Ironically, it is when voices are most suppressed that they must rise the loudest. Individuals and communities facing relentless and chronic targeting and oppression, can go through fatigue – a fatigue that comes out of being hurt or shocked by every day incidents of targeting or meanness, feelings of being abandoned by all that one used to trust – one’s friends, neighbours, colleagues, relatives, elected representatives, leaders and such– like a disease that does not get better, but only hurts you in more ways and more places, and spaces. True nationalism demands of those communities that are NOT the target of these systemic oppressions and discriminations, take up the onus of pushing back against the system.

Nationalism is not about being on the side of obvious discrimination and oppression and waiting eagerly for one’s share of the pie. When livelihoods are lost, homes are destroyed, people are killed, their religious spaces are vandalised, those who clap and jeer on the side-lines, convince themselves that they are the true ‘nationalists’ and that all that is being done in their names is for some larger good. Such people are, in fact, nothing more than cruel and complicit accomplices.

Citizens as scrupulous watchdogs

It is up to us as individuals and communities to decide whether the Constitution of our country is a living document that we uphold, however inconvenient or nothing more than a piece of paper. There should be a very narrow gap between what the Constitution says, and what each of us practice as individuals and communities. Certain aspects or lines even about the Constitution can become tools to rationalise one or the other morally wrong act, but we cannot use that to do away with the spirit of our Constitution which is undeniably fraternity, justice and equality. When the pillars of democracy are crumbling before our very eyes, we become the crucial pillar that upholds the value and morality of all these other pillars. If enough people criticise the media for their wilful polarisation, if we refused to elect people who were abusive and violent liars, if we refused to accept judgements that were patently flawed, we hold all these institutions to account. The more we push for their accountability, the stronger all these structures will be. Instead, if we allow crimes and mistakes only because the perpetrators belong to our own caste, religion or region, we do a great disservice to the country and are the real ‘anti-nationals’. Unfortunately, the mainstream media, instead of uplifting the concerns and voices of citizens, is ideologically biased in favour of power.

As with the Right to Food Act (2013), the National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (NREGA), the Right to Information (RTI) Act, and several other government decisions, it was the relentless persistence of civil society that made these changes see the light of day. Attempts are constantly underway to undermine these Acts and make them toothless, therefore vigilance has to be continuous. One cannot sit back and say that victory was achieved and that it is time to relax. As citizens, we need to be constantly watchful and vigilant.

Citizens must distance themselves from political parties

Civil society may choose to support one political party or the other for election promises that they hope will be beneficial. However, this does not mean that civil society should become uncritical allies or ardent supporters or one or the other party. That would be disastrous, making us nothing more than party workers. We need to hold parties accountable, and for that, we need to be informed, concerned and moral. Political parties have the capacities to co-opt leaders, influencers and civil society movements.

The role of the civil society is to be firm, with the agenda of welfare or development, faithful to the rule of law and not act according to convenience or political gains. It cannot adopt a selective approach when it comes to demanding accountability from the government, irrespective of the party in power. No party should be given scope for compromise or dereliction of Constitutional responsibilities. This is a very serious and delicate distinction that every responsible citizen and civil society organisations must make today.

The credibility of civil society organisation and clarity of the objectives and ideology matters. Everything cannot be tolerated in the name of choosing the lesser evil all the time. The ‘lesser evil’ should also be made equally accountable. Hence the message from the civil society should be consistent and not opportunistic. Rule of law, Constitutional values and due process should be our base rather than becoming victims or allies of opportunistic political games, partisan politics, selective application, and reducing everything to the matter of convenience or personal gain. There are individuals who join parties in the hope of bringing about social change, but can become silenced by party ideology.

Shifting loyalties from political parties to the Constitution.

The duty of the citizen is to abide by the Constitution and respect its ideals and institutions, and to promote harmony and the spirit of common brotherhood amongst all the people of India transcending religious, linguistic and regional or sectional diversities; to renounce practices derogatory to the dignity of women. Sadly it is the government that is violating these very duties.

When India achieved independence from foreign rule, the people became the sovereign masters of the country. It was “we, the people of India” who gave unto themselves a constitution and provided in its space for the legislative, executive and judicial systems to function. As much as the Constitution is the creation of the people, the basic constitutional values embodied in the Preamble, the fundamental rights and The Directive Principles of State Policy represent citizenship values. The role of the citizens is not to be seen as mere taxpayers but as active participants evolving policies and plans and in monitoring performance of the government. Citizen governance is meant to translate the concept of sovereignty of the people into a reality. The government is seen as an equal partner with the citizens.

The 73rd and the 74th amendments to the Constitution of India are meant to bring in place citizen governance in the rural and urban areas through the involvement of the citizens in the vital areas of governance, economic development and welfare. The purpose of these amendments is to ensure civic engagement towards effective, efficient, transparent and accountable government.

The concept of Citizen Governance Democracies is weak without citizen governance. Citizen governance is value based and thus must be construed within civil society organisations and leaders should examine their own political context and vision for change. Unless the government is open to listen to the citizen groups and involve them in the governance process no tangible benefits will flow to the society from citizen governance. The three elements of the governance model are citizen engagement, performance measurement and government policy and implementation.

Citizen engagement refers to the involvement of citizens, using the term “citizens” in the broadest sense to include individuals, groups, non-profit organisations and even business corporate citizens. Citizen engagement in a community is best when it is broad, inclusive and representative of citizens.

Citizens as spokespersons for the vulnerable

The gaze of the citizen should be clearly focused on the welfare of ALL individuals, more so the most vulnerable and distributive social justice being central. A citizen is someone who has a legal right to participate in the affairs of the state. A citizen who does not meet these responsibilities of holding the state accountable, becomes part of the problem and socially disruptive.

Instead of caste, religion, region, class etc. defining our allegiances, can we rather place it on the Constitution or a sense of justice and morality? Can we look at actions of the government or our communities through these lenses rather than through hatred and othering? Creating ‘others’ helps to break down the cohesiveness of a community. Someone we went to school with, who was from our neighbourhood, who participated with us in activities, is suddenly viewed with suspicion as someone who can steal our women or our homes, our jobs, our rights. Whether this is true or not, our imagination accepts it because we are bombarded every day with messages of hatred and ‘othering’. If all of us break into cliques and silos, fighting with everyone else, the ones who gain are those in power, the elected representatives, the so-called religious leaders, the business community. For those who keep fighting, there are losses on multiple fronts, some more than the others and some more tangible than others.

Active citizenship is when we work to ensure a better life for all in our community, leaving no one behind. As we saw with Covid-19, irrespective of whatever fancy apartments we lived in, if there are pockets of overcrowding then the entire area is at risk of spread of disease. The solution then is not to forcibly evacuate communities, as we often do in our ‘smart cities’, but to ensure affordable housing to all that also makes sound public health sense. Further citizenship should be based on pluralism, respect for dignity and rule of law.

If we are okay with some of our citizens being beaten, bullied, harassed and discriminated against, it will not be long before these behaviours seep into our own lives too. The principles of non-discrimination are of value only when we uphold it for all citizens. This principle itself cannot be discriminatory.

Pushing individuals and communities to a state of having lesser rights, lesser participation and lesser dignity cannot be the way forward for India, but unless we are wary and watchful, this is exactly where we seem to be heading. When people have lesser access to justice, or livelihood or resources, freedom of expression, or economic development, it pulls the country’s entire indicators down. We cannot climb up as a society or country, unless we all climb up.

For instance, if the government wants to reduce spending on social security schemes that benefit the poor of the country, they can start spreading the narrative that some people are lazy and don’t want to work, that ‘freebies’ go to people who are well off and not really poor, that the well-off are being denied resources that should rightfully belong to them. Because of this narrative, an influential section of the population may turn against these schemes. They start believing that any government which does away with these schemes is an assertive government. In fact the people deprived may be those who are disadvantaged because of their caste, gender, physical ability, age, region, occupation, livelihood etc. When we support cutting down these schemes based on what we see on WhatsApp or political speeches, we do a disservice to our own fellow citizens. Further we teach our young people also these false narratives. Rather than astutely question political rhetoric, we become their biggest supporters.

Conclusion and way forward

Our role as citizens is not limited to elections alone. If our fellow citizens chose to protest about one or the other issue, we should stop seeing this as an act of disobedience or wilfulness. Protests help overcome inequalities, ensure safety of public spaces, protect the vulnerable, demand accountability. Even if we do not agree with the reason, we have to unflinchingly support people’s right to protest, just as we should oppose political bullies who prevent people from exercising their voting rights.

Indian citizens really need to take a call about whether we want to at the lowest rung of participation as citizens where we are more likely to respond to misinformation, whipping up sentiments and manipulation than being at the highest rung as rational, informed, moral citizens.

The government of India says that its citizens are one of the dominant pillars of the country. However, this same government is constantly attacking all the pillars that hold the democracy of the country.  Further the government says that the state or country should provide its citizens with fundamental civil rights such as personal rights, religious rights, social rights, moral rights, economic rights, and political rights, etc. A right is a liberty that is protected by the state, such as the right to free speech and religion. Ironically, it is this same government that is hammering away at these very same rights every day. Let us not become mute spectators but active and observant and questioning citizens.

(The author is the Director of St. Joseph’s College of Law, Bengaluru)

[1] Company manufacturing excavators and diggers.

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The post The unwavering gaze of the observant citizen: India’s need of the hour appeared first on SabrangIndia.

In a positive development for communal harmony and shared heritage, a group of interreligious civil society members successfully persuaded the railway authorities to reinstall the Urdu signboard at Varanasi City Railway Station. In the memorandum submitted by the group, the members pointed out that while Hindi and English signboards were restored after the renovation of the station, Urdu signboard was not installed for months, which led to protest from the civil society members. The memorandum was submitted by the group on July 16 last year to the superintendent of the railway station demanding immediate restoration of Urdu board, and the news was received this July 27 that Urdu signboard has been restored.

Varanasi is known for its rich heritage, religious diversity, and shared culture. There are five railway stations in Banaras and all the stations have station name boards in Hindi, English and Urdu since the beginning. For the past few years, efforts are being made to remove the Urdu name boards. This attempt was first made at Varanasi Cantonment station but after protests by aware citizens, the Urdu board was again installed after two years. However, attempts have been made to erase this shared identity which is based on mutual understanding and respect for different faiths.

The memorandum pointed out why only Urdu signboard was not restored and whether any new order had come owing to which the authorities had acted in such manner. The group had further expressed concerns to know if the move was motivated due to political reasons, especially given the communal environment in Uttar Pradesh and the country. With the restoration of Urdu signboard on July 27, the efforts of those who wanted to erase a shared identity has failed. The question was not just about an Urdu board but the fact that Urdu language is linked to the identity of a large number of people. While the Muslim community was silent and helpless when the board was removed, today it is expressing happiness when the board has been reinstalled.

This initiative was led by Muniza Rafiq Khan, Manish Sharma, Sagar Gupta, Shahid Khan, and Zubair Ahmed among others.

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Medha Patkar, a renowned human rights activist, was sentenced by a metropolitan court in the national capital New Delhi on July 1 in a case filed by the current Delhi Lieutenant Governor Vinai Kumar Saxena in 2001. The court directed Patkar to pay Rs.10 lakh in compensation to Saxena, is a senior bureaucrat with the Delhi administration run under the aegis of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). In the controversial order, the Delhi HC stated that “Patkar tried to associate Saxena with illegal and unethical financial dealings without providing substantive evidence,” the court noted in the order. “This is an attempt to malign his [Saxena’s] financial integrity,” the court said. Patkar has filed a bail plea pending an appeal and the sentence will be suspended for 30 days until the plea is heard by the court.

The defamation case was first filed in an Ahmedabad Court in 2001 and on the direction of the Supreme Court was transferred to Delhi. VK Saxena, as an official of JK Cement and Adani group since 1990, had opposed the movement for rehabilitation of Adivasis, Dalits, Workers and Peasants of the 244 villages affected by the Narmada Dam. In 2000, Saxena had published an advertisement against Medha Patkar and Narmada Bachao Andolan (NBA) and motivated articles were published against her allegedly at his behest. He had also filed a PIL against her in the Supreme Court which had been dismissed with a comment that it is a “Personal Interest Litigation” and had been fined Rs. 5000. He is also allegedly an accused in a physical attack on her at a meeting at Sabarmati Ashram, which is a pending case since 2002.

Church leaders have slammed jail term for Indian activist

Church leaders have also condemned an Indian court order to jail for five months a well-known social activist at the centre of a 23-year-old libel suit. “Convicting Medha Patkar is a travesty of justice,” activist priest Father Cedric Prakash stated on July 2. After all, it is a 23-year-old case, Prakash noted.

AIKS issues strong statement

It is a mockery of justice that a renowned social activist is punished on the basis of fabricated materials while “corporate forces succeed in misusing their power positions” stated AIKS in a statement issued on July 3. The AIKS extended solidarity with Medha Patkar and called upon the people to expose the corporate forces and the BJP which together are suppressing the voices of people fighting for protecting the livelihood rights of the poor.

The AIKS also condemned successive state and union Governments for failing to ensure justice to the tens of thousands of victim families affected by the Narmada Project. Even after the Land Acquisition Rehabilitation and Resettlement Act of 2013 was enacted by the 2^nd UPA Government under the pressure of prolonged struggles unleashed by the farmers’ movement, the right of the farmers and rural workers in the Narmada Valley for compensation, rehabilitation and resettlement was not ensured by the BJP-led State Governments of Madhya Pradesh, Gujarat and Maharashtra. Finally, the AIKS demanded that the BJP led NDA Government provide justice for the victims of the Narmada Project by ensuring them employment and livelihood support through rehabilitation and resettlement.

Background

In 2000, Saxena, who headed an NGO in the western Indian state of Gujarat, published an advertisement against Patkar’s Narmada Bachao Andolan (NBA), a movement that opposed the construction of dams over the Narmada River in western India. After the advertisement, Patkar issued a statement in which she alleged that Saxena was “mortgaging the people of Gujarat and their resources before Bill Gates.” Subsequently, Saxena filed a libel suit against her in a Gujarat court in 2001. The case was transferred to Delhi in 2003 on the orders of the Indian Supreme Court.

Patkar “spoke the truth” and her statement does not constitute defamation, Father Cedric Prakash said to the media. “The conviction order reeks of vindictiveness,” said the Jesuit priest, based in Ahmedabad, the capital of Gujarat which is also Modi’s home state. “She doesn’t deserve this kind of harsh punishment. The court must reconsider the order.” Patkar has been associated with the protest against the Sardar Sarovar Project, a terminal dam on the Narmada River in Gujarat due to be completed in 2025. According to the government, the project will provide drinking water to 30 million people. However, Patkar said it would displace more than 100,000 people in 245 villages.

Incidentally, late last month, Saxena also gave the green signal to the Delhi police to file charges against author Arundhati Roy in a 14 -year-old case, relating to remarks she made at a conference on disputed Kashmir in October 2010.  Currently, India is ranked 159 out of 180 nations in the press freedom index, published by Reporters Without Borders.

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Washington, D.C. (October 30, 2023) – The American Bar Association Center for Human Rights has, in a recently released report, examined the misuse of counter-terrorism financing legislation by India’s ruling Hindutva supremacist government, headed by Prime Minister Narendra Modi. This misuse has primarily targeted non-profit organisations (NPOs) and human rights defenders. 

Titled “The Adverse Impact of Counter Terrorism Laws on Human Rights Defenders and FATF Compliance in India,” the report finds that India is contravening the Financial Action Task Force’s (FATF) basic requirements and guidelines by targeting the human rights defenders and civil society actors. 

“India, upon its membership to the FATF in 2010, embarked on a series of amendments to its anti-terrorism and money laundering legislation, ostensibly aimed at aligning itself with FATF requirements. However, this process has led to sweeping adverse consequences for non-profit organisations (NPOs) and human rights defenders who have been subject to prosecution, often for the sole reason of exercising their civic freedoms and expressing criticism of the government,” the report notes. 

The report examines three draconian anti-terrorism laws: the Unlawful Activities Prevention Act 1967 (UAPA), the Prevention of Money Laundering Act (PMLA), and the Foreign Contribution (Regulation) Act (FCRA). 

Furthermore, it inquiries into specific cases involving NPOs and human rights defenders in India, including the bogus case against journalist Siddique Kappan, the application of terror funding charges against protestors of the citizenship bill, the arrest of Kashmiri political leader Waheed-ur-Rehman Parra, the Bhima Koregaon case, and the suppression of democratic rights activists in Telangana. 

The report reveals that Indian investigating authorities often employ vague accusations and inconsistent evidence in their attempts to penalise human rights defenders and NPOs critical of India’s government. Moreover, it notes that anti-terror laws have expanded over time, becoming increasingly ambiguous and frequently undermining fundamental procedural protections for defendants. 

The report has recommended the Indian government amend the UAPA, PMLA, and FCRA laws to prevent its abuse. It also advises that during investigations or prosecutions involving individuals engaged in legal, journalistic, or activist activities, authorities should prioritize objective risk assessments to ensure compliance with FATF recommendations.

Read and download the full report here

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The author, a senior activist explores, in the last of a four-part series, that the path ahead for Eddelu Karnataka is a challenge. More so because the recent resounding defeat of the BJP in the state assembly elections is neither a resounding defeat of Hindutva nor a moment of despair for people and progressive politics: its just that much more works needs to be done; the first, second and third parts may be read here.

What next is a challenging moment for a successful experiment that evolved out of not just a movement but the amalgam of the rich history of social and people’s movements in Karnataka? As we ponder this challenge, there is need for endurance, determination, risk-taking and resolve.

It is imperative to perceive this remarkable development as a socialisation of societal resistance effort against prevailing challenges and not merely as a “Congressificaton” of the Opposition. It is a product of many social forces uniting their efforts to counter the BJP in the elections, effectively.

“Wake up Karnataka, what’s next?” These are the pertinent questions from a number of corners that we must address. However, it is crucial first to understand the current state of Karnataka. There exist two contrasting perspectives on this matter. One view is rooted in the belief that communal forces have been defeated, while the other holds that the Congress party has emerged victorious but the BJP has not lost.

The former view leans towards delusion, while the latter leans towards cynicism. The truth lies somewhere in between.

It is important to recognise that the stronghold of Hindutva – its cultural, communal, social hold – remains intact, a genuine representation of the people is yet to be achieved, the significant challenges faced by the populace cannot be easily resolved, any positive changes in the Congress party into a pro-people entity as is being attempted by some, is still a hard, long winding work. Besides, communal forces have not receded in frustration.

We must retain this sharp awareness, especially under the present circumstances. We should avoid falling into the trap of delusion that says that we have already emerged triumphant. Equally, we must shrug off the cynicism that suggests nothing of significance has occurred. Both narratives foster mindsets that have the potential to mesmerize or breed apathy. Both are equally perilous.

Now, let us examine the changes brought about by this election in the political landscape of Karnataka:

The developments during the course of this election, the efforts exerted, and the resulting outcome have evoked a profound sense of relief and joy among the people. Simultaneously, they have instilled restlessness, frustration, and anger within the Sangh Parivar. While it is accurate to acknowledge that the stronghold of the Sangh Parivar has not crumbled, it has certainly been rattled.

The BJP, in particular, has been left without effective leadership. As Yediyurappa finds himself cornered and Eshwarappa loses ground, the words of Bommai metaphorically depict the current state of affairs.

None of the BJP’s strategies worked out in the recent election. Whether it was the Urigowda-Nanjegowda incident, actor Sudeep’s campaign, the Idrees Pasha murder case, or the cancellation of reservations for Muslims, all these moves were scrutinised by the voting public. The rampant corruption, escalating prices, and justification of Nandini’ fiasco etc typified BJP’s actions and only added to their discredit. Despite the attempts made by Amit Shah and Modi to salvage the situation in Karnataka, they failed to achieve the desired results. Top BJP leaders faced a resounding defeat in the elections, including CT Ravi, Somanna, Ashok, Vishweshwar Kageri, Murugesh Nirani, Halappa, Shankar Patil, B.C. Patil, BC Nagesh, MTB Nagaraj, JC. Madhavaswamy, K. Sudhakar, and B. Sri Ramulu, to name but a few.

The extent of their losses is vast, with the BJP failing to secure any victory in any constituency in nine districts. In another eight districts, they managed to retain just one constituency, albeit with great difficulty. Additionally, BJP candidates lost their deposits in 30 constituencies. Numerous leaders expressed their dissatisfaction, claiming they were not given suitable seats, while others were disheartened by the defeat. It is true that certain regions, such as the coastal areas, particularly Udupi, maintained their allegiance to the BJP, and the party’s influence remains strong in Bengaluru. In some constituencies, the BJP’s vote share even increased, reflecting attempts to ignite communal tensions. However, those who unilaterally assert that the BJP remains unshaken, that Hindutva has not been driven back at any level, or that Hindutva has comfortably expanded where it was employed, are inadvertently trying to uproot a budding reality: Hindutva politics has been hurt and bruised in Karnataka though the defeat of Hindutva is a much larger political agenda that calls for carefully crafted long term work.

As a result of this outcome, oppressed communities, who were burdened with heavy expectations, have found relief, grassroots movements are filled with joy, and a portion of the upper castes have distanced themselves from the Sangh Parivar.

Progressives, who were susceptible to despair, have breathed a sigh of relief. The people’s movements, which were constantly under pressure, now have a renewed sense of space to fight for their causes. Congress party workers are also filled with excitement, and people across the country are sharing in this happiness and celebration. The impact of Karnataka’s result has reverberated throughout the nation’s political landscape, and Opposition parties are buoyed by the prevailing sentiment. This has found its repercussions in the political scenario in different states. All of these developments are vital for the future of our country.

It is crucial to recognize that this shift, sense of ease, excitement, and happiness are not mere illusions. They are the positive outcome of hard work and dedication. To deny these realities is to disregard the aspirations of the people and dishonor the efforts of social and political activists who have contributed to these achievements.

The primary reason behind this result is the self-inflicted crimes of the BJP. Their arrogance, wickedness, and corruption have caused them to become estranged from the people, leading a sizable portion of the population to demand their defeat. However, this alone does not account for the entire picture. Another crucial factor is the collective efforts of pro-active, progressive forces in Karnataka to channelise people’s frustrations into political consciousness.

Numerous media initiatives, the determination exhibited by various people’s movements, the resistance shown by countless youths on social media, and the social endeavors of organizations such as “Samana Manaskarara Vedike,” “Sahabalve” “Bahutva” “federation of oppressed communities or “Shoshita Samudayagala Okkota” “Jagathika Lingayat Mahasabha” “Samyukta Horata” and “Eddelu Karnataka” all contributed to gradually elevate the mindset of the people towards political awareness.

Furthermore, the Congress party played a significant role through its initiatives, such as the large social move called ‘Bharat Jodo’ under the leadership of Rahul Gandhi, Siddaramaiah, and D.K. Shivakumar. Additionally, popular political measures like the Five Guarantees schemes, tactfully addressing the competition between Siddaramaiah and Shivakumar further strengthened the Congress. The contributions of many sincere individuals, including Sashikant Senthil, who diligently worked from within to bolster the Congress, are also noteworthy. The combined result of all these factors is the outcome we see today.

There is an argument suggesting that while the BJP may have lost the election, it does not necessarily mean a defeat for Hindutva. This claim is supported by the fact that there has been no significant change in the number of votes won by the BJP, and there has even been a slight increase in votes in certain areas where communal experiments were conducted. Some argue that although the BJP lost, Hindutva remains intact. It is true that the BJP has managed to maintain its overall vote share. However, it is incorrect to assume BJP always wins using Hindutva.

The BJP employs various strategies, including the use of immense financial power, media influence, political clout, and caste politics, to secure victories. In this election, they have invested money and won in many constituencies. It should be noted that not all votes garnered in these new experiments of Hindutva can be considered votes in favor of Hindutva ideology alone. The results are also influenced by the party’s concerted efforts to expand its political strength.

Furthermore, the Opposition’s narrative this time was not solely focused on being anti-Hindutva. In fact, the term Hindutva was not even used. Instead, the central call was to “defeat the misrule of BJP.” Corruption, price hikes, exploitation of the common people, anti-people policies, and the promotion of hate politics were the prominent issues addressed. All of these factors played a significant role in the elections. Particularly, the awareness raised against price hikes, corruption, and hate politics were the primary reasons for this defeat.

However, there is still skepticism. Some individuals are underestimating the conscious efforts of the people against hate politics. They are unwilling to consider the religious minorities, marginalised communities, and intellectuals as part of the common people. These segments of society acted with great wisdom and collaborated in a united effort during this election. As a result, the vote division decreased, leading to the BJP’s loss. It is true that they managed to retain Udupi, but the reason behind it is not solely the influence of Hindutva politics if we dig deep. Congress did not have capable candidates in this region, and even until the end, they failed to select suitable candidates. The entire endeavor was doomed from the start. Additionally, Congress had no agenda to address the concerns of the middle class in Bengaluru.

On the one hand, despite promoting a communal agenda, abusing power, and using substantial amounts of money and media influence, the BJP was unable to increase its vote count. Even the top leaders could not secure victory.

On the other hand, the Opposition forces dedicatedly worked against this misrule. As a result, the BJP suffered a defeat in the election. They constructed a mature narrative to prevent the state from succumbing to their communal agenda. Voters from marginalised and lower castes demonstrated greater awareness and cast their votes accordingly. In essence, the secular-populist forces worked diligently, rendering the corrupt political power unsustainable and leading to a resounding defeat. Dismissing this outcome as neither a victory for conscious forces nor a defeat for the corrupt faction would be a feeble attempt to justify inaction and diminish its real significance.

The socio-political transformation that has transpired beyond boundaries has profoundly unsettled the stronghold of the BJP. Congress has managed to establish a “stable” government, offering a provisional remedy to the existing situation. Progressive social forces within society have become more dynamic and well-coordinated, while mass media groups have assumed an enhanced social role. Congress has pledged to fulfill all the demands presented by people’s movements, and preparations are underway to initiate significant struggles if the Congress fails to deliver on its promises. The non-combatant forces exude confidence in their ability to defeat the BJP, leading to a resurgence of optimism and rejuvenation among the disillusioned. 

This positive phenomenon should be comprehended not merely as a Congressification of resistance, but rather as the Socialisation of Resistance. Multiple social forces have collaborated to defeat the BJP in the elections. Amidst the exuberance of this victory, it is crucial to maintain awareness and not forget or foster illusions about the Congress.  

We must not relinquish our struggle and succumb to self-serving politics. It is undeniable that certain opportunistic factions among the progressives prioritize personal gain in their pursuit of accessing centers of power. [Strategic areas of power should be obtained through competence, which cannot be equated with personal profit. However, those forces that exploit power for their selfish motives should be recognized as opportunists].

Proximity to power inherently breeds ego and opportunism, even among social workers. It is vital to exercise caution in this regard. However, labeling or propagating that Karnataka’s social activists are gravitating towards the Congress would be a mistake. We should not degrade, doubt or overlook the growing dedication and maturity exhibited by Karnataka’s people’s movements.

The majority of individuals actively engaged in the ongoing effort to defeat the BJP do not hold a favourable view of the Congress. From this perspective, it can be observed that supporters of the Congress are more inclined towards profiteering. Other working social forces, for the most part, aspire for comprehensive transformation, possess an understanding of the basic nature of Congress and its shortcomings, and strive to construct a genuine alternative. We cannot overdo the hopes or the hopelessness eternally. Any change small or big is to be taken note to achieve more.

The intellectual class, secluded in their writings and detached from people’s movements, is also growing disconnected from such reality. The endeavors, perseverance, commitment, and maturity displayed by the social forces remain unnoticed by those lacking field perception. Doubt and anxiety are escalating among them, and instead of making an effort to comprehend the situation, they are busy disseminating it. One can only request them not to commit this mistake.

Karnataka has fought and achieved a favorable outcome, which we should relish initially. However, let us then shift our focus to the next responsibility without deluding ourselves, without becoming complacent, without succumbing to ego, and without falling prey to opportunism.

As Eddelu Karnataka, what should be our next course of action?

Indeed, Karnataka has risen to the occasion and emerged victorious in defeating the BJP in the elections. However, this triumph does not signify comprehensive or enduring awareness. The wounded Sangh Parivar and BJP are struggling, their factory of falsehoods has intensified production, and perilous conspiracies are brewing both in Karnataka and at the national level.

The inauguration of the new Parliament House and the symbol of Dharma Danda serve as warning bells for the future. The fragmented Janata Dal has once again resorts to opportunistic politics, while the Congress is attempting to uphold its commitments. Nevertheless, a series of minor and major errors are being committed on a daily basis, with the likelihood of their increase. Consequently, there is no scenario wherein the fighters can afford a moment of complacency.

There are currently two primary responsibilities of the social forces.

Firstly, the Congress party must ensure that it operates with fairness. The people who await with expectations should receive at least the basic level of justice. The people are not waiting for five guarantees; they are content because they have received them. However, they are still waiting for the resolution of their longstanding demands.

Farmers desire the repeal of the three agricultural acts, a fair price guarantee for all crops, and loan waivers. The poor seek title deeds for their land and houses constructed on government land, while grassroots communities seek fair reservations.

Additionally, there is a need for peaceful coexistence among minority communities, job security for workers, decent employment opportunities for the youth, women’s safety, and dignified life for sexual minorities.

The government should face increased pressure on these issues. Petitions, photo sessions, and symbolic gestures alone cannot bear fruit for the Congress. People’s movements must be intensified. Organizations such as the Shoshita Samudayagala Okkoota, United force of DSS, Samyukta Horata, and Eddelu Karnataka should intensify their efforts to exert pressure on the government. Street protests are necessary to ensure final justice. People should be mobilised to actively participate in these endeavors.

On the other hand, preparations for the 2024 elections should commence.

The tasks that were not accomplished in this endeavor should be undertaken in a systematic manner this time. Regional and state specificities must also be taken into account even as All India plans are made taking the generalities are underlined. The alliance between the allied forces should be further solidified, and there should be open-minded discussions with unreliable allies. If mistakes are made, they should be acknowledged without ego and apologies should be offered. The fight against separatism should be approached with care and understanding.

To enhance the political knowledge of the workers, a series of training programs should be conducted. A competent narrative should be developed. The power of social media needs to be better organised, and mass media organisations need to be strengthened. It is important not only in Karnataka but across the country to strengthen ties with forces working diligently to counter these malevolent influences. A plan should be devised to mobilise necessary resources, including finances, without relying on political parties. All these preparations should be undertaken with the aim of driving BJP from power in the centre in the 2024 elections. 

In addition to this, we should develop far-reaching plans to weaken these fascist forces ideologically, culturally, and socially, and actively engage in that direction. This struggle is comprehensive and long-term, requiring intense dedication for the next few decades. Long-term plans should be aligned with immediate actions.

Let’s not be enchanted by the victory we have achieved, nor make the mistake of undermining its significance. We must also be mindful not to lose sight of our short-term goals. We salute all those who perceive their victory in the defeat of the BJP. Let us appreciate every ounce of effort made to remove a party, problematical ideologically that governed through misrule. Our hard work has allowed us to take the first step. Let’s rejoice in that. However, the next step is higher, more difficult, more challenging. Let’s prepare ourselves to shoulder it.

To the innumerable hands that have toiled,

How do we offer our bows,

How to honor the tireless minds,

That worked day and night, we never know.

Countless contributors have played a part,

How do we distinguish each name?

This achievement is of vast collective, from the start,

In individuals, associations, and gatherings, the acclaim.

Together we walked in this journey,

Tripping often, making mistakes along the way,

Yet the accomplishments belong to all, you see,

And the errors too are ours to own, as we continue, day after day.

Towards a distant target, we strive,

United in purpose, as we dare,

With shared efforts, we shall thrive,

Acknowledging the power of a collective affair.

– Noor Sridhar

Related:

Part One, Eddelu Karnataka, understanding a unique civil society experiment: K’taka assembly polls

Part Two, Actions taken in the campaign, Eddelu Karnataka: K’taka assembly polls 2023

Part Three, ‘Wake-Up Karnataka’, Impact Created, Lessons Learned

The post What lies ahead for ‘Eddelu Karnataka’? : Part 4 appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Call of the Consciousness: Embracing the concept nurtured by people’s movements, notable individuals such as Devanur Mahadeva, Purushottama Bilimale, Rahmat Tarikere, Allama Prabhu Bettadur, and Dr. Vijaya, along with D. Saraswati, Tara Rao, A.R. Vasavi, and 16 other distinguished individuals, embraced the concept developed by people’s movements. On March 9, they unitedly appealed to the people of the nation, particularly the youth, to “step forward and actively contribute to the preservation of Karnataka.” All social activists Karnataka responded with incredible fervour, akin to the sprouting of lush greenery when a raindrop rejuvenates a parched land. 

A surge of activity ensued: Thousands of individuals registered online, phone lines were inundated with calls, and 250 workshops were conducted throughout the state within a span of 40 days. These workshops covered various zones, districts, and constituencies, engaging diverse community-based groups and factions within them. 

Dedicated Group of Volunteers: A minimum of 5,000 volunteers actively commenced their efforts under the banner of Eddelu Karnataka, while an additional 20,000 volunteers from various organisations or community groups within different communities joined the cause. Comrades and friends of associated organizations from Andhra, Telangana, Tamilnadu, Kerala, Maharashtra, Orissa and many more states participated in the campaign enthusiastically adding further wider colour and merit to it.  However, there were challenges in effectively reaching and engaging 3,000 individuals who registered online.

Identification of Key Constituencies: A comprehensive analysis of the historical context and present state of all assembly constituencies in the state was conducted, followed by extensive consultations. Through this process, 103 critical constituencies were identified as being at risk. Taking into account our available resources, we initially planned to focus on 55 areas. However, as the work commenced, it gradually expanded to encompass all 103 constituencies. In several locations, larger teams were established, while in others, specialized teams were formed to engage specific communities. Additionally, there were smaller teams that played a minimal but valuable role in supporting the overall campaign efforts.

Comprehensive Field Manual: A detailed field manual was developed to provide guidance to the teams on effective fieldwork strategies. The teams underwent comprehensive training in various aspects, including the identification of crucial polling booths in critical areas, recognising target communities within those booths, establishing contact with community leaders, and initiating conversations by attentively listening to their concerns and perspectives. The manual also outlined a systematic approach for studying the voting patterns of each booth, enabling a deeper understanding of the local dynamics.

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Diverse range of literature in large quantities: In support of the campaign, a comprehensive range of literature, totaling10 lakh copies, was produced. In addition to a pamphlet outlining the stance of Eddelu Karnataka, various specific literatures were created for farmers, minorities, student youth, workers, the Dalit community, and the middle class. An informative booklet titled “Disillusioned Promises” was published in both Kannada and English to expose the mismanagement of the BJP. This segment swiftly gained popularity among all activists, serving as a practical guide and a concise summary of the glaring failures in BJP’s governance.

Impactful Social Media Engagement: The social media team left a lasting impression on our audience. They created over a thousand eye-catching posters in five languages—Kannada, English, Urdu, Tulu, and Konkani—under different community-specific names, contributing to a diverse online presence. Additionally, they produced 80 engaging videos that resonated with the audience. The team’s creative efforts extended to the production of eight popular song albums that deeply touched the hearts of the people, generating significant popularity and interest. No exaggeration is needed here. Content writers, designers, video editors, camera operators, editors, and more than a hundred individuals dedicated themselves to this mission, working tirelessly day and night. Numerous social media activists joined and eagerly asked, “How can we contribute?” Unfortunately, we couldn’t actively engage everyone, but we deeply appreciate the immense efforts of individuals like Purushottama Bilimale, K.P. Suresh and activists Mamata, Bhuvan, Pavitra, Dipu and others, whose hard work was truly extraordinary and deserves recognition.

The ‘narrative team’ took on the challenge of countering the BJP’s strategy by collaborating with allies across various media platforms. Their efforts were significant in popularizing the concept of a 40% government and using the metaphor of a gas cylinder to highlight the issue of rising prices, which became a regular topic of discussion. They skilfully presented the hidden agenda behind hate politics in a manner that made large sections of people relate to them. Their work involved in making concocted figures like Urigowda-Nanje Gowda fade away, bringing the Nandini issue to the forefront, questioning Modi’s visit, and exposing the central government’s betrayal of Karnataka etc. These efforts yielded results. The contributions of new-generation media outlets such as Eedina, Peepul TV, Vartha Bharati, Naanu gauri, Gauri lankesh news and such others deserve recognition in this regard.

The Pulse-Raising Survey by ‘Eedina’: In this critical period, where the mainstream media is distorting public sentiment, we felt the need to assess the true pulse of the people through our own method.

Rising to this challenge, ‘Eedina’ undertook the task and sought assistance from the reputable research institute, Cicero. Following their scientific model was no small feat. The objective was to interview and gather opinions from 50,000 selected individuals across 224 different fields, employing a rigorous selection process. The field team of ‘Eedina’ courageously embraced this challenge, with the support of dedicated volunteers from Eddelu Karnataka.

The task at hand was demanding, and the volunteers were fatigued, as this kind of work was no easy undertaking. Undeterred by challenges, the field team of ‘Eedina’ persevered tirelessly. Even after completing their assigned constituencies, they ventured into unfinished ones, ensuring that the survey work was thoroughly accomplished.

They collected data from a remarkable 41,000 families, presenting an honest and realistic picture. The survey conducted by ‘Eedina’ provided invaluable insights into the mindset of diverse communities. Not only did it accurately predict the potential defeat of the BJP, but it also estimated the margin of victory with remarkable precision. The Eedina / ‘Today’ field coordinators, media volunteers, and hand-picked Eddelu Volunteers of Karnataka demonstrated unwavering commitment. A special tribute goes to the astute political thinker and survey expert, Prof. Yogendra Yadav, whose timely guidance proved invaluable.

United oppressed communities: Rising Together to Defeat the BJP beyond Karnataka, a movement began with the collective efforts of diverse people’s organisations, literary thinkers, and communities. While challenges in coordinating the various platforms launched by populist organizations persisted, anxious communities embraced the cause with immense enthusiasm. Broad alliances were formed as Muslims, Christians, and backward classes joined hands with Eddelu Karnataka. It is from this amalgamation that the true grassroots energy was harnessed. Empowered by their direct and extensive influence, the marginalised communities wholeheartedly embraced this campaign.

Bringing real issues to the forefront: Dedicated efforts were made to raise awareness about the challenges faced by specific sections of the society. The Land and shelter Struggle Committee played a crucial role in conducting extensive campaigns and organizing multiple rounds of protests across nine districts.

Their resounding message was, “We will not sacrifice our land for votes.”

Eddelu Karnataka actively collaborated with the Samyukta Kisan Panchayat held at Gandhi Bhavan, aiming to amplify the voices of farmers. Not only did they invite major political parties to address the demands of the farming community, but they also emphasized the need to teach the anti-farmer BJP a lesson. Additionally, allies of the ‘Rural Laborers’ Association’ took on the task of defeating the BJP, which has been undermining the NREGA scheme, by conducting a door-to-door campaign. An extensive initiative was launched to expose the BJP’s deceptive stance on internal reservations and the betrayals it has committed. Labour Rights Day was celebrated on May Day, with a resounding call to defeat the anti-labor BJP.

Advocating a People’s Manifesto: Deliberations took place with the Manifesto Preparation Committees of the Congress and JDS parties regarding the demands put forth by people’s movements. Emphasis was placed on incorporating additional commitments in their respective manifestos to address the aspirations of the people.

Eddelu Karnataka: A Dynamic Collective

Considering all these aspects collectively, Eddelu Karnataka emerged as a united network comprising thousands of volunteers, a narrative team, media organizations, a formidable social media presence, extensive literature, and a diverse range of grassroots communities and oppressed individuals. This coalition was established within a remarkably short span of time.

Persuading Candidates to Withdraw: Through extensive discussions with candidates from various political parties, particularly those with their backgrounds in minority, left, farmer, and Dalit communities, efforts were made to convince them to withdraw from the electoral race. As a result, 49 candidates heeded our appeal and stepped aside. It is essential to acknowledge and salute these parties and candidates who responded to our plea, as their contribution holds significant importance alongside the achievements of Eddelu Karnataka. (While their names are not mentioned here, the intention is to recognise and honour them individually.)

Three Key Voting Strategies: In each critical constituency, specific communities and regions were carefully identified, and targeted campaigns were carried out. Extensive efforts were made to convince the leaders of these communities or regions about the political responsibility at hand. Through their influence, the three fundamental voting strategies were effectively disseminated to the people within their respective areas. These strategies emphasized the importance of increasing the overall vote count, avoiding vote division, and supporting the candidate with the best chance of defeating the BJP candidate. These three principles not only provided clarity on the necessary actions but also helped alleviate internal divisions. The “Vote for the candidate who can defeat” strategy worked remarkably well, almost like magic.

Special Initiative to Resolve Confusion: In certain constituencies, there was confusion between Congress and JD(S) candidates regarding who had a better chance of winning. To address this, dedicated teams were dispatched to assess the situation and facilitate consensus-building. Eddelu Karnataka, along with community leaders, collaborated to reach a conclusive decision on the candidate with a higher probability of victory in these constituencies, providing a clear message to the public. Upon reviewing our decisions after the elections, it was discovered that our calculations were incorrect in only three areas. Efforts were made to rectify these decisions and ensure that the correct information reached people across all regions. It is worth acknowledging that these endeavors effectively mobilized resistance votes. However, despite these efforts, internal divisions within certain parties could not be completely resolved, resulting in our loss in Chikpet, Dasarahalli in Bangalore and Harihar, Raichur, and Bijapur districts.

In summary:

Three significant social forces united in this campaign to gain momentum.

1. Numerous dedicated organisations in Karnataka were actively advocating for the genuine concerns of the people.

2. Grassroots institutions, which have been influenced by both community and humanitarian ideologies.

3. Intellectuals and writers who have been voicing the importance of Karnataka’s identity and the essence of democracy.

In collaboration they focused on three distinct areas of action:

1. Targeting 103 high-risk regions, they rallied and equipped thousands of volunteers to actively engage in grassroots efforts.
2. Harnessing the power of the cyber realm, they spearheaded a digital revolution through social media platforms and media channels, employing compelling literature, counter-narratives, and comprehensive surveys.
3. By engaging in political dialogues with parties, candidates, and community leaders, they successfully mitigated the divisive nature of electoral races, fostering unity and co-operation among diverse groups.

The people were consistently reminded of the four major aspects of BJP misrule:

1. Exposing the rampant corruption that went unnoticed under BJP’s governance, symbolized by the metaphor of “40%.”
2. Highlighting the detrimental impact of rising prices, captured through the metaphor of the gas cylinder, reflecting BJP’s slogan.
3. Shedding light on the anti-people, pro-corporate policies implemented by the BJP, represented metaphorically by Nandini and Krishi policies.
4. Unmasking the politics of hatred propagated by the BJP, debunking the false history of Uri Gowda-Nanje Gowda.

The three fundamental principles of voting are:

1. Increasing the voter turnout of the secular population.
2. Ensuring that the secular votes remain unified and not divided.
3. Casting the vote for the candidate who has the potential to defeat the BJP, regardless of their party affiliation.

This extraordinary experience has been rather overwhelming with such a diverse range of work accomplished in such a brief period in a collective, unified spirit. The immense joy and invaluable experiences gained from it are immeasurable. The core and most crucial aspect to be emphasised is that this remarkable achievement is the result of collective efforts from the people of this region. Every aspect of this endeavour involved the sweat, dreams, time, money and unwavering dedication of thousands of individuals who strive for the betterment of society. The inherent pro-democratic and pro-people spirit that lay dormant within the soil of Karnataka has emerged in full force. We must pay the utmost respect to this indomitable spirit of this land.

(In Part-3 – Impact of Wake Up Karnataka, Lessons Learnt )

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There is popular saying, “In victory, all become fathers and mothers, defeat remains an orphan”. This reflects a harsh reality. So much is being said about the hearty outcome of this campaign, Eddelu Karnataka. Eddelu Karnataka means simply, Wake-Up Karnataka and the name too was chosen in a participative way! Yet, inevitably, there have been a few articles that undermine the efforts of citizens coming together –yes, civil society and its role—belittling the significance of defeating the BJP in this crucial assembly election. This, in a sense, undermines the very essence of a hard earned victory. Although not entirely surprising, this situation also provokes contemplation. We have been, many of us together, engaged in a relentless race and even as the journey has been through challenging paths, I am responding to the insistence of many who have urged that the experiences and learnings are shared.

In four parts, I attempt this detailed documentation.

The following aspects need to be underlined to start with.

First, these points are crucial.

To the best of my / our knowledge, there has been no singular assertion that it is Eddelu Karnataka alone being the cause, or primary factor behind this positive outcome. The combined actions and interventions of diverse social forces has not ever, and cannot be claimed to be to the exclusive credit of Eddelu Karnataka. As critically, none of individually or collectively from within the social movements of Karnataka, is naïve enough to believe that the Bharaitiya Janata Party (BJP) has lost ground, that Hindutva has retreated, and, finally, Karnataka is shielded from the perils of communalism let alone fascism. Neither, no one within Eddelu Karnataka harbours the illusion that the Congress party is a viable political solution or an alternative for our nation.

Secondly, it is crucial to note that the Wake Up Karnataka Executive Council Review meeting has not yet taken place. Therefore, the views expressed in this writing are solely my personal opinions.

Thirdly, it is crucial to clarify that the intention behind this writing is not to just applaud the accomplishments of Eddelu Karnataka. Instead, its purpose is to share some valuable lessons derived from this distinct and rather special journey. In these dark, despairing and isolating times, within which elections are snared and engulfed by the influence of money, caste divisions, and communal politics, a question arises: Why should social organisations engage in such meaningful endeavours? The experience of Karnataka has revealed that the answer to this question lies not in a definitive solution but rather in a compass that guides our actions. Hence, it is imperative for dedicated social workers, committed to the preservation of our nation, to carefully study and reflect upon this matter. With the intention of offering possible assistance to developing this understanding, I am sharing my experiences in writing, here.

Brief Background: Karnataka has witnessed a significant rise in communalism, prompting a strong legacy of resistance against it within the state. The Karnataka Anti-Communal Forum (Karnataka Kaumvada Souharada Vedike) emerged as the most organised and enduring initiative in countering communal forces. In addition to the aforementioned efforts, several other initiatives have emerged, such as the Samana Manaskara Vedike, Samvidhana Ulivigagi Karnataka (Karnataka for Saving the Constitution, Deshakkagi Navu (We for the Country), Sahamata, Manava Bandhutva Vedike (Human Brotherhood Forum), Bhahutva (Pluralism), Janapara Sanghatanegala Okkota (Union of People’s Organizations), Sahabalve (Peaceful Co-existence) and more.

Equally, numerous left-wing, democratic, Dalit, and minority organizations have been actively resisting the oppressive influence of fascist power through their own unique approaches. In recent times, a significant number of social organizations, including farmers’ associations, women’s organizations, labour unions, and more, have taken a firm stance against these forces. As a result, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) BJP and Sangh Parivar are being challenged and resisted by various social organisations in Karnataka, each employing their own distinctive methods.

Social organisations have been actively engaged in intervening in every election, and the scale and momentum of their involvement has been increasing. Now, this time, we are able to see a significant leap in their efforts. Among the collective endeavors to counter these forces, four initiatives have emerged as particularly noteworthy in recent times.

1. In May 2022, progressive forces congregated at the Udupi Peaceful Coexistence Conference and collectively arrived at the conclusion that “We must persistently strive to liberate Karnataka from the politics of hatred.”

2. On December 6, 2022, different factions of the Dalit Sangharsh Samiti (DSS) forces joined to organise a substantial resistance conference, unequivocally proclaiming that “our primary objective is to triumph over the fascist forces.”

3. On February 16, 2023 in Bengaluru, various farmers organisations, farm labor organizations, Dalit Organisations, and workers organizations, under the banner of Samyukta Horata) united struggle convened a public gathering for people’s demands, and collectively resolved to “impart a fitting lesson to the anti-people BJP in the forthcoming elections.”

4. Numerous dedicated organisations actively took part in the central workshop held at Jai Bheem Bhawan, Bangalore on March 5, which collectively urged for the identification of 150 committed organisers from 20 districts. They arrived at a decisive resolution under the banner of “Eddelu Karnataka” to “identify critical constituencies and immerse themselves at the grassroots level, diligently working with a well-defined plan.”

‘Wake up’ Plan: The conclusion derived from the aforementioned workshop is that the overarching slogan of “defeating communal forces” holds limited efficacy. Instead, it is imperative to engage in efforts that directly influence the voting process.

To achieve this goal:

Our focus should be directed towards assembly constituencies where there is intense competition with the BJP. Specifically, we should target constituencies where the BJP and other parties are engaged in a close contest, where the margin of victory is narrow. By strategically selecting and actively engaging in these constituencies, a mere shift of 5-10,000 votes can significantly impact the results. It is crucial to leverage our social networks and abilities to influence the outcome by targeting and influencing these specific votes. To facilitate this, dedicated teams of volunteers should be formed, and a well-planned approach should be implemented in these areas.

In the chosen constituencies, our efforts should be focused on enhancing voter turnout by fostering grassroots awareness, minimising vote division, and persuading diverse segments of the population about the significance of defeating the BJP.

A scientifically conducted survey should be undertaken to gauge public sentiment, enabling the creation of a narrative that addresses the deeply felt concerns of the people. Extensive efforts should be made on social media platforms, along with the publication of diverse literature, to effectively disseminate this narrative.

Crucially, it is paramount that all these endeavors are conducted without accepting any financial support from any of the political parties or candidates. By ensuring an independent and ethical civil campaign, we can maintain the moral strength required to criticize all parties and communicate with the public in a selfless manner.

(To be Continued: Part-2: How ‘Eddelu Karnataka’ Worked)

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As the government continues to use all its powers, including pliable media houses, to fuel the narrative that the Farmers movement protesting the Farmers Produce Trade and Commerce (Promotion and Facilitation) Act, 2020, The Farmers (Empowerment and Protection) Agreement of Price Assurance and Farm Services Act, 2020, and The Essential Commodities (Amendment) Act, 2020, scores of civil society movements are standing up in support of the farmers. 

Over 200 people attended an online meeting and pledged their support to the lakhs of farmers fighting against this law. Those speaking in solidarity and reassuring that the farming community was well aware of the impact of the news laws and  that the government must listen to their demands included leaders from All India Democratic Women’s Association (AIDWA), All India Peoples’ Science Network (AIPSN), All India Progressive Women’s Association (AIPWA), All India Mahila Sanskritik Sangthan (AIMSS) ANVESAN Financial Accountability Network (India), Forum for Trade Justice INSAF, Janwadi Lekhak Sangh Nation for Farmers, National Federation of Indian Women (NFIW), People First, Peoples Union for Civil Liberties (PUCL), Right to Food Campaign, Working Group on IFIs and others.

They have demanded that the Union government unconditionally withdraw and “repeal of the new farm laws,” and show its “sincerity to meet the farmers’ demand”.The civil society group has demanded that the government “immediately promulgate an ordinance to stop the implementation of these laws.”

They have also sought the “withdrawal of all cases imposed on the struggling farmers and leaders of the farmers’ organisations”. Farmers’ organisations from across the country, have been consistently raising the demands of loan waivers and fixation of a minimum support price on the basis of the report of the Swaminathan Commission, stated the meeting. They have also sough the “immediate grant of loan waivers for farmers, especially widows of farmers who have committed suicide and those who have taken loans from microfinance companies and SHGs”.

The movement is not just a Punjab farmers movement, said Dinesh Abrol, of Nation for Farmers, one of the organisers, “this is an all india movement”. The speakers including eminent citizens, academics, writers and activists such as P Sainath from People’s Archive of Rural India (PARI), MG Devasahayam (Former Chief Secretary, Government of Haryana), Mariam Dhawale from All India Democratic Women’s Association (AIDWA), Praveen Jha from Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU), Shalmali Guttal of Focus on the Global South, Annie Raja from National Federation of Indian Women (NFIW), Kavita Krishnan (Politburo member, CPI(ML)), R Ramakumar from Tata Institute of Social Sciences (TISS) spoke in one voice against the “pro-business and anti-farmer legislations passed undemocratically by the Indian Parliament in September 2020,” and stated that they continue to stand in solidarity with the farmers who are lead the mass peaceful protests across the country.

The collective strongly condemned the brutal repression of the struggle, tear-gassing and water cannoning on the peaceful farmers as they marched towards the Delhi borders, where they have now been camping for almost a week in the biting cold. “We believe that these laws will lead to further landlessness and destitution because the laws permit the unsparing loot by the lobby of corporate producers. The Government is also under pressure from the United States and other developed market economies in the World Trade Organization (WTO) to dismantle the subsidy regime and the public procurement and public distribution systems put in place in Punjab, Haryana, Uttar Pradesh, Maharashtra, Karnataka and many other states,” stated the citizens group.

They added that while India has taken progressive positions at the WTO to withstand the pressure of developed countries so far and argued for a ‘peace clause’ to defend its public stockholding of food, “the passing of the new farm laws gives an opposite impression.”

The new laws they explained will expose farmers to fluctuating  global prices, demand and supply. The farmers of India are the “backbone of the food security of the Indian people” and are already “reeling from persistent agrarian distress and the economic impact of the measures taken by the past and present governments.” This has put them in debt and in turn  resulted in increased farmers suicides.

The group has also demanded that the government extend support to all vulnerable families with monthly incomes, and demand the implementation of MNREGA scheme, along with universal social security support systems.

They also called “upon all progressive and democratic organisations and individuals across the country to be in solidarity with and support the farmers’ movement in their just and democratic struggle for a life with dignity”

The widespread farmers agitations against the pro-business and anti-farmer legislations passed undemocratically by the Indian Parliament in September 2020, has been met with a predictable insensitive and muted response from the Government. At the meeting called by the Union minister of Agriculture on December 1, 2020, ostensibly to break the deadlock arising out of these mass protests, the Government defended the laws and offered to set up a panel to defuse and kill the protests and play politics of divide and rule. 

“The Joint Action Committee, representing over 500 farmers organisations working across the states and at an all India level, has rightly rejected the proposal of the government to set up a committee to presumably educate the farmers, rather than address their genuine demands,” stated the speakers at the solidarity meet. The collective also called for the repeal of the two new farm laws, and the reversal of amendments to the Essential Commodities Act, and the withdrawal of the Electricity Bill 2020.

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The post Govt must repeal the new farm laws: Civil society appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The post Civil Society Members against rejection of NRC appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The activists led by Aruna Roy, Nikhil Dey, Kavita Srivastava, Lad Kumari Jain, Renuka Pamecha, Mamta Jaitaly, Nisha Siddhu, Nishat Hussain, Pawan Surana, Sumitra Chopra, Harkesh Bugalia, Kailash Meena, Prem Krishan Sharma and M. Hasan have issued a public statement to this effect. They welcome the two bills namely, The Rajasthan Protection from Lynching Bill, 2019 and The Rajasthan Prohibition of Interference with the freedom of Matrimonial Alliances in the Name of Honour and Tradition Bill, 2019. However, question why the drafts were created unilaterally without any consultation or inputs from stakeholders. The statement says, “This unilateral creation of draft bills and finalizing it without any public input of the stakeholders, is a non-compliance of the 5 February 2014, directions given by the Ministry of Law and Social Justice. They clearly state that before finalizing the draft of the bill and placing it before in the Legislature, it should be before the public for consultation and scrutiny.”

The statement further says, “The draft bill should be put on the internet so that it is accessible for everyone. The language of the bill should be simple and consultation and conference and conventions to reach a consensus, especially the ones who will be impacted by the said laws.  Any suggestions given by the public should also be put in the public domain by uploading them on the website.”

The activists now demand that the bills be sent to a select committee. The statement says, “Since the voice of the public and the inputs of civil society organizations is very important, therefore it is our demand from the legislators, to send the Bill to the Select Committee, rather than rush its passage.”
A a notification issued by the Ministry of Law and Justice, dated February 5, 2014 that gives details about the importance of pre-legislative consultation police may be read  here. 

The entire statement by the activists may be read below:

Bill on the prohibition of Lynching and Honour Crimes be sent to the SELECT COMMITTEE OF THE VIDHAN SABHA

For public input
*The various movements, campaigns and social organizations of Rajasthan are extremely pleased that State government of Rajasthan has been eager to address the issues of preventing and prohibiting lynching and the honour crimes and killings along with right to choice in marriage. That the Government is committed towards bringing this law also shows through the two Bills, Bill No. 22 of 2019, The Rajasthan Protection from Lynching Bill, 2019 and Bill No. 23 of 2019 The Rajasthan Prohibition of Interference with the freedom of Matrimonial Alliances in the Name of Honour and Tradition Bill, 2019. However, members and representatives of most of the social movements are extremely upset with the fact that these two bills, which have been a demand of our movements, were brought in without any public consultation.

This unilateral creation of draft bills and finalizing it without any public input of the stakeholders, is a non-compliance of the 5 February 2014, directions given by the Ministry of Law and Social Justice. They clearly state that before finalizing the draft of the bill and placing it before in the Legislature, it should be before the public for consultation and scrutiny. The draft bill should be put on the internet so that it is accessible for everyone. The language of the bill should be simple and consultation and conference and conventions to reach a consensus, especially the ones who will be impacted by the said laws.  Any suggestions given by the public should also be put in the public domain by uploading them on the website.

But we are disappointed that the Home Department of Rajasthan Government did not put the draft of the bills, in front of the public, neither on any website nor put it for any consultation.

Since the voice of the public and the inputs of civil society organizations is very important, therefore it is our demand from the legislators, to send the Bill to the Select Committee, rather than rush its passage.

We are: Aruna Roy, Nikhil Dey, Kavita Srivastava, Lad Kumari Jain, Renuka Pamecha, Mamta Jaitaly, Nisha Siddhu, Nishat Hussain, Pawan Surana, Sumitra Chopra, Harkesh Bugalia, Kailash Meena, Prem Krishan Sharma, M. Hasan and Others.
 
1. Ajmer, Mahila Jandhikar Samiti, Indira Pancholi
2. Karuna
3. Bhanwari Bai
4. Sasvika Sangathan and PUCL, Ajmer – Sister Carol Geeta
5. Ajmer Adult Education Association-Anuradha Marwah
6. PUCL Rajasthan – Anant Bhatnagar, DL Tripathi, Keshav Ram Singhal
7. Rajasthan Mazdoor Kisan Morcha – Norati
8. Barmer, LAN – Anita
9. Baran, BGVS – Komal Srivastava
10. Baran, Sankalp – Ramesh
11. Bhilwara – Mahila evam Bal Chetna Samiti – Tara Ahluwalia
12. Bharatpur PUCL – Rajendra Kuntal
13.  Bikaner, Urmul Network – Arvind Ojha
14. Urmul Jyoti Nokha – Chetan Ram
15.  Chittorgarh Prayas – Narendra Gupta
16. Prayas – Chhaya Pachauli
17.  Dholpur – Praytana – Malay
18.  Dungarpur PUCL – Pragnya Joshi
19. PUCL – Madhulika
20.  Jhunjhunu – SRKPS – Rajan Chaudhary
21. Karoli – ECAT – Satyan Chaturvedi
22. Kota – Ekal Nari Shakti Sangathan – Chandra Kala, Shanti
23. Rajsamand – Rajsamand Mahila Manch-Shakuntala Pamecha
24. MKSS – Aruna Roy and Shanker Singh
25. Sirohi – Jan Chetna Manca – Richa
26. Udaipur – Jangal Jameen Jan Andolan & Adivasi Adhikar Manch, Dharam Chand Kher, Shyam Lal Minariya
27. PUCL – Shakuntala Choudhary
28. PUCL – Ashwani Paliwal
29. Vikalp – Usha
30. Dungarpur PUCL – Pragnya Joshi, Madhu
31. Jaipur, PUCL Rajasthan – Kavita Srivastava
32. PUCL Rajasthan – Bhanwar Lal Kumawat (Pappu)
33. Rajasthan University Women’s Association – Dr. Pawan Surana
34. Rajasthan University Women’s Association – Dr. Laad Kumari Jain
35. Rajasthan University Women’s Association – Dr. Alka Rao
36. Rajasthan University Women’s Association – Dr. Asha Kaushik
37. Women’s Rehabilitation Group Renuka Pamecha
38. National Federation Indian Women, Nisha Sidhu
39. Vishakha: Women’s Documentation and Resource Centre, Bharat
40. PUCL and Academy for Socio Legal Studies, Prem Krishan Sharma
41. PUCL and Academy for Socio Legal Studies, Kailash Kumbhakar
42. National Muslim Women’s Welfare Society, Nishat Hussein
43. National Muslim Women’s Welfare Society, Jahan Ara
44. Domestic Workers Union, Mewa Bharti
45. Bharat Gyan vigyan Samiti, Komal Srivastava
46. Vividha, Mamta Jaitly
47. AIDWA, Sumitra Chopra
48. AIDWA, Kusum Saiwal
49. PUCL, Vijay Lakshmi Joshi
50. PUCL, Dr. Pritam Pal
51. PUCL and Foundation for the Dignity of the Girl Child, Dr. Mita Singh
52. All India Dalit Mahila Manch, Suman Devathia
53. Children and Woman Welfare Society, Asha Kalra
54. Petitioner in Right to Choice case in SC Lata Singh
55. Independent, Nirja Mishra
56. Sandhaan, Dr. Sharada Jain
57. RUWA, Dr. Malti Gupta
58. NFIW, Raj Kumari Dogra
59. Independent, Shabnam Aziz
60. Azad Foundation, Anita Mathur
61. Umang, Deepak Kalra
62. MSSK, Minakshi
63. Independent Researcher, Chanda Aasani
64. Shilpayan, Laxmi Ashok
65. Writer, Devyani Bhardwaj
66. Independent Researcher, Kanchan Mathur
67. Independent Researcher, Shobhita Rajgopal
68. Independent, Pinky Pal
69. WRG, Pushpa Saini
70. PWNR, Sushila
71. CES, Neelam
72. AIPWA, Sudha Choudhary
73. MJAS, Ajmer, Karuna Ahmed
74. Independent, Udaipur, Shobha Nandwana
75. Bikaner, Ganga Gupta
76. Ajmer, Asha Verma
77. MSSK, Meenakshi
78. RUWA, Nandini Upreti
79. PUCL, Shubha
80. RTI Manch, Mukesh Nirwashit
81. PUCL, Sarla
82. CES, Neelam
83. Independent, Sheeba
84. CDR, Grijesh
85. Independent, Navin Narayan
86. Independent Film Maker, Mohan Kumawat
87. NAPM, Kailash Meena
88. PUCL, M Hasan
89. Churu, Amrita Choudhary
 

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