community candidates to withdraw from the electoral contest to avoid vote splitting, although specific details will not be shared here. Furthermore, discussions regarding the Congress and JDS should be temporarily halted.

• Community leaders were advised to vote strategically for candidates with the best chance of defeating the BJP in their respective constituencies, rather than wasting the votes on candidates who are unlikely to win. The collective understanding that each vote should be utilised to remove the BJP from power led to a decrease in vote splitting. It is crucial to acknowledge that this played a pretty good role in achieving favorable outcomes. While the BJP’s vote share saw a slight decrease in this election, non-Congress parties, including JDS, experienced a significant decline. Last time, their combined vote share was 25.51%, which dropped to 21.12% this time, marking a reduction of 4.3%. The primary reason behind this phenomenon is the heightened awareness that votes should not be divided or wasted. The role of civil society in fostering this awareness is undoubtedly important.

The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) was unsuccessful in 73 out of the 103 challenging constituencies where Eddelu Karnataka focused and worked. It should be noted that all the constituencies selected by Eddelu Karnataka were considered tough. It is important to acknowledge that the positive outcome cannot be solely attributed to Eddelu Karnataka, but rather the solid efforts made by Eddelu Karnataka was complementary to other major processes including political, within these areas.

Among the 73 constituencies won by non-BJP candidates, the victory margin in 8 constituencies was less than 5000 votes, while seven constituencies had a margin of victory between 5,000 and 10,000 votes. Out of the total 15 constituencies, Eddelu Karnataka played a prominent role in securing victory in 12 constituencies. Among these, seven constituencies were lost by a narrow margin of less than 5000 votes. Additionally, in 6 more constituencies, the non-BJP forces suffered defeat with a margin of 5 to 10 thousand votes. It is evident that if greater attention had been devoted to these 13 constituencies and measures taken to prevent vote division, there could have been a possibility of retaining them. Despite efforts made in certain areas, the division of votes could not be averted, as witnessed in Chikpet, Harihar, Gangavati, and Bijapur. These instances serve as valuable lessons for the civil society and grassroots communities.

Lessons Learned 

• Karnataka’s Eddelu experience has been an eye opener for individuals who were previously unfamiliar with the intricacies of election politics. It has been a kind of a transformative journey that made you float above the routine practice with little results and learn anew.

• The election presented a competition between a minority of well-coordinated negative forces and a majority of unorganized secular forces. Despite being in the majority, unorganised secular forces would have inevitably faced electoral defeat due to their lack of organization. However, this time dedicated efforts were made to effectively organize and invigorate this unorganized majority. Through this process, we have not only gained valuable insights but also imparted a certain knowledge to many others.

• In an election characterised by the clash of powerful entities, Eddelu Karnataka has demonstrated the possibilities of connecting with and influencing the public through civil society and ethical politics, transcending the cacophony generated by the politics of money, caste, and hatred.

• It is truly inspiring to witness the multitude of altruistic forces present within society, spanning across various regions, towns, and villages, who are actively working towards combating these negative forces and fostering unity.

• This experience has revealed a considerable presence of young individuals who are enthusiastic about volunteering and actively working to combat the prevailing corrupt government.

• We have made definite progress in utilizing social media to effectively influence public opinion, construct compelling narratives, conduct scientifically sound surveys, and gain insights into the sentiments of the people. However, there is still much more to learn. The significance of mass media in shaping public perception has become increasingly evident and cannot be underestimated.

• We have acquired valuable knowledge on constructing an extensive network by uniting influential members of society, social and community organizations, as well as the mass media network. It was truly astonishing to witness the far-reaching impact that this collaborative effort can have on society.

• Moreover, we have received some training in the art of addressing / resolving political divisions that have emerged among the masses. Our focus has been on fostering consensus, encouraging collective decision-making processes and collectively determining the choice of our vote.
• Eddelu has demonstrated the immense moral strength that can be attained by operating independently of political parties and maintaining financial autonomy while still maintaining association with political entities.

• Furthermore, we have embarked on a journey of understanding the intricacies of the constituency, analyzing the booth structure, comprehending the composition and characteristics of the masses, and identifying the individuals, issues, and phenomena that exert influence within it. This endeavour is aimed at acquiring a comprehensive understanding of the dynamics at play.

• Above all, Eddelu Karnataka has established a commendable model of effective intervention by civil society. Its impact has not only instilled hope within Karnataka but has also inspired progressive individuals and organisations in other states.

The significance of Wake Up Karnataka lies not solely in its outcomes, but rather in the spirit it ignited and the valuable lessons it imparted throughout the process. Forces driven by social concerns converged to experiment with people-centered politics. Their efforts extended beyond mere seminars as they actively engaged with thousands of young individuals, formed numerous field teams, conducted independent surveys to gauge public sentiment, efficiently utilized social media, diligently exposed corrupt forces through various means, and brought the people’s issues to the forefront.

Furthermore, they rallied committed political parties, communicated in a manner that resonated with the people, effectively conveyed the three fundamental voting principles, and dedicatedly implemented strategies to prevent vote division. Through these actions, they well contributed to fostering a positive political atmosphere in critical areas and the state as a whole. This impressive journey has left an indelible mark, imparting invaluable experience, empathy, and confidence. All who have been part of the “Eddelu Karnataka” experiment, collectively shouldered this responsibility and willing to further it.

Even the Congress party leadership before which our staunch criticism about their approach and orientation remained clear throughout, even as Eddelu team strived to work in ways that ultimately went in its favour was vocal in its applause starting with CM. Siddaramaiah.

Satish Jarakiholi, Congress minister vociferously put it this way in the large gathering organised by Eddelu Karnataka to make Congress commit itself to people publicly. “It is essential for you to devise a slogan Eddelu congress to keep us vigilant. ……we recognise the importance of guidance and correction if we happen to deviate from the right path. The pursuit of social justice is just as crucial as development, and therefore, it is imperative to have a campaign that serves as a reminder and warning to keep us accountable. Your role is indispensable, as you will consistently act as a watchdog for our government, holding us responsible and pushing us in the right direction. Your vigilant support is crucial to ensure that we serve the interests of the people to the best of our ability. Dr. Parmeshwar, the home minister resonated the same feelings clearly.

From here where the movement moves depends on many factors, also on how and in which direction we move. The responsibility on us is heavier as expectations have multiplied all around.

Related:

Part One, Eddelu Karnataka, understanding a unique civil society experiment: K’taka assembly polls

Part Two, Actions taken in the campaign, Eddelu Karnataka: K’taka assembly polls 2023

The post ‘Wake-Up Karnataka’, Impact Created, Lessons Learned appeared first on SabrangIndia.

There is popular saying, “In victory, all become fathers and mothers, defeat remains an orphan”. This reflects a harsh reality. So much is being said about the hearty outcome of this campaign, Eddelu Karnataka. Eddelu Karnataka means simply, Wake-Up Karnataka and the name too was chosen in a participative way! Yet, inevitably, there have been a few articles that undermine the efforts of citizens coming together –yes, civil society and its role—belittling the significance of defeating the BJP in this crucial assembly election. This, in a sense, undermines the very essence of a hard earned victory. Although not entirely surprising, this situation also provokes contemplation. We have been, many of us together, engaged in a relentless race and even as the journey has been through challenging paths, I am responding to the insistence of many who have urged that the experiences and learnings are shared.

In four parts, I attempt this detailed documentation.

The following aspects need to be underlined to start with.

First, these points are crucial.

To the best of my / our knowledge, there has been no singular assertion that it is Eddelu Karnataka alone being the cause, or primary factor behind this positive outcome. The combined actions and interventions of diverse social forces has not ever, and cannot be claimed to be to the exclusive credit of Eddelu Karnataka. As critically, none of individually or collectively from within the social movements of Karnataka, is naïve enough to believe that the Bharaitiya Janata Party (BJP) has lost ground, that Hindutva has retreated, and, finally, Karnataka is shielded from the perils of communalism let alone fascism. Neither, no one within Eddelu Karnataka harbours the illusion that the Congress party is a viable political solution or an alternative for our nation.

Secondly, it is crucial to note that the Wake Up Karnataka Executive Council Review meeting has not yet taken place. Therefore, the views expressed in this writing are solely my personal opinions.

Thirdly, it is crucial to clarify that the intention behind this writing is not to just applaud the accomplishments of Eddelu Karnataka. Instead, its purpose is to share some valuable lessons derived from this distinct and rather special journey. In these dark, despairing and isolating times, within which elections are snared and engulfed by the influence of money, caste divisions, and communal politics, a question arises: Why should social organisations engage in such meaningful endeavours? The experience of Karnataka has revealed that the answer to this question lies not in a definitive solution but rather in a compass that guides our actions. Hence, it is imperative for dedicated social workers, committed to the preservation of our nation, to carefully study and reflect upon this matter. With the intention of offering possible assistance to developing this understanding, I am sharing my experiences in writing, here.

Brief Background: Karnataka has witnessed a significant rise in communalism, prompting a strong legacy of resistance against it within the state. The Karnataka Anti-Communal Forum (Karnataka Kaumvada Souharada Vedike) emerged as the most organised and enduring initiative in countering communal forces. In addition to the aforementioned efforts, several other initiatives have emerged, such as the Samana Manaskara Vedike, Samvidhana Ulivigagi Karnataka (Karnataka for Saving the Constitution, Deshakkagi Navu (We for the Country), Sahamata, Manava Bandhutva Vedike (Human Brotherhood Forum), Bhahutva (Pluralism), Janapara Sanghatanegala Okkota (Union of People’s Organizations), Sahabalve (Peaceful Co-existence) and more.

Equally, numerous left-wing, democratic, Dalit, and minority organizations have been actively resisting the oppressive influence of fascist power through their own unique approaches. In recent times, a significant number of social organizations, including farmers’ associations, women’s organizations, labour unions, and more, have taken a firm stance against these forces. As a result, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) BJP and Sangh Parivar are being challenged and resisted by various social organisations in Karnataka, each employing their own distinctive methods.

Social organisations have been actively engaged in intervening in every election, and the scale and momentum of their involvement has been increasing. Now, this time, we are able to see a significant leap in their efforts. Among the collective endeavors to counter these forces, four initiatives have emerged as particularly noteworthy in recent times.

1. In May 2022, progressive forces congregated at the Udupi Peaceful Coexistence Conference and collectively arrived at the conclusion that “We must persistently strive to liberate Karnataka from the politics of hatred.”

2. On December 6, 2022, different factions of the Dalit Sangharsh Samiti (DSS) forces joined to organise a substantial resistance conference, unequivocally proclaiming that “our primary objective is to triumph over the fascist forces.”

3. On February 16, 2023 in Bengaluru, various farmers organisations, farm labor organizations, Dalit Organisations, and workers organizations, under the banner of Samyukta Horata) united struggle convened a public gathering for people’s demands, and collectively resolved to “impart a fitting lesson to the anti-people BJP in the forthcoming elections.”

4. Numerous dedicated organisations actively took part in the central workshop held at Jai Bheem Bhawan, Bangalore on March 5, which collectively urged for the identification of 150 committed organisers from 20 districts. They arrived at a decisive resolution under the banner of “Eddelu Karnataka” to “identify critical constituencies and immerse themselves at the grassroots level, diligently working with a well-defined plan.”

‘Wake up’ Plan: The conclusion derived from the aforementioned workshop is that the overarching slogan of “defeating communal forces” holds limited efficacy. Instead, it is imperative to engage in efforts that directly influence the voting process.

To achieve this goal:

Our focus should be directed towards assembly constituencies where there is intense competition with the BJP. Specifically, we should target constituencies where the BJP and other parties are engaged in a close contest, where the margin of victory is narrow. By strategically selecting and actively engaging in these constituencies, a mere shift of 5-10,000 votes can significantly impact the results. It is crucial to leverage our social networks and abilities to influence the outcome by targeting and influencing these specific votes. To facilitate this, dedicated teams of volunteers should be formed, and a well-planned approach should be implemented in these areas.

In the chosen constituencies, our efforts should be focused on enhancing voter turnout by fostering grassroots awareness, minimising vote division, and persuading diverse segments of the population about the significance of defeating the BJP.

A scientifically conducted survey should be undertaken to gauge public sentiment, enabling the creation of a narrative that addresses the deeply felt concerns of the people. Extensive efforts should be made on social media platforms, along with the publication of diverse literature, to effectively disseminate this narrative.

Crucially, it is paramount that all these endeavors are conducted without accepting any financial support from any of the political parties or candidates. By ensuring an independent and ethical civil campaign, we can maintain the moral strength required to criticize all parties and communicate with the public in a selfless manner.

(To be Continued: Part-2: How ‘Eddelu Karnataka’ Worked)

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The post Eddelu Karnataka, understanding a unique civil society experiment: K’taka assembly polls appeared first on SabrangIndia.

As many as 17 civil society organisations came together on December 16, 2021 to carry out a workers registration awareness campaign across various bastis in Mumbai, Maharashtra.

Inaugurating the programme at the MMTC House office in Bandra, the Kamgar Sanrakshan Sammaan Sangh (KSSS) talked about the dire need for migrant workers to avail government benefits after the Covid-19 crisis.

As per the KSSS pamphlet, there are at least 28 welfare schemes for naka workers regarding education, social security, health and financial aid. Depending on the kind of scheme, workers are entitled to anything between Rs. 5,000 to Rs. 1 lakh.

“However, none of these are currently accessible to many construction [naka] workers because they are not registered with the Maharashtra Building and Other Construction Workers Welfare Board [MBoCW]. We hope to visit worker bastis in Mumbai over the month to inform them about the registration process,” said KSSS leader Bilal Khan.

He added that the Board can cover more than 20 types of workers engaged in the construction industry like masons, carpenters, electricians, sewer workers, fabricators, glass workers, etc.

[[EMBED KSSS VIDEO]]

Previously an offline exercise, the registration process is now an online procedure wherein naka workers submit a format assuring at least 90 days of work and avail a worker certificate or smart card authenticating their identity as a construction worker in the city.

In other state cities like Amravati registration numbers over one lakh people while in Mumbai, Khan estimates about 10-15 lakh workers need to be registered. Meanwhile, registered workers in the state capital are a few thousand.

Attending the inaugural meet, MBoCW CEO S.C. Shrirangam said that registrations were as low as 12 thousand registrations across Mumbai (urban and suburban) because workers are reluctant to give their documents fearing persecution in case something goes awry.

However, Habitat and Livelihood Welfare Association (HALWA) Shweta Damle argued that contractors in fact refused to help workers with filling the 90-day format. As a testament, workers raised their concerns during the awareness campaign later in the day.

“How do we know for sure that this registration will work? Where can we go to check if we are registered?” asked a Bandra worker living in the basti near Rangsharda hotel. He voiced the doubts of the hundred other people who had gathered for the drive.

In response, Damle told the men, women present to remain on the look out for a registration number via SMS post registration to claim scheme benefits. Workers can use this number until they get the smart card for their identification. Accordingly, it was explained that workers will require an Aadhar card or a similar identification document.

The programme continued to more nakas in Bandra, Khetwadi, Andheri and Versova on Thursday where workers raised more questions about the registration process and documents. Some workers spoke about how they could not obtain the 90-day proof because their contractor refused to help them. Others said that they were refused registration because their Aadhar card showed they came from other states. It may be mentioned that a majority of construction workers in Mumbai are migrant workers from other regions like Bihar, Jharkhand, etc.

In answer to these concerns, Shrirangam asked programme volunteers to approach the ward officer for a ward certificate in such cases. Regarding the alleged xenophobia towards non-state workers, he assured sensitising and instructing the various officials operating the registration process.

With encouragement from other social workers like Ajeevika Bureau’s Amrita Paradkar and Deepak Paradkar, Helping Hands Charitable Trust’s Anil Hebbar some workers agreed to register themselves as early as December 20.

[[EMBED VID 2]]

“The western region awareness drive will end on December 18 in Dahisar. Remaining wards in Eastern, Central and South Mumbai will be covered in this month,” said Khan.

Meanwhile, former Rajya Sabha member and ex-Labour Minister Hussain Dalwai, who started the event by flagging off the campaign vehicle, urged the Board to also consider registering contractors. He observed that most workers still do not wear helmets, gloves and other security gear either because the contractor does not provide the same or because they don’t want to.

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The post Register and avail govt benefits! Mumbai’s appeal to better worker lives appeared first on SabrangIndia.

As many as 17 labour and civil rights organisations came together on December 16, 2021 to carry out a workers registration awareness campaign across various bastis in Mumbai, Maharashtra. Inaugurating the programme at the MMTC House office in Bandra, the Kamgar Sanrakshan Sammaan Sangh (KSSS) stressed upon the urgent need for migrant workers to avail government benefits after the Covid-19 crisis.

As per the KSSS, there are at least 28 welfare schemes for naka (traffic junction and check-point construction and maintenance) workers regarding education, social security, health and financial aid. Depending on the kind of scheme, workers are entitled to anything between Rs. 5,000 to Rs. 1 lakh.

“However, none of these are currently accessible to many construction [naka] workers because they are not registered with the Maharashtra Building and Other Construction Workers Welfare Board [MBoCW]. We hope to visit worker bastis in Mumbai over the month to inform them about the registration process,” said KSSS leader Bilal Khan.

He added that the Board can cover more than 20 types of workers engaged in the construction industry like masons, carpenters, electricians, sewer workers, fabricators, glass workers, etc.

Previously an offline exercise, the registration process is now an online procedure wherein naka workers submit a format assuring at least 90 days of work and avail a worker certificate or smart card authenticating their identity as a construction worker in the city.

In other state cities like Amravati, registration numbers are over one lakh people, while in Mumbai, Khan estimates about 10-15 lakh workers need to be registered in addition to the mere 12,000 who are already registered.

Attending the inaugural meet, MBoCW CEO S.C. Shrirangam said that registrations were as low as 12,000 across Mumbai (urban and suburban) because workers are reluctant to give their documents fearing persecution in case something goes awry.

However, Habitat and Livelihood Welfare Association (HALWA) Shweta Damle argued that contractors in fact refused to help workers with filling the 90-day format. As a testament, workers raised their concerns during the awareness campaign later in the day.

A worker living in the basti near Rangsharda Hotel in Bandra voiced the apprehensions of hundreds like him when he asked, “How do we know for sure that this registration will work? Where can we go to check if we are registered?”

In response, Damle told the men and women present to remain on the look out for a registration number via SMS post registration to claim scheme benefits. Workers can use this number until they get the smart card for their identification. Accordingly, it was explained that workers will require an Aadhaar card or a similar identification document.

The programme continued to more nakas in Bandra, Khetwadi, Andheri and Versova on Thursday where workers raised more questions about the registration process and documents. Some workers spoke about how they could not obtain the 90-day proof because their contractor refused to help them. Others said that they were refused registration because their Aadhaar card showed they came from other states. It may be mentioned that a majority of construction workers in Mumbai are migrant workers from other regions like Bihar, Jharkhand, etc.

In answer to these concerns, Shrirangam asked programme volunteers to approach the ward officer for a ward certificate in such cases. Regarding the alleged xenophobia towards non-state workers, he assured sensitising and instructing the various officials operating the registration process.

With encouragement from other social workers like Ajeevika Bureau’s Amrita Paradkar and Deepak Paradkar, Helping Hands Charitable Trust’s Anil Hebbar some workers agreed to register themselves as early as December 20.

“The western region awareness drive will end on December 18 in Dahisar. Remaining wards in Eastern, Central and South Mumbai will be covered in this month,” said Khan.

Meanwhile, former Rajya Sabha member and ex-Labour Minister Hussain Dalwai, who started the event by flagging off the campaign vehicle, urged the Board to also consider registering contractors. He observed that most workers still do not wear helmets, gloves and other security gear either because the contractor does not provide the same or because they don’t want to.

Related:

Impressive gov’t employment scheme data does not reflect true depth of job crisis
e-SHRAM records over 8 crore registrations, but are all inequalities addressed?
Over 1 crore people register for jobs on eSHRAM portal!
India’s workforce demands fiscal support following the second wave of Covid-19!

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As many as 16 activists and Civil Society Organisations based out of West Bengal have written to Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee and Prime Minister Narendra Modi, urging them to delink Census 2021 from the process to update the National Population Register (NPR) and initiate a full caste enumeration in the forthcoming census. The activists, academics and representatives of mass organisations are all working to generate greater understanding of the National Register of Citizens (NRC), Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA) and the NPR, so that people can understand how they are being misused by a divisive regime.

The letter addressed to Prime Minister Narendra Modi and West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee argued that the NPR-NRC process under the Citizenship Amendment Act, 2003 and the Citizenship Rules, 2003 are still under legal challenge.

“We urge you to delink the controversial NPR exercise from the Census, which have very divergent objectives. Rather, the Census should include the caste census, for the reasons we have cited below for your kind consideration,” said the letter signed by Swaraj Abhiyan leader Avik Saha.

Further, the letter demanded that a Bahujan Commission be set-up in West Bengal to conduct a comprehensive socio-economic survey among all socially deprived sections of society and recommend measures for their advancement. Signatories pointed out that Maharashtra and Odisha governments specifically requested a caste census. However, the Centre asserted its intention to not enumerate caste-wise populations other than Scheduled Castes and Tribes “as a matter of policy” during Lok Sabha sessions.

While a full caste enumeration has not been undertaken since the 1931 Census, numerous government policies, including major benefit schemes, are implemented on the basis of claimed population share of caste groups. No one knows the actual population size of any caste except for SCs and STs.

“The 1931 Census figures are often used as an indicator of the current population distribution among castes. This is surely a huge mistake, because with partition as well as massive internal migration, the demographic history of India has undergone tremendous changes in the last ninety years,” said the letter.

Regarding caste data, the Union Home Ministry said on August 8 that the Union Ministry of Social Justice and Empowerment has raw caste data but has no plan to release the same. This withholding of data disallows scientific analysis of the socio-economic impact of OBC reservations and other affirmative action, said the signatories. Additionally, they argued that a designed caste census will allow the National Commission for Backward Classes – involved in the evaluation and planning process of socio-economic development of socially and educationally backward classes – to fulfil its mandate.

A case for caste census

Following Indian independence, the Government of India felt caste census would strengthen caste divisions and the caste system. However, discriminatory and exclusionary practices continued even without such surveys.

In 1980, the Backward Classes Commission headed by Shri B.P. Mandal had to rely on the 1931 Census for the latest caste break-up of the national population. Their report noted, “Caste is also a class of citizens and if the caste as a whole is socially and educationally backward, reservation can be made in favour of such a caste on the ground that it is a socially and educationally backward class of citizens within the meaning of Article 15(4).”

Under Article 15(4), “socially and educationally backward classes of citizens” are explicitly recognised as a category distinct from SCs and STs. It also allows states to make special provisions for their advancement.

“Four decades after the Mandal Commission report, with a constitutionally recognised NCBC in place, it is about time that this anomaly is done away with,” said the signatories.

Members said that accurately counting caste numbers of the entire population and measuring their socio-economic status will go a long way in helping policymakers better understand social realities, and provide relief to the worst affected.

Related:

Chorus grows for Caste-based Census
No decision on nationwide NRC yet: MHA tells Parliament
Tribals urge Odisha CM to pass resolution against CAA-NPR-NRC
Census, NPR likely to be deferred in wake of the Coronavirus outbreak

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Civil society organisations sent recommendations concerning new Covid-19 restrictions to Maharashtra Chief Minister Uddhav Thackeray in a joint letter on April 6, 2021.

Despite an increasing number of coronavirus cases, members welcomed the government decision not to enforce a complete lockdown and requested a meeting with Thackeray to discuss possible civil society collaborations to effectively address the pandemic situation.

“Your efforts at avoiding any hasty decisions to impose a lockdown and inviting solutions from civil society to deal with the pandemic crisis is highly welcome and appreciated. However, there is not much clarity on the state of crisis faced by migrant workers, daily wage earners and many other workers in the informal sector due to the new restrictions,” said the group whose members were involved in relief work and advocacy last year.

They pointed out that migrant and daily wage workers, the homeless and marginalised groups are badly affected by such restrictions because they no do not have adequate arrangements for food, shelter and other basic amenities. As such, members recommended a decentralised approach by consulting communities through associations, societies and groups of residents in the area.

Community representatives and civil society organisations should be included in the task force and provided movement passes, they recommended. Further, they advised against documentary proofs to avail relief packages in the poor neighborhoods under lockdown.

“Adequate arrangements for food, water and shelter should be put in place before imposing any lockdown conditions. Shivbhojan Yojana should be extended to tahsil and weekly market areas in rural Maharashtra,” they said.

Further, the civil society groups said the Public Distribution System (PDS) should ensure migrant workers’ food security, especially considering that in 2020, many workers with and without ration cards were left to fend for themselves.

“Rations should also be made available to non-ration card holders. There is a need to establish food centres/ banks in every city ward with multiple counters after surveying the ward-wise requirement,” they said.

Members also called for a constant monitoring of the impact of the lockdown restrictions on migrant workers and their livelihood status, to ensure support such as re-establishment of shelters, special protection for hawkers, cash transfers/sustenance, a 24-hour helpline and vaccination centres in populated slums and localities.

In the field of health care, the groups said that the poor citizens often lose out on non-Covid healthcare. Last year, many facilities were diverted for Covid care and the poor were forced to access expensive private hospitals to avail of medical facilities. Similarly, ambulance service should be strengthened and expanded, especially in districts with high case load and in rural/tribal areas.

Regarding the over-Rs. 22,000-crore provisional GST collection that the central government is yet to give to the state government from 2020-21, the 100 and more organisations agreed that the central government should pay a major part of Covid-19-related expenses such as medical and hospitalisation expenses, rations, transport, etc.

Lastly, member organisations called for clarity in guidelines and accountability from enforcement agencies to ensure the most vulnerable such as the informal sector are not targeted. In 2020, Sakinaka’s larger informal manufacturing sector said the police resorted to violence and forcibly shut units by 6:30 PM, despite permission to run at full capacity.

“A situation like this, involving wrongful implementation, unnecessary harassment and use of force, could potentially lead to many units shutting down, resulting in economic hardship,” said the letter.

The full list of recommendations can be viewed seen below:

Related:

Covid-19: One lakh cases in a day, what is the Govt’s plan to combat surge?

Surge in Covid-19 cases has gone “from bad to worse”: Dr. VK Paul 

Covid-19: India records 68,020 new cases registered in the last 24 hours 

Covid-19: Huge spike recorded as 59,118 new cases reported in the last 24 hours

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CIVICUS is the well-known global alliance of civil society organisations that strives to promote marginalised voices specifically in the Global South; it has members from over 170 countries. A report which was recently published by them entitled ‘Punished for speaking up: The ongoing use of restrictive laws to silence dissent in India’, highlights the tremendous increase in judicial harassment of activists, journalists, and protesters. The report regards the political environment of the country as becoming increasingly repressive. It speaks about the arrest and detention of activists particularly in the light of the Citizenship Amendment Act and raises concerns about the violations in Jammu and Kashmir. Above all, the Report observes India’s slide towards authoritarianism through the conflation of dissent with anti-nationalism and smear campaigns against human rights activists. In 2019, the CIVICUS Monitor had downgraded India’s status on space for civil society from ‘repressed’ to ‘obstructed’

The latest report was compiled based on data submitted by CIVICUS members, civil society groups and human rights defenders in the country. This is coupled with media monitoring of news sources, data from the UN and international human rights NGOs monitoring India. The Asia-Pacific Civic Space Researcher of CIVICUS, Mr. Josef Benedict said at the release of the report that, “It is appalling that human rights defenders are locked up in overcrowded prisons and continuously denied bail despite calls by the UN to decongest prisons and release political prisoners during the pandemic. Holding them at this time puts them at serious risk of contracting COVID-19 and adds another layer of punishment for these activists, who have been detained just for speaking up for human rights.”

The report examines the vaguely worded laws that provide broad powers to authorities to make arrests and deprive activists of their right to bail. These are the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act, (UAPA), Section 124A of the Indian Penal Code, the National Security Act (NSA), and the Public Safety Act (PSA), which is applicable in Jammu and Kashmir. It notes the use of state resources to sustain its persecution of human rights defenders and critics. Benedict added that, “The laws are incompatible with India’s international human rights obligations as well as India’s Constitution. Not only are the laws themselves inherently flawed, but their implementation makes it clear that they have become tools for judicial harassment, rather than for preventing or addressing criminality.”

India ‘s vibrant civil society, particularly the NGO sector, has for several years been seen as a threat to successive Governments and other vested interests. Since 2014 however, ever since the BJP began to exercise its clout and control on the Government and virtually on all Constitutional bodies in the country, (including the Judiciary) – the writing was, time and again on the wall. Today, in India as the CIVICUS Report highlights NGOs and civil society leaders are intimidated and threatened; attacked and even killed; tedious investigations and fabricated cases were framed against them; police custody and incarcerated in jails- all this and much more. The only apparent fault is that, these groups and individuals have been very zealous in their commitment to the poor, the excluded and the vulnerable in society; they have been vocal and visible in exposing the brutality of a corrupt and incompetent regime and their ilk! Standing up for Truth and Justice and for the rights and freedoms of all, as guaranteed by the Constitution, seems to be an absolute ‘NO’ where an authoritarian regime is concerned. They leave no stone unturned to ensure that!!

The  CIVICUS Report would have been much stronger, if it would have taken into account all that has happened against civil society in India, just in the month of September 2020;there has been a well- orchestrated but frightening campaign intended to denigrate civil society and the significant role being played to promote the values and the freedom enshrined and guaranteed by the Constitution; its efforts to protect the wealth of India’s pluralistic fabric and above all, its courage to stand up against the powerful and other vested interests. In just about a month, the nation has experienced how those who protested the anti-Constitutional CAA were named in fabricated charge-sheets by the Delhi Police for ‘apparently’ fomenting riots in Delhi, last February; some of the civil society leaders like Umar Khalid were even arrested. Then there was the case of Amnesty India having to close down its operations in India; the FCRA being made more draconian and a judge of the Madras High Court simply lambasting those NGOs that take a stand for human rights, justice and peace! The civil society movement in India is not just being muzzled and throttled but being actually murdered in the country today! It is another nail in the coffin where Indian democracy is concerned

Towards the end of September, ‘Amnesty International India’ had to wind up its operations in the country, because the Government had frozen its bank accounts. Most thinking Indians clearly see this as an act of reprisal by a vindictive regime who is unable to digest the excellent human rights work being done by Amnesty India. It is also a sign of things to come: this regime brooks no dissent- any group or individual that takes a stand against their undemocratic and anti-Constitutional deeds, is bound to pay the price. We see this reality unfolding ever since the BJP seized power at the National level, in 2014; and even earlier, in those states where they were in control!

Following the closure of Amnesty India, fifteen international human rights organizations, in a strongly- word statement, condemned the Indian government’s actions against Amnesty India and pledged to continue support for local human rights defenders and organizations against the recent crackdown. The Indian government’s actions against Amnesty India are part of increasingly repressive tactics to shut down critical voices and groups working to promote, protect, and uphold fundamental rights, said the statement by the Association for Progressive Communications, Global Indian Progressive Alliance, International Commission of Jurists, CIVICUS: World Alliance for Citizen Participation, Front Line Defenders, FORUM-ASIA, Foundation the London Story, Hindus for Human Rights, Human Rights Watch, International Service for Human Rights, Minority Rights Group, Odhikar, South Asians for Human Rights (SAHR), International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH) and World Organisation Against Torture (OMCT) in the framework of the Observatory for the Protection of Human Rights Defenders.

The BJP-led government has accused Amnesty India of violating laws on foreign funding, a charge the group says is politically motivated and constitutes evidence “that the overbroad legal framework is maliciously activated when human rights defenders and groups challenge the government’s grave inactions and excesses.” The BJP government has increasingly cracked down on civil society, harassing and bringing politically motivated cases against human rights defenders, academics, student activists, journalists, and others critical of the government under sedition, terrorism, and other repressive laws. These actions increasingly mimic that of authoritarian regimes, which do not tolerate any criticism and shamelessly target those who dare to speak out. With growing criticism of the government’s discriminatory policies and attacks on the rule of law, the authorities seem more interested in shooting the messenger than addressing the grievances. Women’s rights activists and indigenous and minority human rights defenders have been especially vulnerable. The recent action against Amnesty India highlights the stepped-up pressure and violence felt by local defenders on the ground, regardless of their profile. The authorities have repeatedly used foreign funding regulations under the Foreign Contribution Regulation Act (FCRA), a law broadly condemned for violating international human rights law and standards, to target outspoken groups. United Nations experts on human rights defenders, on freedom of expression, and on freedom of association have urged the government to repeal the law, saying it is “being used more and more to silence organisations involved in advocating civil, political, economic, social, environmental or cultural priorities, which may differ from those backed by the Government.”

Besides, the fifteen organisations referred to above, several other concerned groups and individuals have lambasted the Government for the closure of AI. Interestingly, in an unprecedented development the National Human Rights Commission (NHRC), issued a notice to the Union home secretary over Amnesty International India winding up its operations in the country because of an alleged witch-hunt by the government. A statement from the NHRC said, “According to media reports, after the complete freezing of its India bank accounts, the Amnesty International Organization in India has reportedly halted all the work in which it has been engaged in the country, the NHRC said in a statement. The National Human Rights Commission has taken Suo motu cognisance of the matter and directs the issuance of the notice to the Home Secretary, Ministry of Home Affairs, Government of India, calling for their comments on the allegations levelled by Amnesty International as mentioned in the news report. It is alleged that this is the latest in the incessant witch-hunt of human rights organisations by the government of India over unfounded and motivated allegations.”  Given the fact that several statutory bodies, like the NHRC (which are expected to be independent and non-partisan) are ‘controlled’ by the Government one cannot help wondering if the NHRC statement would remain at lip-service!

Then we have the draconian amendments to the Foreign Contribution Regulation Act (FCRA). A myth is being propagated by this Government and their ilk (like their crony capitalist friends) that only NGOs (and that too mainly Christian ones) receive foreign money; that the money received from abroad is being used for ‘conversion’ and other ‘anti-national’ activities! Convenient bogeys for a regime which is on the backfoot on their miserable performance in governance! Even on the floor of Parliament, an MP of the ruling party, had to denigrate all Christians with that pathetic and false commentary on Rev Graham Staines – who was murdered by those who subscribe to the ‘Hindutva’ agenda! The hard truth is that the Government is also heavily dependent on foreign money, on imports etc (one cannot deny this! – in the height of the Chinese incursions into India, Modi and his Government apparently took a loan of more than Rs. 9000 crores from the Chinese. Secondly, several organizations based in foreign countries which support the Hindutva Agenda have been sending voluminous amounts of money to their Indian counterparts to further their anti-democratic acts in the country; these of course will not be touched!!!

The amendments to the FCRA are  certainly anti- people ; it is a retrograde step which will have an adverse effect on genuine NGOs which work selflessly for the poorest of the poor by providing them a whole range of services which include educational programmes, Medicare, poverty alleviation schemes , women’ s empowerment, environmental protection and other programmes and initiatives which are essential in ensuring that India truly moves ahead in every sphere. The poor, the excluded and other marginalised sections of society are all bound to suffer. Research is an important component of any meaningful initiative; putting a new cap on the administrative expenses is bound to throttle significant work being done for the progress of all Indians and ultimately for the development of the nation. The amendments to the FCRA are blatantly anti- people, anti- poor and anti- women. It is in every sense draconian! The current regime is afraid that the empowerment of these groups will ultimately end their fascist acts.

Voluntary Action Network- India (VANI),the apex body/national association of Indian voluntary development organizations, strongly feels that the FCRA bill, 2020 will be a death blow to the development relief, scientific research and community support work of the NGO community as it prohibits collaboration with other Indian organizations. “With limited domestic philanthropy, such guidelines that criminalise activities of even those certified as FCRA compliant, thousands of small NGOs which enable good work and are dependent on legal funds obtained internationally, will shut down, also endangering livelihoods of those dependent on them for a vocation,” VANI said in a statement just before both Houses of Parliament passed the bill, to make it an act!

Interestingly but in another significant development, Justice N. Kirubakaran of the Madras High Court, exceeding his brief, made observations about NGOs that have become the bane of the Indian society. Justice Kirubakaran was hearing the bail plea of one Kalai Lingam, accused of placing bombs in Madurai and Thoothukudi districts of Tamil Nadu beneath the car of Narayanasamy, current CM of Puducherry when he was a union minister in 2014.Kalai Lingam was a member of the Tamil Nadu Liberation Army, a banned secessionist organization. Justice Kirubakaran, while rejecting the bail plea considering the serious nature of the crimes committed by Kalai Lingam, made some unnecessary observations about such organizations promoting secessionism and enmity among fellow Indians based on race, religion, region, and language. His observation said, “This kind of fringe elements are stated to be more active in Tamil Nadu and wearing the masks of NGOs, Human Rights Organisations and political groups are trying to create unrest in Tamil Nadu by way of continuous propaganda through media especially social media instigating the people to protest, creating fear psychosis and spreading hatred among the masses”. He went on further to state, “When these elements take Tamil Culture, Tamil Race and Tamil Language as weapons for their sinister plans. Our country is facing more danger in the hands of elements within the country rather than enemy countries. Therefore, the government, as well as the people, should be very cautious about those elements.”

He came down heavily on the human rights activists accusing them of supporting “Separatists, secessionist forces and those who celebrate our enemy countries and criminals in the name of violation of human rights. Sometimes these groups themselves make anti-national comments making use of the Right to speech and Freedom of Expression.” About those in the media peddling the narrative of China, he observed “The recent Galwan valley conflict exposed people who are lovers of the neighboring nation, as they openly support the enemy country. These are not giving straight forward news and only disseminate their views with the name of news to mislead people,” and expressed worry that these people are a threat to the national integrity and unity and implied upon the government to nip them in the bud. All remarks which certainly did not come under his brief while considering a bail application, but which he made presumably to be on the ‘good books’ of the powerful of this land!

Writing in the ‘Deccan Chronicle’ (29 September 2020), well-known journalist and former head of Amnesty India, Aakar Patel says, “It is not in the interest of India or its people or even the government, to persecute and harass these organisations. Unfortunately, that is what has happened and is happening and the reality is that many of them, already under assault from the State, will have to wind up operations and others will have to scale down. India’s civil society is full of motivated people and much of their work will continue because these individuals are not doing this work because of the money. I have worked with people with a background in investment banking, law and of course the media who have chosen to work in an NGO for much less than in their corporate job. Such Indians will continue their work and it is a shame that they are being hindered.”

That says it all!  It is a sad reality in India today: its vibrant civil society is being murdered in a very calculated manner! It is also true that come what may, the struggle will continue relentlessly!

*Fr Cedric Prakash SJ is a human rights and peace activist/writer.

Other pieces by Fr Cedric Prakash:

Refugees Matter!

‘We’, not ‘us’ and ‘them’

Whither Freedom of Press in India?

The post Indian Civil Society is being Murdered! appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Titled “The False Promises of Hydropower: How dams fail to deliver the Paris Climate Agreement and the UN Sustainable Development Goals”, signatories to the statement from India include Narmada Bachao Andolan, Himdhara Environment Research and Action Collective, Forum for Policy Dialogues on Water Conflicts in India, Intercultural Resources, Kalpvriksha, Manthan Adhyayan Kendra, Centre for Financial Accountability, Centre for Research and Advocacy, and South Asia Network on Dams, Rivers, and People.

Text of the statement, issued on May 13:

We live in an age of urgency. Scientists have warned that we have little time to act to bring climate change under control and protect the integrity of life on our planet.

Confronting the climate crisis requires creative solutions that both protect nature and respect human rights. Facing these challenges, we cannot remain silent onlookers while corporate profiteers, financiers, and their allies peddle false solutions for addressing climate change and implementing sustainable development.

A flagrant example of such deception is the attempt to portray large hydroelectric dams as a ‘clean and green’ source of energy, as can be seen at the 2019 World Hydropower Congress. Organized in Paris by the industrial lobby of the International Hydropower Association (IHA) in partnership with UNESCO, the conference’s title reads, “Delivering the Paris Climate Agreement and the Sustainable Development Goals.”
Such glossy portrayals of hydroelectric dam projects—with an eye toward capturing financial incentives through mechanisms like Climate Bonds and the Green Climate Fund— conveniently ignore a long legacy of social and environmental catastrophes, economic waste and, all too often, massive corruption schemes that are the antithesis of truly sustainable development.

Let’s consider some of the facts:
 

• Large hydropower projects – as well as cascades of smaller dams – have often provoked devastating impacts on highly vulnerable communities, including indigenous peoples. Hydroelectric dams, together with reservoirs and transmission lines, have forced the displacement of an estimated 40 to 80 million people without just compensation or reparations. The social and environmental consequences of hydropower projects extend far beyond these immediate impacts. With giant walls of concrete, hydroelectric dams cause profound impacts on freshwater ecosystems, disrupting the natural flow of water and sediments, impeding movements of migratory fish, deteriorating water quality, eliminating unique habitats and undermining biodiversity—all of which adversely impact the rights of local populations that depend on healthy, free-flowing rivers. It was recently estimated that hydroprojects have compromised the livelihoods of up to 472 million people living downstream from dams.
• Dam construction, especially in frontier areas like the Amazon, Tibetian Plateau, Congo and Siberia, has typically been accompanied by the opening of penetration roads, massive immigration, an escalation in illegal land-grabbing, logging, deforestation, and mining—all associated with increased levels of violence. The recent murders of human rights and environmental defenders like Berta Caceres in Honduras and Dilma Ferreira Silva in Brazil illustrate that extreme violence in rural areas is often directly traceable to dam proponents or linked to socio-environmental conflicts triggered by hydroprojects. Dramatic increases in urban violence and declining social indicators have also become commonplace in municipalities like Altamira, Brazil, heavily impacted by the Belo Monte mega-dam.
• Particularly in tropical regions, hydropower reservoirs emit significant amounts of greenhouse gases, being one of leading sources of human-induced methane emissions, which is much more powerful than carbon dioxide in provoking global warming. In some cases, hydropower projects are producing higher emissions than coal-fired power plants generating the same amount of electricity.
• Dams destroy forests, which serve as one of our planet’s greatest carbon sinks and contribute to the fight against climate change. Recent studies have shown that, due to the effects they have on the hydrological regime, dams also harm trees and other vegetation, even those far away from the dam site itself. In frontier regions, dams open the door to extractive industries like mining, logging and agriculture, further threatening forests.
• Large hydropower projects often destroy cultural and historical heritage sites. Two recent examples include the flooding of the 10,000-year old historical town of Hasankeyf by the Ilisu Dam on Turkey’s Tigris River and the destruction of the ‘Sete Quedas’ waterfalls on the Teles Pires River in the Brazilian Amazon—a sacred place of great spiritual importance for the Munduruku, Apiaka and Kayabi indigenous peoples.
• In numerous cases, large hydroprojects are threatening or already affecting UNESCO World Heritage sites, as in the case of the Gibe III dam in Ethiopia, which is producing disruptive downstream impacts on the Omo River and Lake Turkana in Kenya. The assault on these global natural treasures is illustrated by the fact that at least 20% of natural World Heritage sites are affected or threatened by dams or other water infrastructure projects; this percentage has increased over the last 5 years.

To make matters worse, mega-dams, with their chronic cost overruns and construction delays, have frequently left countries buried in public debt, as in the case of the Coca Codo Sinclair hydroproject in Ecuador, impairing the abillity of governments to invest in transitions to truly renewable energy estrategies.

Meanwhile, technological innovations in solar and wind generation are increasingly undermining the competitiveness of hydropower as an affordable energy source. In fact, hydropower has become the most unreliable of all non-fossil energy options, especially within the context of global climate change, with worldwide annual installations dropping by 50% over the past five years.

Given such fundamental problems, what has allowed for the propagation of destructive hydroelectric projects around the globe? And why have their advocates often benefitted from economic incentives, including carbon credits and ‘clean energy’ finance?
 

• The prioritization of large dam projects within national energy policies typically occurs in centralized decision-making processes. Such processes are characterized by an absence of transparency, citizen participation, and methods of strategic planning that would promote a comprehensive evaluation of energy needs that considers the social, environmental and economic costs and benefits.
• Political decisions concerning the identification of ‘optimal sites’ for dam construction are often based on basin-level inventory studies commissioned by private and state- owned construction companies, in which energy generation potential is essentially the sole criterion, while social and environmental impacts are downplayed or simply ignored. In some cases, basin-wide studies are not conducted at all.
• At the project level, environmental impact assessments are typically conducted and/or financed by dam proponents that systematically underestimate social and environmental impacts while grossly overestimating socio-economic benefits, based on an overriding concern with maximizing profit margins and demonstrating project “viability.”
• Proponents often downplay the extreme vulnerability of hydroelectric projects to a changing climate; the periods of extreme drought and flooding predicted by climatologists, and increasingly apparent in many areas of the world, tend to render many dams useless during much of the year.
• There has also been a tendency to ignore the considerable body of scientific literature demonstrating that dams, particularly those located in the tropics, cause significant greenhouse gases emissions. These dams produce their peak emissions in the years after a reservoir is first filled, vastly hindering our efforts to limit the global temperature increase to 1.5 degree Celsius above preindustrial levels, as accorded in the Paris Agreement.
• A recurring characteristic of hydroelectric dam projects has been the absence of processes for free, prior and informed consultation and consent among indigenous peoples and other traditional communities, as guaranteed by ILO Convention 169 and the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP). The lack of such provisions within the IHA’s Hydropower Sustainability Assessment Protocol (HSAP) and other “sustainability tools” is a glaring omission.
• Among corporate actors and financial institutions engaging in hydroprojects at a relatively advanced stage, a chronic problem has been a lack of adequate due diligence in managing social and environmental risks, including vetting projects for records of human rights violations like the absence of free, prior and informed consent among affected communities.
• There has been an absence of robust, independent monitoring of socio-environmental impacts and the effectiveness of legally required mitigation and compensation measures as a basis for improved governance, including as benchmarks for loan disbursements by financial institutions.
• When the dam industry has encountered difficulties in securing environmental licenses for poorly planned high-risk projects, members have frequently used their privileged access to high-level government officials to exercise leverage over key decision makers. Another frequent tactic has involved political interventions within judicial systems to undermine lawsuits that question violations of human rights and environmental legislation. Cooptation, intimidation and criminalization of movements, together with use of armed forces, have been adopted to undermine social mobilization and protests of dam-affected peoples in defense of their rights.
• Massive corruption scandals involving the hydropower industry indicate its central role as a driver of unethical, repressive and illegal behavior to sustain destructive dam projects. Three recent examples include revelations of nepotism, shady property deals and dodgy bidding procedures within the China Three Gorges Corporation, Brazil’s Lava Jato investigations – which revealed extensive bribery by companies like Eletrobras and Odebrecht in dam-building contracts – and the Kirchner and Cerpernic mega-dams in Argentina, authorized as the direct result of under-the-table payments from dam companies to public officials, while impacts on the Perito Moreno glacier, a UNESCO World Heritage site, were simply ignored.
• The hydropower industry, led by the IHA, has resisted the adoption of robust social and environmental standards, such as the rights-based approach of the World Commission on Dams. They have opted instead for the application of voluntary, self- defined ‘best practices’ among a selected number of projects. Notwithstanding other limitations, the IHA’s Hydropower Sustainability Assessment Protocol has been applied and made public for less than 1% of hydroelectric dam projects planned and built within the last ten years.

While illusions of “sustainable hydropower” have been propagated to global audiences through sophisticated communications strategies, key members of the industry have continued to dam many of the world’s most biologically diverse and socially important rivers, including the Mekong, Xingu, Madeira, Teles Pires, Yangtze-Jinshajiang, and Bureya.

Meanwhile, there are active plans to dam many of the world’s last remaining free-flowing rivers: the Congo, Lena, Irrawaddy, Vjosa, Nu-Salween, Amur-Heilongjiang, Selenga, Marañon, Juruena, Tapajós, Beni, Shilka and Karnali rivers, among others. Enough is enough!
A Call for Action

The undersigned civil society organizations call on the members of the International Hydropower Association, governments and international financial institutions to implement the following urgent actions:
 

• Steer priorities, investments and financial incentives away from additional hydroelectric projects and towards energy efficiency and truly sustainable renewable energy options (solar, wind and biomass and, when appropriate, micro-hydro). Special attention should be given to opportunities for technological innovation, decentralized generation and improving energy access among isolated, off-grid communities.
• Eliminate financial incentives for new hydroelectric projects within climate change mechanisms, such as the Green Climate Fund and Nationally Determined Contributions, and within programs to promote implementation of the UN Sustainable Development Goals (with the possible exception of micro-hydro projects).
• Commission independent audits of controversial existing dam projects and basin-wide cascades in terms of their social and environmental consequences, identifying steps to mitigate impacts and ensure just reparations for affected communities, based on direct consultations. When such measures are prohibitively expensive or otherwise inviable, the de-commissioning of dam projects should be undertaken.
• Ensure the alignment of operational procedures for existing hydroprojects with relevant territorial plans at the basin level, such as integrated water resource management and protected areas that ensure key ecological processes and the rights of local communities, based on the concepts and tools of participatory, adaptive management.
• Ensure that renewable energy policies and projects adopt, across the board, robust guidelines to safeguard human rights and environmental protections, such as ILO Convention 169 and the UN Principles on Business and Human Rights. No energy from dam companies to public officials, while impacts on the Perito Moreno glacier, a UNESCO World Heritage site, were simply ignored.

Among the benefits of such a paradigm shift in energy strategies and development planning will be major contributions toward protecting the world’s last free-flowing rivers, vital for climate resiliency, biodiversity conservation and sustainable livelihoods.

Energy companies and governments must halt all efforts to dam the world’s remaining free- flowing rivers and concentrate instead on: i) improving efficiency and the sustainability of existing hydropower projects and cascades; and ii) investing in energy efficiency and truly sustainable renewables.

Moreover, governments must urgently promote the permanent legal protection of the world’s last free-flowing rivers, including transboundary watercourses, with due respect for the territorial rights of indigenous peoples and other traditional communities, who play fundamental roles as the guardians of healthy rivers.

Courtesy: Counter View

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