Looking at her 18-month-old daughter, Ayesha said, “Nurul wanted a girl, and here she is, but he is not. We were both only children. We didn’t want our child to grow up alone, but now she will. When she was born, so much was happening. No help reached me, but rumours spread that I was living comfortably with money. My in-laws abandoned me. My parents were under strain too. Some even blamed me for Nurul’s death. Then, the worst happened—my milk dried up just a month after Ashnoor’s birth. Breastfeeding stopped completely. The child had already lost her father’s shadow, and now this.” Ashnoor babbled on, pointing at her milk bottle.

Samreen’s daughter, two years old and a few months older than Ashnoor, has seen her father, Aamir. She played with him, teased him, and tired him out. She knows his face well. But she also saw him hanging from a fan, overwhelmed by a strangers’ cruelty. She doesn’t understand what it means. She asks Samreen, “Abbu went to the village. When will he come back?” Samreen pulls her close and pats her. What else can she do? Her wound is still fresh, from May 2025. In Latur’s Maidan Chowk, Aamir was beaten, called a Pakistani. They grabbed his collar, his belt, humiliated him, and recorded it on their phones. The label “Pakistani” shattered him. The next night, after 8 p.m., he took his life. It was a Sunday. Samreen said, “Every night from 8 to 9, I feel restless. Sad. How can I sleep in that room after his death? I stayed with my in-laws for 40 days, never sleeping before 3 a.m. Now, sometimes, I feel nothing at all. No one is truly yours. You carry your pain alone. Sundays used to excite me; now they scare me. Sometimes I think it was all a bad dream, and maybe it’s better that it broke.” Her voice trembles slightly. Her eyes well up. She removes her glasses, wipes her eyes gently, and with a mix of anger and detachment, says, “No one who promised help actually helped. Not even the police. Now I think, will doing anything bring him back? No. So I’m just trying to hold myself together.” For a moment, she stares into space, as if wrestling with herself.

“The situation in Vishalgad and Gajapur has been tense for years,” said Shaheen Mujawar from Vishalgad, her voice tinged with fear. “It gets worse during festivals like Shiv Jayanti and Mahashivratri.” Aggressive sloganeering by some groups creates fear and unease. “Last year, on July 14, 2024, the violence during the so-called Vishalgad anti-encroachment campaign still haunts us. Some slogans were so offensive, it’s hard to repeat them publicly. After that, many children on the fort fell ill. Women went silent. For days, they didn’t know what was happening. Many couldn’t sleep at night. With no jobs now, even salt feels expensive, and the stress on women is immense. That day, just the news of the attack gave one of our relatives a heart attack, and he died on the spot. This year, on July 14, the same fear returned. Sixty percent of the people on the fort left voluntarily. No one wants to die bit by bit,” Shaheen said, her words vivid, as if reliving it all.

In India, a country rich with diversity, communal tensions between religious groups sometimes turn violent. In recent years, openly provocative speeches against Muslims have increased. Muslim men are targeted, attacked, and killed in the name of cow protection. Social media is used to stir public anger, and Muslim men’s lives are taken coldly. Taking a life has become as casual as throwing mud online. But the wounds from these mob attacks aren’t just physical. They deeply affect the families left behind, especially women. Ayesha and Samreen, both in their thirties, lost their husbands to hate-filled attacks. Women like Shaheen have faced the terror of violent mobs and death. These events leave lasting scars on women’s minds. Social stigma, institutional failures, and financial strain add to their burdens. These factors undoubtedly impact their mental state. This report tries to understand how.

Ayesha Shikalgar’s Story: The Pain That Can’t Be Explained

I never imagined that Hindu-Muslim hatred could reach a small village like Pusesavali. Nurul Hasan was the president of the village’s Ganpati committee. Most of his friends were Hindus. Sometimes, during my pregnancy, I’d crave something sweet at night. Nurul’s friend owned a shop, and he’d open it after hours just for me. That’s how close their friendship was. But the same people he celebrated Ganeshotsav with, the ones he called friends, are now his accused killers, Ayesha says, her voice trembling with anger. She asks some hard questions: “No matter what happened, what did anyone gain by taking an innocent life? These people who chant Shivaji Maharaj’s name—what will they tell him? They didn’t just take a life; they destroyed my entire family!” Her voice rises slightly. “Would Shivaji Maharaj approve of such killers? There’s no reason to oppose anyone’s faith, but shouldn’t devotion bring joy to others? Two minutes of rage changed my life’s struggles and sorrows. At 8 p.m., he was with me, our private life just beginning. By morning, my life, my world, became public—caught in the media’s hands. But there was no space left to express what was in my heart. I couldn’t even grieve Nurul’s death properly. The pain of losing a person, that agony, I can’t put into words. It’s a strain I still feel, and now, whenever I see a saffron flag, my heart skips a beat.” A faint tension lingers on her face, framed by her headscarf.

Nurul Hasan, 31, was one of the educated Muslim youths in Pusesavali. In a village of 1,300 families, less than 10% are Muslim. Most run small businesses—grocery stores, mobile shops, or auto parts stores. Nurul was a civil engineer, taking on construction contracts and renting out his JCB machine. He was the sole breadwinner for his parents, their only child. He and Ayesha were married in November 2022. On September 10, 2023, Hindu nationalist groups from Pusesavali and nearby villages started violence, claiming a Muslim youth’s social media post had hurt religious sentiments. They attacked Muslim homes, shops, and mosques. The youth who posted wasn’t even in the village that day. Police later found his phone was hacked, and no evidence was found against him. But by then, the mob’s attack had changed Ayesha’s life. She was five months pregnant at the time. Just the day before, they’d gone for her sonography. Nurul had wanted a girl and had chosen the name Ashnoor, blending their names together.

After her husband’s death, Ayesha faced what many Indian widows do. She was blamed for Nurul’s death. Her in-laws said she was responsible because Nurul was praying on time while living with her. They claimed his going for namaz led to his death. Their words were a huge blow to her. Ayesha, a lawyer by profession, says, “It wasn’t even four days after his death, and they started saying such things. It broke my heart. I started facing mental distress.” The government and some Muslim groups collected aid for her, but none reached her. “I was in iddat, the four-month seclusion Muslim widows observe. I heard people were helping, but nothing came to me. I thought maybe my in-laws got it. Then rumours spread that Nurul was in debt and the money went to clear it. I had to publicly clarify he had no debts. I didn’t want aid, but I wanted the rumours to stop. My in-laws even said I took the money. That led to family disputes. They turned away from me. When I gave birth, they didn’t even come to see their only granddaughter. When I went to their house, they’d left for my mother-in-law’s village for good. They cut me off completely, as if their son’s death made me a stranger. I was fighting society’s rumours the one hand and my own family on the other. It was so stressful.”

Around that time, the stress took a toll on her father. He had a heart attack, his diabetes worsened, and gangrene forced doctors to amputate part of his leg. “No one was there to help. Even my own family turned away. The women’s WhatsApp group in Pusesavali removed me. They mocked me as a ‘gold digger.’ We didn’t even have money for my father’s treatment. People thought we were rich. Some even said I was living lavishly off my husband’s death money,” Ayesha says with a bitter laugh. There’s no anger on her face, just disappointment. She continues calmly, “When I needed society’s support the most, they abandoned me. They excluded me from family functions. They attacked my character. That defamation broke me. My mental health deteriorated. I started getting dizzy. I lost track of what was happening around me. My daughter needed her mother’s milk, but the stress dried it up within a month. It was such an injustice to her. My weight shot past 100 kilos. I developed thyroid issues, diabetes, and high blood pressure. We didn’t even have money for food. My father has some farmland, but no other income. People kept saying I had so much money—well, I’m still waiting for it. Maybe someone’s words will come true,” she says, laughing at her situation. It’s clear Ayesha has found the strength to smile despite her circumstances.

Even two years later, in August 2025, when we met, the financial struggle persists. Her father was hospitalised again. To manage the back-and-forth between hospital and home, her family moved to her uncle’s place in Miraj. Her father’s sugar levels were high, and his mental health had deteriorated too. Ayesha is trying to cope. She wonders if Nurul were alive, would she have to live this nomadic life. She’s also frustrated that she hasn’t gotten enough information about her husband’s case. She had to use her contacts to even get the charge sheet.

As she tries to move forward, Ayesha faces more challenges. “If I’m happy, people say I’m enjoying life after my husband’s death because I got money. If I’m sad, they say it is only because I didn’t get my in-laws’ property. If I focus on my daughter, they say I’m not interested in my husband’s case. People talk from all sides, and I don’t have the strength to explain myself anymore. I feel so alone. I can’t even work right now. My daughter is 18 months old. She’d be alone too. I worry about her. I don’t want her to grow up hating Hindus. I don’t want her to waste her energy on hate. That’s why I’ve started preparing for the JMFC exam. The environment around Ayesha is always tense and negative. I tried to find a house in Karad or Sangli, leaving my village, Rajachi Kurle. But as soon as people hear I’m from Pusesavali or Nurul Hasan’s widow, they say no. Being Muslim and a single mother doesn’t help. I’ve been looking for a house for four months. How do I describe the pain of rejection? Some say no one rents to Muslims after the Pahalgam attack. But my husband was killed here—how dare anyone say that? These experiences have broken me. People often say if Nurul hadn’t gone to confront those people, he wouldn’t have died. So, the attackers, the violent ones, aren’t at fault, but he is to be blamed for taking to task his so-called friends? It’s such an easy blame game. Nurul was a great friend, a great partner. He helped with my work and took care of me. I lost such a person. That pain will always stay. But let me tell you…”

Ayesha takes a deep breath and says, “I’m tired of being seen as a victim or a gold digger. Pusesavali’s incident and the label of Nurul’s widow have stamped my life. I want to change that image. I may fail as a wife, but I won’t fail as a mother. People keep looking at me through that same lens. When I try to move forward, they tie that image to my feet like a burden. It causes me so much mental pain.”

Samreen Pathan: Holding on Through Loneliness

Samreen and Aamir had been married for three years. They have a two-year-old daughter. Samreen works as an assistant manager at a bank, while Aamir was a relationship officer at a telecom company. Both were from Latur, and both had jobs there. But eight or ten months ago, Samreen got a job at a different bank’s branch in Dharashiv. Aamir, not wanting her career to stall, didn’t care about his own job and moved to Dharashiv with her. Once Samreen settled into her routine there, he returned to Latur for work, taking their daughter along. Samreen wasn’t used to living alone, having grown up in a big family. So, she’d come to Latur every weekend, spend two days with them, and return to work. Samreen says, “I’d wake up early, go to the office, meet clients, and spend weekends together. That was our routine. For years, we heard about the growing Hindu-Muslim tension and hatred in society, but it never touched our lives. Aamir’s closest friends were Hindus. At my office, we all worked together harmoniously. No big fights, no complaints, nothing. Everything was peaceful, simple, friendly. But now, something feels different. This incident shocked us. We were happy in our own world. Why us?” she asks, her voice heavy with pain, before falling silent for a moment. Even meeting her in Dharashiv wasn’t easy—she wasn’t eager to talk. It’s understandable. Reliving those memories, retelling her story, is exhausting. The police’s mishandling of her complaint only adds to her distress. When we met at her bank’s premises, Samreen, barely looking thirty, wore simple clothes and glasses. She buries her grief in work, pulling herself forward for the next day.

Since Aamir’s suicide, sleep has been hard for Samreen. The incident left him deeply traumatized, and his suicide is clear proof of that. Samreen recalls, “That day, I was nearing Latur and called him to pick me up. The bus stops at Maidan Chowk, where I was getting off. He’d reached the chowk on his scooter, crossing the road. A local journalist was driving by. Aamir signalled to him, ‘Wait two minutes, let me cross.’ But that hurt the journalist’s ego.” Samreen starts recounting that day’s conversation. The shouting, the voices, still create a fearful tension in her mind. It was a regular Saturday, a routine return to her hometown to see her family and daughter, to recharge and go back to work. A predictable, peaceful routine. But that evening was different. Samreen continues, “The journalist got out of his car, parked it in the middle of the road, and started beating my husband. He asked, ‘What’s your name?’ Aamir said, ‘Aamir Pathan.’ The journalist sneered, ‘What, you think you’re some big Aamir? You’re a Pakistani, a Kashmiri, unfit to live in this country.’ Then he kept hitting him, yanked his pants, took photos, and recorded videos. ‘I’m a journalist,’ he said. ‘This will be in the papers.’ I was on the phone, hearing it all. I asked who he was talking to. I could hear Aamir’s voice, shouting, ‘What did I do wrong? Why are you hitting me?’” The incident happened on May 4, 2025 and was reported a few days later.

The incident left Aamir under immense stress. He was terrified the journalist would call him a terrorist or worse in the next day’s paper. He wanted to file a police complaint but lacked the courage. He called friends for help, telling them what happened. No one responded positively. They told him not to make a big deal, to let it go, or they’d see about it later. The beating had already scared him, but the fact that a stranger could threaten and humiliate him, and his close friends didn’t care, hurt him deeply. The journalist had yanked his pants so hard it caused physical discomfort. Aamir kept telling Samreen about it. She says, “Until 2 a.m., he was on his phone, searching for information about the journalist. At 6 a.m., he checked the papers, worried something was printed against him, calling him a Pakistani. He was so scared. The stress lasted till afternoon. His scooter was damaged, so he got it fixed. We were supposed to attend a reception that evening. He said, ‘Go ahead, I’ll rest and join you.’ When we got there, his phone wasn’t reachable. My mother-in-law, sister-in-law, and I returned home, only to find he’d taken his life.” Samreen, trying to stay strong, has tears in her eyes. She complains the police delayed action. The journalist was influential, connected to politicians, so they wouldn’t take her complaint. The next day, they went to the station at 9 a.m., but the police kept them waiting until 6 p.m., asking for CCTV footage and more. Samreen says, “The police said they’d register a suicide case but wouldn’t mention ‘Pakistani’ or ‘Kashmiri.’ We gave them the car’s number, but they refused to name the journalist in the complaint. We didn’t even know who he was at first. It feels like the police helped him escape by delaying. It affected me deeply. At first, it was unbearable. Now, I feel nothing. Everything’s numb. People come, ask questions, gather information, but no one truly helps. I have no expectations anymore, especially from the police. They suppressed everything. Some even accused us, saying we had political connections and were framing the journalist. The thief calling us liars! We lost our loved one, and we’re the ones filing a complaint?” Her anger peaks as she speaks, her frustration clear in every word. Recalling it chokes her up. She steadies herself and continues, “If I keep thinking about this, how willI run my home? I bury myself in work. Otherwise, I’d have collapsed completely. Evenings make me restless, especially between 8 and 9 p.m. Sundays feel unbearable now. I feel so alone. But I hold on for my daughter.”

Samreen now lives alone with her daughter in Dharashiv. Her mother helps care for the child, but Samreen expects nothing from anyone. “There’s no one to share your pain with. Sometimes, I wish it never happened, like waking from a bad dream to a normal day. Aamir was so good. He’d say, ‘Do what you want, I’m with you,’ and he proved it. Now, there’s only loneliness.”

Ayesha and Samreen, both in their thirties, were busy weaving dreams of family, children, a new life, and stability. They had little sense of the hatred and violence beyond their safe world. Even if such things existed, they felt far away. They lived in a space of harmony, believing no harm could touch them.

What to serve for dinner to men returning from work?

Vishalgad-Gajapur, in Kolhapur’s Shahuwadi taluka, is a cluster gram panchayat. It includes the fort’s village, Gajapur’s Muslimwadi, Vanipeth, Sainath Peth, Baudhwadi, Kembhurnewadi, Bhattali, and small hamlets stretching to Pavan Khindi. The road from Pandhrepani to Gajapur winds through dense forests, with the Kasari dam’s water on one side. The area is breezy year-round but remote, with poor phone connectivity. Naturally, job opportunities are scarce. The main sources of income are tourism and visitors to the local dargah. But violence causes more than just human loss—it devastates livelihoods. The tourism that sustained these remote hamlets has collapsed, and rumours about safety have spread. When the economic balance crumbles, the burden falls on women. Whether a man earns enough or not, feeding the family is a woman’s responsibility, and the stress of figuring out what to cook weighs heavily on them. Shaheen Mujawar explains, “There’s never been tension among locals in Vishalgad’s villages. Even now, communities support each other. But for the last two or three years, the atmosphere has been deliberately poisoned. There’s a court case about encroachments on Vishalgad, yet mobs from outside came and disrupted everything. Worst of all, jobs have vanished. Families have left these hamlets for work elsewhere, facing burdens from rent to household expenses. Children’s schools have been disrupted or changed. Income and expenses don’t align, making it hard for women to run households. People literally don’t have money for salt. If the gas runs out, they wonder who to turn to. Men face work stress, so women can’t tell them about grocery shortages. Every day, they wake up wondering what to cook. By evening, they hope their man comes home, but they dread him asking for food because they don’t know what to offer. Many of us aren’t used to working outside, and some families don’t allow it. If we’re not safe at home, how can we face harassment outside as Muslims?”

A fact-finding report by Salokha Sampark Gat, the Centre for Study of Society and Secularism, and Women’s Struggle for Peace details the violence in Vishalgad and Gajapur on July 14, 2024. It describes the physical, mental, and economic toll, with chilling accounts from Muslimwadi’s women. That day, most men were away for work, leaving elderly people, women, and children behind. The report notes: “Women in Muslimwadi faced terror all day. A mob armed with knives and hammers stormed in. As they pounded on doors, women barricaded them with sofas, chairs, and beds to keep them out. To stop children from crying, women stuffed cloth in their mouths to keep them quiet. Attackers broke doors, entered homes, and smashed everything—TVs, fridges, mixers, beds, chairs, mattresses. They left nothing intact. Scooters and vehicles were smashed with stones and hammers. Six scooters outside one house were piled up and burned. Fifteen to twenty men invaded each home, breaking windows, tearing roofs, burning clothes. Kitchen supplies—grain, flour, food—were thrown out. The entire settlement was destroyed. Women watched their life’s work turn to dust in moments. Attackers asked women their names, insulting those with Muslim names. One woman gave a Hindu name, but when they demanded her Aadhaar card and she didn’t have it, she locked herself inside. They broke the door, entered, and beat her. Reshma Prabhulkar, who runs a small bangle and clothing shop next to her house, didn’t open her door. The mob broke into her shop, detonated her cooking gas cylinder, and set her home’s contents ablaze.” Even without deaths, such incidents push women into a shell, layering pressure on them—worrying about their men’s safety, then their own. Women who’ve fought for freedom retreat, prioritizing others over themselves. This can lead to clinging to religious norms or societal pressures, starting a cycle of isolation, suppression, and disconnection from society, harming their mental health.

Rehana Mursal from Shantisathi Mahila Sangharsh Manch (Women’s Struggle for Peace) shared a haunting observation: “Visiting homes in Gajapur and Vishalgad, I saw children clutching their mothers’ saree ends and stuffing them in their mouths. When I asked why, the women said that during the attack, as men were beaten outside, children hiding with their mothers understood what was happening. Terrified and trembling, they wanted to scream. To keep their hiding spots secret, mothers stuffed saree or scarf ends in their children’s mouths to silence them. The kids struggled to breathe, but the cloth stayed until the chaos subsided. Now, scared children do this themselves when strangers come, stuffing their mothers’ sarees in their mouths. What kind of present and future are we giving these kids? How do we erase this trauma?”

Talking to Ayesha, Samreen, and the women of Vishalgad-Gajapur, one thing stood out: Islamophobia and patriarchy leave Muslim women isolated. Ayesha and Samreen both lost their in-laws’ support—treated as irrelevant once their husbands died. Their Muslim identity made filing complaints difficult, and they were kept away from their cases. They’ve had to take on family responsibilities, including jobs, while raising children alone. Financial strain suffocates them. Women wearing hijabs or burqas face barriers in education and jobs. Such incidents create fear, stopping bold girls from stepping out. Muslim vendors face boycotts, crippling their businesses. Finding homes is tough, with Muslims facing discrimination. Workers endure unequal treatment. Amid these social injustices, mental health is side-lined. The fear, loneliness, and constant vigilance Muslim women face are deep scars of communalism, yet these emotional wounds are rarely discussed.

From Social Othering to Social Suffering

These incidents may seem rare, sparking debates about why discuss them. But in recent years, Muslims, especially men, have been systematically targeted. Hate speeches, calls to displace Muslims, cow vigilantism, and mob killings are rising, as shown in the 2024 India Hate Lab and Hate Crime Report: Mapping First Year of Modi’s Third Government. These reports highlight how anti-Muslim hatred is growing organised, political, and normalised. India Hate Lab recorded 1,165 hate speech incidents in 2024, with 1,050 targeting Muslims, occurring in political rallies, religious processions, and election campaigns. Of these, 266 involved BJP leaders. Terms like “love jihad,” “land jihad,” and “vote jihad” were joined by new ones like “mazar jihad,” “UPSC jihad,” “fertilizer jihad,” and “rail jihad,” spreading false narratives to fuel hatred. Uttar Pradesh saw the most incidents (242, up 132% from last year), followed by Maharashtra with 210 hate speech cases, a 78% rise from 118 in 2023. Of Maharashtra’s cases, 195 targeted Muslims, 14 targeted both Muslims and Christians, and one was anti-Christian. May’s Lok Sabha elections and November’s assembly elections saw peaks, with 32 incidents in May alone. Political leaders and Hindu nationalist groups used these periods to inflame religious sentiments. From August to November, 90 incidents were recorded.

The Hate Crime Report notes 947 hate crimes from June 2024 to June 2025, including 602 violent incidents. In 173 mob attacks, 25 Muslim men died. Bihar, Uttar Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh, and Maharashtra were particularly sensitive. Maharashtra saw 101 hate speeches, with 178 by BJP-linked leaders, including the Prime Minister, Chief Ministers, MPs, and others. Of 947 hate crimes, only 81 (13%) led to FIRs, and no political leaders faced action. These are just recorded cases—unreported ones are unknown. The data shows hate is being normalized, a worrying trend.

Mental health discussions for families affected by riots, violence, and hate speech often focus on post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), noting symptoms like depression, insomnia, or lack of focus. But the broader societal impact is ignored. The “social othering” from religious divides and its mental toll are overlooked. Mental health can’t be separated from daily life’s small and big struggles. Bebaak Collective’s report, Social Suffering in a World without Support: Report on Mental Health of Indian Muslims, highlights this. Researcher and founder Hasina Khan says, “Studying religious and social hatred, we realized Indian Muslims’ mental health reflects political oppression and societal hate. Talking to victims of hate crimes and riots, we saw that discussing emotions, habits, and relationships reveals how communalism changes Muslim lives. Mental health studies can’t stop at PTSD or depression. Violence affects daily life, so we must understand its impact on future aspirations, financial security, and health. Muslim mental health isn’t just about communalism—it underscores everyday exclusion. Some faced physical effects: one family member had a heart attack, another victim’s mother lost her sanity. Women’s mobility is restricted, they grow isolated, neighbors drift away, friends from their own and other communities shrink back. Youth face future anxiety, leading to depression. Activists feel fear and despair, grappling with helplessness and stress. Constant vigilance in public spaces harms mental health, yet it’s rarely discussed.” Mental health expert Shamima Asgar adds, “Clinical mental health approaches are individual-focused, addressing personal pain and trauma but not the root causes of violence. Instead, the focus is on coping with its effects, implying the violence will persist, and you must adapt.” In short, addressing the problem requires tackling its roots, viewing Muslim mental health as social suffering.

Hasina’s point is key: religiously motivated violence and inflammatory speeches are politically driven, a tool of oppression. When such attacks come from institutions, who takes responsibility? The institutions themselves should, as Muslims are citizens under their care. Preventing injustices, mob deaths, and attacks is their duty, as is supporting victims afterward. Otherwise, how will affected families and women stand again? Trauma needs support. Women whose lives are upended by religious hatred need space to express their pain freely and a chance to move forward. Samreen sees her busy life as healing. Mental health taboos often stop women from seeking counselling or therapy, so it should be offered at a government level. Ayesha was encouraged by Satara’s rural police superintendent to try therapy. She says, “I had no idea about counselling or therapy. I thought I was strong. The way I handled things, spoke, and acted made me think I was fine. But therapy showed me I was bottling up my pain. I didn’t even know how much I’d suppressed. I had headaches, irritability, and despair. Sometimes, I felt nothing, like I was numb. The world talked about my tragedy, but I seemed strong on the outside. Therapy taught me I hadn’t moved past the shock. It helped me accept it slowly. Five or six months later, I cried openly for the first time. My heart felt lighter. I realized I needed to think about what’s next, how to live. The stress is temporary. What’s permanent? My daughter. She’s, my anchor.” Ayesha got help, but not from the government.

Improving mental health requires concrete steps at social, political, and legal levels. Rehana Mursal and Hasina Khan suggest permanent peace committees and administrative systems in every district to prevent violence and promote unity. Civil groups should monitor justice systems, support victims, and pressure authorities to act against perpetrators. The National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) and Minority Commission (NCM) should investigate alongside police to ensure justice. State governments should compensate victims of hate crimes. Local groups, women’s collectives, and organizations should offer emotional support and safe spaces. Counselling and trauma care should be available in Muslim-majority areas. Health workers need training to handle hate crime victims sensitively. Mental health experts should study the impact of class, caste, and religion on health, and mental health laws must be actively enforced.

Reflecting on Hasina’s words, we can’t ignore changes in emotions, behaviour, and relationships. How do we fix or undo them? When Samreen’s daughter asks when her father will return, what can she say? “We had our routine,” she said, hinting at the joy it brought. Yet, when she called her mother-in-law to stay with her, their avoidance hurt her. How do you compensate for the time needed to process this? Still, Samreen says, “I’ve accepted he’s not coming back. I live for my daughter.” Ayesha echoed this: “Even after marriage, I wasn’t very mature. I was a silly, carefree girl, always laughing, lost in dreams. Nurul let me be that way. Then this mountain of tragedy hit. It made me serious, wiped out my carefree nature. I struggled to accept that change, but now I have. My daughter matters most.” Should we call it good or bad that the daughters these mothers strive for are shielded from reality? Just then, Ashnoor grabbed Ayesha’s phone, pointing at her father’s photo, calling him “Abbu.” She recognizes him, but what will she think when she learns why he’s gone? Unknowingly, the system has made her part of this social suffering. What should she and other children like her do with this pain? In a society where religion overshadows humanity, it feels like we’re all casting shadows of hate. If we can, let’s pull our hands back.

Related:

CJP complains to Maharashtra DGP, Jalgaon SP over police role in Shiv Pratisthan rally amid Suleman Pathan lynching probe

Muslims, victims of targeted violence in Pusesavali, Satara: Fact-finding report

Pay compensation to Nurul Hasan Shikalgar’s family, order independent judicial inquiry: Satara Citizens to Maharashtra Govt

Why no action against hate monger, BJP leader, Vikram Pawaskar asks Bombay HC

Activists highlight decimated situation of Muslim houses, shops in Gajapur, Kolhapur post violence, deem authorities to be guilty of negligence

Violence, vandalism and arson in Kolhapur, Muslim houses and mosque targeted by mob that had gathered on the call of former RS MP Sambhaji Raje Chhatrapati

CJP flags 8 incidents of hate crime including lynchings to National Commission for Minorities

The post Silent Scars: How Muslim widows of hate crimes endure layered, unseen oppression appeared first on SabrangIndia.

A Division Bench comprising Chief Justice G. Narendar and Justice Subhash Upadhyay, while hearing Noor Jahan v. State of Uttarakhand, on October 29, 2025, instructed the Investigating Officer (IO) to file an action taken report by November 6, and to remove any inflammatory social media posts related to the incident.

The court’s direction came in response to a protection petition filed by Noor Jahan, the wife of Nasir, a local driver who was brutally assaulted on October 23 after rumours spread that he was transporting beef in his vehicle. The petition alleges that Madan Joshi, a local BJP leader and former president of the party’s Ramnagar City Unit, went live on Facebook, falsely claiming that cow meat was being transported — an act that allegedly incited a mob to attack Nasir.

“Lawlessness in Full Display”: Petitioner seeks CBI probe and police protection

According to the petition, reported by LiveLaw, Nasir’s vehicle was stopped by a crowd incited through Joshi’s Facebook Live. The mob allegedly dragged Nasir out, beat him with stones and kicks, and livestreamed the assault. Instead of rushing him to a hospital, the police are accused of taking the severely injured man to the police station first.

Noor Jahan described the episode as “a glaring example of complete lawlessness,” adding that it represented “cow vigilantism in utter disregard of the Supreme Court’s directions in Tehseen S. Poonawalla v. Union of India (2018).” She also claimed that since the incident, her family had been receiving threats of dire consequences from unidentified persons.

The plea sought a CBI investigation, police protection, and strict enforcement of the Supreme Court’s mob-lynching guidelines, along with compensation for her husband, who continues to receive treatment for severe injuries.

High Court’s order

The High Court’s order, though brief, is a sharp indictment of selective law enforcement and impunity in cases involving political actors. While the Deputy Advocate General informed the Bench that two of the assailants had been arrested, the Court pressed for a full update on the investigation and warned that compliance on removal of inflammatory posts must be shown at the next hearing.

The case will now be taken up on November 6, 2025, when the police are required to submit their action taken report. The Bench’s insistence on immediate removal of hate content marks an important judicial intervention in the digital dimension of communal violence — where misinformation and Facebook Live broadcasts often act as catalysts for mob action.

Selective accountability

The Ramnagar attack adds to a growing pattern of cow-vigilante violence in Uttarakhand’s Kumaon region, where rumours and Facebook Live videos frequently precede communal flare-ups. As Citizens for Justice and Peace has documented, local vigilante groups often operate under tacit political patronage, with little deterrence from police.

The petition cites the Supreme Court’s landmark judgment in Tehseen S. Poonawalla v. Union of India (2018), which mandated states to curb mob lynching, appoint nodal officers, and ensure prompt FIRs and victim protection. Yet, as Noor Jahan’s case reveals, implementation remains largely on paper.

The High Court’s intervention also reignites a broader question — why politicians accused of hate or incitement rarely face swift prosecution, even when evidence is public. While citizens, journalists, and activists are often booked for online speech, leaders accused of fanning communal hatred enjoy impunity. As legal commentators note, this “selective policing of speech” corrodes faith in the rule of law.

The complete order may be read here.

Related:

Madhya Pradesh Muslim man lynched in Rajasthan’s Bhilwara: Family alleges religious targeting masked as cow vigilantism

Rising Cow Vigilante Violence: Muslim truck drivers targeted across states amid police inaction

2024: July and August see surge in cow vigilantism with brutal assaults, raids based on rumours and targeting of Muslims while legal consequences for perpetrators missing

November 2024 Surge in Cow Vigilantism: Rising Violence and Legal Apathy in North India

The post Uttarakhand HC pulls up police over mob attack in Ramnagar, seeks action against BJP leader for inciting communal violence appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The dissonance between a lived experience and official data is not new. It showcases how the language of state statistics can redefine brutality in state bureaucracy. By detaching violence from motive and identity, the NCRB articulates a false sense of neutrality, one that ultimately offers protection for both state and non-state actors.

The issue lies not in the numbers themselves, but rather in the methodology through which they are presented. The NCRB statistics are based on registered crimes, not the actual incidence of crime. Changes in reporting or policing can significantly influence the figures. The current structure and functioning of India’s police force render it vulnerable to diktats (ideological and other) from the state executive, ensuring that crimes, especially hate crimes against India’s most marginalized, Minorities and Dalits, sometimes women, remain buried. Conversely, higher crime numbers (for such crimes) in some states may reflect citizen-centric, pro-constitutional, police initiatives rather than an actual spiral or increase in crime.

In 2023, the country experienced the longest span of ethnic violence in its contemporary history when Meitei and Kuki–Zo communities mobilized against one another in Manipur. Life lost and displacement suffered by the Kuki-Zo were marked and significant. Kuki women experienced the brunt of gendered targeted violence at the hands of the other community and law enforcement. Yet, for the NCRB, hundreds of pages of the report yield only a handful of cases of “rioting” and “arson.” And what cannot be articulated in a statistic cannot be held accountable in law.

The Language of Neutrality

Over time, the NCRB has—instead of acquiring an autonomous rigour and credibility– grown into a reflection of a majoritarian state’s unease with terms such as communal, ethnic, or targeted violence. You won’t find such terms of classification in the 2023 report. The words used are “riots,” “group clashes,” and “public disorder.” This is not merely playing with words, but rather moral repositioning. By using terms such as “communal” and “ethnic,” motive is acknowledged, and therefore, responsibility. In contrast, “rioting” makes violence seem spontaneous and even-handed!

This kind of linguistic strategy is being increasingly normalised. In 2017, the NCRB surreptitiously removed its specific sections “communal and social violence,” “mob lynchings,” and “honour killings.” Officials defended their actions by stating that states were providing inconsistent data. The outcome of this was an administrative silence, allowing governments to claim hate crimes were falling when, in fact, they are just not being officially documented. Initially, data classification soon became a political shield. Without naming hate, India’s crime data reads now like a bureaucratic novel: correct, procedural, and utterly dissociated from reality.

In this case, neutrality does not refer to having no opinion. It refers to being complicit through action. Omission of the name the state uses for targeted violence does not depoliticize criminality; it simply conceals the injustice of violence and hate crimes being perpetrated.

A Pattern written in History

The NCRB’s refusal to report hate and communal crimes in 2023 is not a new practice. This is simply a reiteration of a policy first established in 2017, when the Union government acknowledged in Parliament that, due to state governments’ “unreliable inputs,” it would stop collecting data on “lynching” and “hate crimes.” This bureaucratic explanation has since served as the basis for the Republic’s statistical loss of memory.

By the year 2023, while the increase in targeted violence in India was expected, the Bureau’s tables did not reflect much of anything. The Centre for Study of Society and Secularism (CSSS) tracked 21 mob-lynchings in 2023, representing a 23% increase from 2022 The CSSS report can be read here  Of these incidents, twelve were related to allegations of cow slaughter, two related to interfaith relationships, and nearly all of the victims were Muslim. For example, in Bharatpur in Rajasthan, 35-year-old Nasir and 25-year-old Junaid were kidnapped and burned alive in February 2022 by people said to be affiliated with the Bajrang Dal. In Bhopal in July, two cattle traders were lynched for being suspected to be transporting beef, an inappropriate standard of evidence. Neither case shows up under any communal category in the NCRB 2023 tables: both fold quietly into “murder” and “rioting.”

The same narrative can be found across the nation. In Kolhapur, for instance, a Dalit youth was beaten to death based on rumours about “religious insult.” In Ramgarh, Jharkhand, a mob killed a tribal man, accused of theft. The CSSS report noted that the violence was accompanied by hate speech and communal harassment. The report adds that this kind of violence is smaller-scale and does not fit within the category of violence documented by the NCRB’s rather narrow definitions. Ultimately, the data architecture favours an emphasis on procedural clarity at the expense of human truth.

In another incident in Maharashtra’s Satara district in August 2023, a single social media post mocking a Hindu god led to two days of violent conflict. Two people were killed, approximately 100 were injured, and businesses owned by Muslims were targeted. But if one looks in the NCRB ledger, a single entry gathers the Satara episode with every other instance of what NCRB has recorded as “rioting.” There is nothing to suggest the motive was religious; no record of what happened next; no note of the fact that the riot occurred on established communal lines.

The NCRB’s avoidance of the caption of motive is not unlike the state’s avoidance of calling out hate. Where communal violence once barely allowed for reckoning about the moral heart of the atrocity, instead it is now public disorder. This linguistic flattening eliminates not only the prejudice underlying the violence, but also the impunity enabling it.

Manipur: A Case Study

In 2023, Manipur became the clearest example of how violence can happen in public view and disappear from the official records. On May 3, 2023, a protest was launched by the All Tribal Students’ Union of Manipur (ATSUM) against a court directive to recommend Scheduled Tribe status for the Meiteis, and it quickly transformed into a spiral of armed ethnic conflict between the Meitei majority of the Imphal Valley and the Kuki–Zo tribal communities of the hills.

The violence swept the villages and towns with historic severity. Mobs burned homes, churches, and community centres. Independent estimates from the Hindu, Scroll, and Sabrangindia indicated that over 200 people were killed, over 60,000 displaced, and approximately 5,000 houses burned down. Entire communities disappeared; satellite images confirmed the damage. Over 350 churches and several temples were daubed and destroyed, highlighting the sectarian edge of the violence.

For months, the state was essentially divided into two: Imphal with its Meitei surplus on one hand and the hill districts on the other. There was a complete internet shutdown for over 200 days, severing survivors from aid networks and reporters from the outside world. Civil society and reporters who attempted to document the torture perpetrated by armed forces faced threats and FIRs for their expressions. Still, the reports of rape, sexual violence, women stripped and paraded through the streets to cheers from the crowds, filming as soldiers carried out any forms of violence, remained concealed. Only when a viral video found its way into social media in July 2023, a good three months after the first outbreak, did India’s national conscience briefly awaken to the abuses, and forced the SC to intervene to provide the state some accountability.

In the NCRB 2023 report, however, all of this collapses into a few rows of data. Manipur shows just a few dozen “rioting” cases and scattered cases of “arson”, nothing that would even suggest that a state had descended into a type of civil war. No mention of mass displacement, custodial abuses, or gendered violence. This silence is not incidental; it is institutional. The NCRB is merely flattening ethnic cleansing cited through “law and order disturbances” and provides a bureaucratic alibi for one of the worst governance failures in recent memory.

The Geography of Denial

If the NCRB’s omissions were haphazard, they might be brushed off as misprints. However, the odious erosion is visible across a vast geographical area. In 2023, the India Hate Lab noted 378 incidents of hate speech and hate crime ( CJP Report based on Hate Lab 2023 – Study reveals 668 hate speech cases in 2023, BJP major player), with Uttar Pradesh (62), Maharashtra (42), Bihar (34), and Madhya Pradesh (28) highest on the list. Each of these states also noted “declines” in the NCRB data for “Offences Promoting Enmity”.

Examine Haryana, where riots erupted in Nuh during a religious procession on 31 July 2023. Six died, 200 were arrested, and bulldozers crushed a number of Muslim homes in “retaliation”. The NCRB, by contrast, categorises the outrage as “rioting” without even insinuating it was communal or that the demolitions were punitive. The numbers create an illusion of symmetry — as if both sides were violent, both guilty, and both punished.

In Delhi, more than twenty public rallies were documented during the months of February and August 2023, with hate slogans. Nevertheless, the NCRB notes a decline in “Offences Promoting Enmity Between Groups” – a decline from 231 in 2022 to 194 in 2023. If the absence of numbers is not demonstrated evidence of peace, it is an established case of selective factual erasure.

Even the desecration of religious sites – like an attack on St. Michael’s cemetery in Mahim, Mumbai, in January 2023, when 18 crosses were defaced – does not even make “religious offences”, which are non-existent in the NCRB figures. These types of harassment, which obviously relate to religious identity, are absorbed into the property crime statistics.

The data from Jammu & Kashmir is close to surreal. NCRB 2023 records zero cases of sedition or communal violence, despite the Union Home Ministry stating in Parliament that over 230 people were detained under the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act (UAPA) in the same calendar year. This tranquillity reflects not peace, but policy in action – the imposition of normalcy through erasure.

When Counting Conceals

The exclusions in the 2023 report, when evaluated in conjunction with each other, prioritized overt intent over deficiencies in capacity. By outright removing categories such as “hate crime” and “mob lynching,” the state is able to absorb violent acts based on religion, caste, or ideology into broadly neutral categories. While the crime may still be recorded, its cause is erased. The foundation of hate crime — the identity of the victim — is swept away from the record.

This administrative erasure dramatically exceeds the parameters of the chart. It alters public discourse, limits accountability, and relieves the state of its obligation to protect. When violence is relabelled rioting, the victims are stripped of recognition; when hate speech is recoded as “public mischief,” performers possess plausible deniability.

In the NCRB’s framework for 2023, there are the demolitions in Haryana, the ethnic murders in Manipur, the lynching deaths in Bharatpur, and the “riots” in Satara all clubbed into the same “neutral labelling.” The motive behind the violence is absent; all we are left with is a ledger of something resembling lawlessness, which tells us nothing about the injustices inflicted.

The statistics of the NCRB are not indicators of safety but of silence. Every statistic contains a choice — what to include, how to rename, and what to omit. This much is clear: the Bureau’s neutrality is not objectivity but ideology — a way of regulating how we think, and bringing about tranquillity through the absence of visible conflict.

A Nation without Witnesses

When the NCRB came out with its 2023 report, it was apparent that India’s data regime had transitioned from being an instrument of transparency to an apparatus for denial. The numbers corroborate what human rights organizations, journalists, and survivors have reported: that violence in India is not simply physical but epistemic — a battle over who gets to be viewed, tagged, and remembered.

Not having lynching, hate crime, or communal violence as categories is more than an oversight; it is political. In a democracy founded on data as a bedrock of policy, invisibility serves as a way to maintain control. As crimes are recorded, the government looks safer with fewer recorded instances.

This is the irony of modern India: a country in which the spreadsheet of data silencing has replaced the FIR; the number of riots has decreased as the number of victims increases; and the act of counting is now indicative of support for the machinery of impunity.

Here, the NCRB’s neutrality is not the neutrality of law, but of silence — a silence that indicates the price of counting, and the larger price of erasure.

(The legal research team of CJP consists of lawyers and interns; this resource has been worked on by Preksha Bothara)

Related

Manipur 2023: Violence unaddressed eight months after conflicts erupt

Hate crimes on the rise from 2024-2025

India Hate Lab Report 2024: Unveiling the rise of hate speech and communal rhetoric

Communal violence and a woman’s body

The post Statistical Amnesia: How Communal Violence Vanishes in NCRB 2023 appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Friday Night, October 3: The first clash

The unrest ignited around 1:30 a.m. on October 4, during the Durga idol immersion procession near Haathi Pokhari in the Dargha Bazar area, a predominantly Muslim neighbourhood known for its tight-knit interfaith community, as per Times of India. Residents objected to the loud music and provocative slogans, including repeated chants of “Jai Shri Ram,” accompanying the procession heading towards the Kathajodi river, as reported by India Today. Traditionally this slogan has no place during Durga Puja and has been perceived to be linked to an aggressive majoritarianism.

Minor verbal disagreements quickly escalated into violence. Stones and glass bottles were hurled from rooftops, injuring at least six people, including Deputy Commissioner of Police Khilari Rishikesh Dnyandeo, ANI reported. Local grocer Mohammad Asif told reporters that while the initial scuffle had been contained, “all of them were drunk. We pacified both groups, but it later escalated”, as per Hindustan Times. Rumours of Hindu fatalities circulating in the aftermath further inflamed passions, setting the stage for larger-scale clashes.

Six police personnel were injured in the initial violence, and six individuals from both communities were arrested, NDTV report states. The situation cast a pall over the city, reviving memories of past curfews, notably the last major shutdown during the Mandal Commission protests in 1991, as noted by former MLA Pravat Tripathy, according to Moneycontrol.

Sunday, October 5: VHP rally and widespread violence

Tensions further escalated on Sunday evening, October 5, when the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) organised a large motorcycle rally—allegedly numbering over 2,000 participants on more than 1,000 bikes—to protest the earlier Dargha Bazar clashes, as per India Today. Authorities had denied permission for the rally, citing concerns over law and order, but the organizers proceeded, intending to pass through the sensitive Dargha Bazar area. The permission granted for the route of the VHP rally has been questioned by right-thinking citizens.

Initially, police allowed the rallyists to assemble near the area. However, once law enforcement attempted to redirect them, the rally escalated into rampage and vandalism. Protesters stormed a local mall, vandalized shops—including mutton stalls, food joints, and general stores—and torched roadside establishments. Stone-pelting and clashes with police followed, leaving 25 people injured, including eight police officers, according to Hindustan Times.

Videos circulating on social media before the internet suspension showed plumes of smoke rising over the narrow lanes of Dargha Bazar, with police in riot gear forming barricades amid screams and sirens, as per India Today.

Government Response: Curfew, internet suspension, and law enforcement measures

In the aftermath of Sunday’s violence, the Odisha government responded with stringent measures:

• A 36-hour curfew across 13 police station jurisdictions, including Dargha Bazar, Mangalabag, Cantonment, Purighat, Lal Bagh, Bidanasi, Markat Nagar, CDA Phase 2, Malgodam, Badambadi, Jagatpur, Bayalis Mouza, and Sadar (ANI).
• Internet and social media suspension from 7 p.m. on October 5 to 7 p.m. on October 6, covering the Cuttack Municipal Corporation, Cuttack Development Authority, and 42 adjacent Mauza areas, to prevent the spread of provocative content and rumours (NDTV).
• Continuous flag marches, drone surveillance, and enhanced patrolling across the city’s sensitive areas (PTI).

Additional Police Commissioner Narasingha Bhola confirmed that eight people had been arrested, with more under detention, and investigations involving CCTV and drone footage were ongoing, reported ANI. The authorities emphasised that arrests would follow “proper examination of evidence”.

Revenue Divisional Commissioner Guha Poonam Tapas Kumar issued a warning: “All people who have tried to take the law into their own hands will be booked… Anybody who has tried to damage the social fabric will be taken to task”, reported NDTV.

Monday, October 6: VHP bandh and a fragile peace

In response to the immersion violence, the VHP declared a 12-hour bandh on Monday, October 6. Under a heavy police presence, the bandh passed off peacefully, highlighting the effectiveness of the curfew and security measures, as reported by The Indian Express. Local officials noted that while the streets remained quiet, the city was grappling with fear and uncertainty, with residents reluctant to venture outdoors.

Mayor Subhas Singh underlined Cuttack’s “unique culture of Hindus and Muslims living as brothers for generations”, and called on all citizens to protect this communal harmony, as per NDTV. Cuttack MP Bhartruhari Mahatab, BJD Chief Naveen Patnaik, Congress MLA Sophia Firdous, and Union Minister Dharmendra Pradhan issued repeated appeals for peace, stressing that rumours and inflammatory social media posts must be avoided, reported Hindustan Times.

ANI provided that several injured individuals from Friday and Sunday, including Pintu Mahar, Mukesh Mahar, Subhashree Jena, and Sankar Biswal, were treated and discharged, with the police clarifying that no fatalities had occurred.

Background: Communal sensitivities in Odisha

While Cuttack has historically been a model of interfaith coexistence, Odisha has witnessed a rise in communal tensions in recent years. Notable incidents include:

• Attacks on Christians and harassment of nuns (SabrangIndia)
• Clashes during processions in urban centres like Bhubaneswar, Sambalpur, and Cuttack (Deccan Herald).
• Property damage and arson during festivals, often exacerbated by rumours, demographic shifts, and political tensions (Hindustan Times).

The 2008 Kandhamal riots represent the most severe anti-Christian violence, but even post-2023, Hindu-Muslim tensions have increased. In 2024 alone, Odisha recorded an 84% rise in communal riots, resulting in 13 deaths, primarily among Muslims, Moneycontrol reported. The 2025 Cuttack disturbances underscore the vulnerabilities of religious processions in multi-religious urban settings. Small disputes—such as objections to music, slogans, or immersion routes—can quickly escalate if rumours or political mobilizations intervene.

Current Situation: Towards restoration of peace

As of October 7, Cuttack remains under curfew, and internet services have been extended to 7 p.m. on the same day, as per NDTV. Flag marches and intensive patrolling continue. Authorities have stressed that public cooperation is critical for restoring full normalcy.

Civil society leaders and residents expressed hope that Cuttack’s legacy of bhaichara (brotherhood) would be preserved through:

1. Strengthening law enforcement to prevent delayed or inadequate responses
2. Community engagement during festivals to foster trust and cooperation

1. Awareness campaigns to curb rumours and misinformation
2. Long-term measures addressing any fears of demographic shifts, economic inequalities, and resolving historical grievances

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The post Cuttack plunged into chaos during Durga Puja, dozens injured as procession clashes spiral into violence appeared first on SabrangIndia.

“When members of the police force don their uniforms, they are required to shed their personal predilections and biases, be they religious, racial, casteist or otherwise. They must be true to the call of duty attached to their office and their uniform with absolute and total integrity. Unfortunately, in the case on hand, this did not happen,” Justice Sanjay Kumar observed in the ruling, delivered by a Bench which also included Justice Satish Chandra Sharma.

Murder most foul, no FIR

The case was based on the complaints made by a teenager, Mohammad Afzal Mohammad Sharif, who allegedly witnessed four men — including one who was later identified to have political connections — fatally attacking a man in an autorickshaw during the May 2023 riots. The men, allegedly mistakenly assuming the boy was a Muslim, assaulted him and left him to die with head injuries.

It was after this incident that both Afzal and his father then went to the police station to file a complaint about the murder he witnessed and the assault on himself, but the police took no action. A subsequent appeal to the Superintendent of the Police (SP) of Akola also came to naught.  The murder victim was identified as Vilas Mahadevrao Gaikwad, who had been plying an autorickshaw owned by a Muslim. Afzal had claimed that Gaikwad was killed under the mistaken impression that he was a Muslim.

In 2023, two groups clashed in Akola, leading to the death of a man, over a social media post.

Sharif, who was a minor (17) at the time of the alleged incident, had earlier approached the Nagpur bench of the Bombay High Court complaining that the police officers concerned had failed in their duty by not registering an FIR with respect to the alleged attack and assault on him. He claimed that on his way back home that fateful night, he witnessed four unknown persons assaulting an autorickshaw driver. They then assaulted him, too, and damaged his vehicle. Sharif “asserted that he was an eyewitness to the murderous assault on the person in the auto rickshaw, whose name was revealed to him later as Vilas Mahadevrao Gaikwad.”

The petitioner also stated that it was well within the knowledge of the people of Akola that the deceased was plying the autorickshaw of a Muslim, which bore a sticker with the name “Garib Nawaz”. The appellant stated that under the mistaken identity/belief that the deceased was a Muslim, the four unknown assailants had caused his death and, thereafter, attacked him.

Sharif also told the SC that though an FIR was registered with respect to the murder of the autorickshaw driver, no FIR was registered over the alleged assault on him following which he approached the High Court, which dismissed his plea.

The SC said, “Though the affidavits filed by the police inspector of the Old City Police Station, Akola, tried to attribute motives to the appellant and the same was willingly accepted and acted upon by the High Court, we are not persuaded to agree at this stage. It was for the police to investigate the truth or otherwise of the specific allegations made by the appellant, a 17-year-old boy, who asserted that he was an eyewitness to the murder of Vilas Mahadevrao Gaikwad and was himself assaulted by the very same assailants.”

“If, in fact, the deceased was really murdered under the impression that he belonged to Muslim community and the assailants were not of that community, that was a fact that had to be ascertained after thorough and proper investigation. When the appellant claimed that he could identify one of the four assailants, that claim also required to be followed up with detailed investigation by ascertaining the location of the person so identified at the relevant time through mobile phone location, call data records, etc.,” the court said.

Negligence by the Police

Upset over the lack of progress in a case of alleged murder during the May 2023 communal riots over a social media post in Maharashtra’s Akola, the Supreme Court on Thursday directed setting up of a “a Special Investigation Team (SIT), comprising senior police officers of both Hindu and Muslim communities”.

“It was for the police to investigate the truth or otherwise of the specific allegations made by the appellant, a 17-year-old boy, who asserted that he was an eyewitness to the murder of Vilas Mahadevrao Gaikwad and was himself assaulted by the very same assailants… If, in fact, the deceased was really murdered under the impression that he belonged to Muslim community and the assailants were not of that community, that was a fact that had to be ascertained after thorough and proper investigation,” Justice Kumar pointed out.

The court took a stern view of the Akola SP’s failure to act on Afzal’s complaint, observing that “this conduct on the part of a superior police officer of no less a rank than a Superintendent of Police is indeed a cause for great concern”.

“Law requires, nay, ordains that its sentinels be vigilant, prompt and objective in enforcing and securing its mandate. To what extent the guardians of the law, viz., the police, discharge this task without bias and subjectivity is the question that arises in the case on hand,” the court noted.

SC orders SIT probe

Allowing an appeal by a witness in the case, Mohammad Afzal Mohammad Sharif, a bench of Justices Sanjay Kumar and S C Sharma said, the SC directed the Maharashtra Home Secretary to constitute an SIT comprising senior police officers of “both Hindu and Muslim communities, to undertake an investigation into all the allegations made by the appellant, by registering an FIR in connection with the assault upon him on May 13, 2023, and take appropriate action thereon as warranted”. Significantly, the court also ordered the placing on record of the SIT probe report in three months. The State Home Secretary was also directed to initiate appropriate disciplinary action against erring police officials for their “patent dereliction of duties”.

SC order can be read here.

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The post Akola 2023 targeted violence: Police officers must shed communal colours when they put on their uniforms says Supreme Court appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Though no injuries were reported, violence quickly escalated—resulting in stone pelting, arson, and damage to both private and public property. Police fired tear gas shells to disperse the mob, as reported by The Hindu. Among the damaged property were two cars, a motorcycle that was set on fire, a bakery, and a place of worship, according to Special Inspector General (Kolhapur Range) Sunil Phulari, as reported by The Hindu.

Communal violence

The man whose social media post allegedly triggered the violence was detained by the police, but authorities clarified that he was not originally from Yavat, as per The Indian Express. Preliminary investigations are underway to ascertain whether the individual has links to any organized groups, officials confirmed.

Superintendent of Police (Pune Rural) Sandip Singh Gill told the media that the first alert came in around 12:30 pm on August 1, after which the individual was promptly detained. However, as the post went viral, villagers began assembling outside the Yavat Police Station. While officers engaged with community members in a bid to defuse tensions, violence erupted across multiple localities including Sahakar Nagar, Station Road, and Indira Nagar, where property was vandalised and the accused’s home was torched, according to  Indian Express).

Phulari emphasised that the outbreak was sudden, and that the police will take action not only against local participants but also against outsiders who incited or took part in the violence, as per Indian Express.

Prior tensions and Shivaji Statue vandalism

This incident comes in the wake of earlier unrest. On July 26, a statue of Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj in the village was reportedly vandalised, setting off simmering tensions between communities. The following day, citizens across communities jointly condemned the vandalism, staging peaceful protests, as reported by Hindustan Times. Subsequently, Hindutva groups and BJP leaders organized a rally under the banner of Hindu Jan Akrosh Morcha on August 1 to protest the desecration, according to Indian Express. However, authorities have asserted that the August 2 violence was unrelated to this event. Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis has claimed that, “The meeting held on Thursday [August 1] by the Hindu Jan Akrosh Morcha had no connection with the violence that occurred on Friday. The violence started because an outsider posted a wrong status implying that a priest had committed rape or something of that sort, which caused tension and people came onto the streets”. It is unclear how the said conclusion was reached as the investigation is still underway. According to Hindustan Times, he further remarked, “Some persons keep such objectionable posts just to create tension,” and assured that strict action would be taken against those responsible for such content and the ensuing violence.

Political and police response

Deputy Chief Minister Ajit Pawar, also the guardian minister of Pune district, visited Yavat and confirmed that the situation was under control, with multiple State Reserve Police Force (SRPF) platoons deployed in the area.

Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis addressed the press, stating, “The violence erupted because an outsider posted a wrong status,” and blamed such posts for attempting to deliberately foment unrest. He confirmed that the police had to resort to lathi-charge to quell the disturbances, as per Hindustan Times.

Authorities imposed Section 144 CrPC in Yavat to prevent unlawful gatherings and deployed over 200 personnel and 15 senior officers to maintain peace. Peace appeals were issued by both police and local community leaders, with officer Gill urging residents to report any provocative content to authorities instead of taking matters into their own hands.

FIRs, arrests and ongoing investigation

By Saturday evening, police had registered five First Information Reports (FIRs), including four against more than 500 individuals involved in vandalism and arson. Of these, the identities of over 100 people have been confirmed, and 17 have been taken into custody so far, as per Deccan Herald.

Police have formed three special teams to identify and arrest the remaining suspects. Investigators are relying on CCTV footage, viral videos, and other digital evidence to trace those involved. Over 50 individuals were questioned on Sunday and released after preliminary inquiry, as per Indian Express.

SP Gill reiterated that the preliminary probe has not yet revealed any pre-planned conspiracy, but maintained that “no conclusions can be drawn until the inquiry is completed.”

As of now, commercial establishments have reopened, and the situation in Yavat is under control, but tensions remain palpable in a community that had, until recently, lived in relative harmony.

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The post Communal violence erupts in Yavat, Pune over social media post; 17 arrested, multiple FIRs registered appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Targeted Violence in April and May

In the months of April and May, CJP documented 180 instances of targeted violence against Indian Muslims post the Pahalgam attack. Of these, 77 took place in April, and 103 in May. These spanned from outright cases of murder (3 specific instances, 3 victims) to nearly 99 cases of hate speech (made by politicians, proponents of Hindutva and other individuals and organisations with affiliations to the Hindu-right). The attacks spiked between April 23 and 25 (10, 12 and 18 cases respectively), following a near-steady course of events right through May. The following is a visualisation of this pattern of violence across the month.

Graph representing number of incidences of communal violence in relation to time

CJP is dedicated to finding and bringing to light instances of Hate Speech, so that the bigots propagating these venomous ideas can be unmasked and brought to justice. To learn more about our campaign against hate speech, please become a member. To support our initiatives, please donate now!

These attacks were spread out across India, as demonstrated by this map – although they were majorly spatially concentrated in northern and central India – with Uttar Pradesh, Uttarakhand, Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra and Haryana being the 5 worst offenders – with 29, 28, 22, 21 and 10 instances respectively.

Pie-chart representing the percentage of targeted violence per-state

Many (at least 66 out of 180 incidents had the assailants referring to the Pahalgam attack or accusing the victims of allegiance to Pakistan, thus directly relating it to the same and the state’s narrativisation of the violence – thus bringing up the percentage to 36.66%. This does not obviously include incidents which did not have the perpetrators bringing up the attack or alluding some association to it, although, in most cases one can make the assumption that the spike in attacks is related to the perception of the attack) of these incidents were direct outcomes of the Pahalgam attack, with many of the perpetrators citing it as the reason for the same.

A chilling example would be the video of a man claiming responsibility for the killing of a young Muslim man, who was shot dead near a restaurant located on Shilpgram Road in Tajganj police station area, in Agra, Uttar Pradesh. The man in the video identifies himself as a member of ‘Kshatriya Gauraksha Dal’. “Bharat Mata ki saugandh, 26 ka badla agar 2,600 se na liya toh mei Bharat Mata ka putr nahi, Jai shri Ram, Jai Hindu Rashtra, Bharat Mata ki Jai”, the man is heard saying. The two men have knives and a pistol tucked inside their waist. Reacting to the viral video, Agra Police said, “Regarding the viral video on social media, it is to be informed that no organization named Kshatriya Gau Raksha Dal is working in Agra.”

This recent spike in attacks on India’s religious minorities must be contextualized — there is an establishment of a “new normal”. This systemic violent targeting of India’s Muslims (and Christians) can be traced back to 2014, when a new avatar of the Bharatiya Janata Party assumed control at the centre. The Centre for Study of Society and Secularism writes, “Historically, communal riots often involved groups from two religious communities clashing, with both sides inflicting and suffering losses … However, in recent years, the nature of larger riots has shifted. Instead of clashes between two communities, many significant riots now involve state actions disproportionately targeting the Muslim community. These actions include using bulldozers to demolish properties owned by Muslims, causing significant economic damage. Additionally, the state has slapped cases and implicated the members of the Muslim community, even in instances where they are victims of violence during communal riots. The disproportionate and seemingly one-sided state action has led to social discord, communal consciousness, and polarization. This atmosphere of communal tension has been steadily intensifying over recent years. For instance, the Pew Research Center, a respected research institution, categorized India in 2022 as “very high” on its Social Hostilities Index (SHI), with a score of 9.3. Social hostilities index (SHI) factors in levels of religion-related harassment, mob violence, terrorism, militant activity, and conflicts over religious conversions or the use of religious symbols and attire.” This also tracks with the India Hate Lab report, which stated that there was a 74.4% surge in hate speech in 2024, driven by the BJP, Hindutva outfits, and unchecked social media amplification.

Media, politics, and the act of communalisation

India has noticed a growing entrenchment of the systematisation of communalism and ensuing violence over the last decade. However, this is not a singular event that has stemmed from uniquely specific factors. This is a product of the country’s long history of communal tensions and Hindutva outfits’ responsibility in stoking the fires in ensuring that said tensions evolve into deeper, more dangerous rifts whose brunt is borne by the Muslim civilians in the country. Tanika Sarkar, well-known intellectual and former professor at the Jawaharlal Nehru University – who has written largely on Indian politics, society and religion, told DW, a global news TV program broadcast by German public state-owned international broadcaster Deutsche Welle (DW). “What happens is that war does not immediately translate into violence at home but it translates into very bitter memories and histories and allegations. I don’t know how it is on the Pakistani side, I suppose very much the same thing … In the latest conflict in particular, India’s news channels did not help. Between May 8 and May 10, some of the most viewed channels reported sensational, unverified information which later turned out to be false. That, coupled with messages circulated on WhatsApp, created an environment of fear. This is a situation where you can’t believe or disbelieve anything. And in that situation if you are so minded, then you will start looking at every Muslim with suspicion … Even if these attacks aren’t the norm, they create a psyche of fear in the hearts of every Muslim who lives in India.” CJP has, in a sustained campaign, complained against such media outlets and is pursuing some of these cases with the NBDSA even now.

What Sarkar mentions needs to be highlighted, because Indian news media has attained a near vitriolic status when it comes to war-mongering and proselytizing Islamophobia. TV anchors called for “Israel-like final solutions” and repeatedly attempted to mobilize public opinion against a possible ceasefire. The attitude of the unprofessional conduct of entrenched electronic media channels was a subject matter of comment on international media. Political commentators trying to provide more nuanced takes on the situation at hand were silenced or side-lined. Nupur J. Sharma, editor of OpIndia, tweeted, ““Nobody cares. keep your candles. Keep your apples. Keep your shawls. Keep your Kashmiriyat. Stop the bloody drama,” in response to a candle march held by Kashmiris in condemnation of the attack.

Columnist and political researcher Asim Ali wrote for The Telegraph, “The function of the communally-coded messaging broadcast on news channels is not to ‘reflect’ the anger of the audience, as they claim. It is to create and sustain an angry, communal subject that identifies with the incendiary scripts and is conditioned to demand revenge on a shady ‘Muslim’ enemy as well as its political supporters. It is to reinforce the authority of the political executive even though it has failed to fulfil the substantive demands of the citizenry, now transformed into a passive Hindu audience with its exogenously- seeded communal demands.

Historical Context

Ali writes, “The foundational moment of the present regime can, arguably, be located in the 2002 Gujarat riots where this political experiment of constructing and exorcising a Muslim enemy had been carried out to fruition. That experiment culminated in the re-election of the Modi-led state government over thousands of dead bodies. We have already seen several reports of attacks on Kashmiri students by right-wing vigilantes from different states in the last few days.” Ali connecting Pahalgam to the Gujarat riots is very well-founded, because this chamber of violence is not neo-natal in its construction. It has been tried, tested and perfected over decades of institutionalizing codes of conduct of perpetuating harm towards the Islamic “other”.

To contextualize this further, one could look at the media coverage of the 2002 riots and the differences in its approach. In the Concerned Citizens Tribunal Report, Crimes Against Humanity released in November 2002, the Tribunal noted, “On February 28, the two largest circulation, multiple-edition Gujarati newspapers, Sandesh and  Gujarat Samachar, which are fairly dependent on the state government’s largesse, played up the unsubstantiated official version of there being a ‘foreign hand’ behind the Godhra tragedy. It was only 3-4 weeks later that reports rubbishing this theory began to appear in newspapers. But by that time, the damage had already been done. Sandesh and Gujarat Samachar have been playing a blatantly communal role since the BJP returned to power in Gujarat in 1998. The BJP government’s patronage of these dailies needs to be looked into carefully, so that they do not continue to act as mere government agents. In the recent carnage, too, the role of Sandesh was particularly mischievous, while some smaller circulation newspapers like Gujarat Today, Sadhbhav and Gujarat Mitra acted responsibly.”

A study done by Saifuddin Ahmed titled The Role of the Media during Communal Riots in India points out that national television media coverage of the riots had been “bold and independent” with journalists like Rajdeep Sardesai and Barkha Dutt at Star News repeatedly condemning the victimisation of the Muslims in Gujarat during the riots. Print publications like The Times of India and The Indian Express carried headlines that highlighted the atrocities faced by the Muslim communities. This of course resulted in them receiving a lot of flak from the BJP administration in Gujarat and the centre. According to Ahmed, “The Prime Minister, Atal Bihari Vajpayee, addressed the nation a day after the attacks, regretting the “disgraceful” violence. He later on added that the news media were presenting an “exaggerated” account of the situation in Gujarat. The BJP and the state government under Narendra Modi singled out STAR News and banned cable operators from showing the channel in the state. The viewers in Ahmedabad, one of the worst affected regions in the riots, were left with blank television screens, unaware of the reality happening on the streets. Cable operators received calls from local officials in Ahmedabad and other cities to completely blackout STAR News, Zee News, CNN and Aaj Tak. Dossiers and “hitlists” on journalists were reportedly prepared while the channels which dared to reveal the truth and were critical of the Chief Minister and his plan of actions were not invited to the press conferences and hence were denied the basic right to information by the state itself.”

One sees this model amplified in its worst possible form with – whose control is currently concentrated in the hands of corporate conglomerates with firm affiliations to the Indian state apparatus. This facilitation of the development of a monolithic opinion that centralizes hate is strengthened by the hostile crackdown on independent media outlets covering communal hatred and opposing the regime’s machinery. Over the course of the last month, the websites of multiple independent news media platforms such as that of The Wire, Maktoob Media, have been blocked by the government. One could also think of the temporarily blocking of the X account of Anuradha Bhasin, editor of Kashmir Times. In the last few years, the Indian government has zeroed down on completely dismantling press freedom by revoking non-profit status from independent news media outlets, routinely charging journalists with sedition and terrorism – and even monitoring them with the Israeli spyware, Pegasus. One must also remember, that several of the most powerful accused of the Gujarat riots have been released, and now roam free, having escaped through loopholes and intentional pardoning.

This however does not absolve less powerful or non-media actors of their role in furthering the bile of “revenge”. Al Jazeera found almost 20 songs that built on Hindutva-aligning sentiments that were meant to be incendiary. While H-Pop (Hindutva Pop) with a high degree of hate content has been a visible phenomenon over the past decade, Caravan and CJP have analysed these, Pahalgam gave this new hate music market a new focus and twist. All of these songs infiltrated into the timelines of Indian social media users, with outright calls for Hindus to identify the “traitors within the country”. At the same time, politicians and members of the Hindu right continued with the single focus agenda which is to lace every issue, every speech with its own peculiar dose of targeted hate.

According to our data, there were over 100 instances of hate speeches in the country. Here is an example, on May 5, in Bankura, West Bengal BJP MP Saumitra Khan, while submitting a memorandum demanding the deportation of alleged Pakistani nationals residing in the state, “urged Hindus to sell their land and houses only to fellow Hindus. He alleged that once their children move away and they pass away, Rohingyas would eventually occupy their homes”. In another instance, on May 4, BJP MLA Ravinder Singh Negi, “speaking at a religious event in a temple, claimed that Muslims train their children to become extremists in madrasas instead of providing them with proper education. He questioned why Hindus could not raise their children as extremists in temples. He also invoked the Pahalgam attack and dog-whistled for a boycott of those he described as ‘traitors’ within the country.”

One often sees politicians attributing the rise in communalism to the populace, rather than the multiple perpetrators of the same. Here, we could think of the concept of Astroturfing — which “is the deceptive practice of hiding the sponsors of an orchestrated message or organization (e.g., political, economic, advertising, religious, or public relations) to make it appear as though it originates from, and is supported by, unsolicited grassroots participants.” This could simply be translated to this: it is a process where a top-down method of dissemination is falsely recognised or propagated as a bottom-up one. If we were to integrate this conceptual framework with what Nalin Mehta writes in Modi and the Camera: The Politics of Television in the 2002 Gujarat Riots — “For our purpose, John B. Thompson’s notion of ‘mediated communication’, where he taps into the hermeneutic tradition to postulate that individuals are not passive recipients of symbolic messages from the communication media, is also pertinent. Messages from the mass media are received in settings spatially and temporally remote from the original context of production and the recipient’s own assumptions and expectations regulate how they are interpreted and appropriated,” – we would understand why things are the way they happen to be.

Responses

The institutional / state response to most of these hate crimes have not been very appropriate, with an observable systemic apathy in the nature of action taken by the administration / police forces. Most Chief Ministers of the states in question have not addressed the rising  tensions within their respective states, instead focusing on urging for befitting replies and prices that need to be paid. The police have been no better, in most cases being entirely absent from the scenes of violence, in others being complicit in institutional violence.

Graph representing the response of police in respective cases of hate crimes

Out of 180 data entries that were made situations where it was
Unclear if there was a case filed: 135 cases
Institutional Violence: 7 cases
Appropriate / Immediate police action: 15 cases
Definitively no case filed: 6
Police took action that harmed the Muslim victim: 17 cases

Out of the 39 cases that had clear police involvement, 53% or 24 of those cases were ones where the police were complicit outright. The other thing to be mentioned here is in all the cases where we are dealing with unclear police involvement, we are unsure whether no case has been filed or whether attempts were made and then rejected.

The worst affected, however, have been Kashmiris and Kashmiri Muslims, in particular. Following the Pahalgam attack, surveillance has intensified in Kashmir. According to Kashmir Times, “In the aftermath of the Pahalgam terror attack, security forces have launched extensive operations across Kashmir, demolishing about a dozen houses using explosives and conducting widespread searches and detentions. At least 1500 people are said to have been detained. The demolitions have occurred in multiple districts including Pulwama, Shopian, Anantnag, Kupwara, and Bandipora”.  There have been multiple incidents of Kashmiri students being harassed in other states, creating an almost paranoid sense of hypervigilance among these individuals. Kashmiri businessmen have also found themselves in trouble, where selling their wares has become near-impossible within the current climate.

Mirza Waheed, writer born in Srinagar, Kashmir, wrote for The Guardian, “Kashmiris have never wanted to be a bone of contention between the two states; they have paid a staggeringly steep price for this 75-year relationship of attrition. Internally, Kashmir has never really been normal, despite the narrative push and despite the appearance of normality, scripted elsewhere and executed on the ground through a security-administrative complex. Underneath the quiet, there is growing resentment at what Kashmiris see as their incremental and cumulative dispossession and disempowerment, in the form of new domicile and land laws, and in the absence of any real representational politics. Human rights activists, journalists and politicians remain in jail under harsh anti-terror laws. Nobody is allowed to speak; surveillance is probably at its highest since the start of the armed insurgency in the late 1980s; a previously independent and robust press has almost entirely been forced into a supine, compliant role. Most accounts from Kashmir speak of suppressed anger at the growing powerlessness and the humiliating deprivation of agency. Many Kashmiris talk about dham, a quiet, bruising suffocation, with no space to breathe. That all this is fertile ground for militancy is hardly a surprise, whether local or Pakistan-sponsored.”

All seems to remain unwell, in the land of what has turned out to be the homeland of misdiagnosed glory and gore.

(The legal research team of CJP consists of lawyers and interns; this graphic visualisation report has been worked on by Saptaparma Samajdar)

Sources

1. https://m.thewire.in/article/media/communalisation-pahalgam-reinforcing-anti-muslim-sentiment
2. https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2025/4/29/traitors-hate-filled-songs-target-indian-muslims-after-kashmir-attack
3. https://muslimmirror.com/right-wing-media-channels-peddle-anti-muslim-narratives-after-pahalgam-attack/
4. https://www.deccanherald.com/india/uttarakhand/uttarakhand-cm-condemns-terror-attack-in-jks-pahalgam-3505295
5. https://www.reuters.com/article/world/kashmir-domicile-law-raises-fears-of-losing-land-culture-idUSKCN24T007/
6. https://www.amnesty.org.uk/blogs/country-specialists/five-years-silence-and-struggle-kashmir
7. https://article-14.com/post/-what-did-i-do-after-pahalgam-attack-kashmiri-students-in-at-least-4-northern-states-face-intimidation-threats-isolation–680b16d1a8d53
8. https://www.thehindu.com/education/pahalgam-attack-casts-a-shadow-over-jammu-and-kashmir-students-outside-state/article69531760.ece
9. https://www.dw.com/en/india-pakistan-conflict-risks-deepening-religious-tensions/a-72529635
10. https://sci-hub.se/https://doi.org/10.1080/00856400601031989
11. https://www.hrw.org/news/2022/05/03/india-media-freedom-under-threat#:~:text=Amid%20growing%20restrictions%20on%20media,spyware%20Pegasus%20to%20target%20journalists.
12. https://cjp.org.in/role-of-the-media-how-hate-was-spread-in-2002-in-gujarat/

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However, the arrest failed to pacify public outrage. By Wednesday night (April 30), around 9:30 PM, a group of men gathered near the market area where the accused had an office and began targeting businesses owned by members of the Muslim community. Videos later circulated on social media showed shops being vandalised, staffers slapped, and stones hurled at a nearby mosque. Several shops and eateries were damaged, and incidents of assault were reported. Though police intervened to de-escalate the situation, their response was widely seen as inadequate.

Right-wing outrage targets Muslim businesses in retaliatory fury

Fuelled by the accusation against the elderly Muslim man, Hindu nationalist organisations swiftly mobilised, broadening their focus from the individual to the entire Muslim community in Nainital. These groups, often operating under the banner of protecting Hindu interests, engaged in a campaign of collective punishment. Their actions extended beyond mere condemnation of the alleged crime, manifesting in direct attacks on Muslim-owned businesses and the physical assault of Muslim individuals.

Despite the prompt arrest of the accused and the completion of the minor’s medical examination – steps indicating the legal process was underway – these right-wing outfits continued their aggressive actions. Their demands often included handing over the accused to their custody, bypassing the judicial system entirely, and further inflamed the communal tensions by propagating a narrative of collective guilt and demanding discriminatory actions against the Muslim population of Nainital

Public reaction escalates into mob violence

The violence on Wednesday night appeared to be part of a broader, emotionally charged backlash. Despite assurances from law enforcement that the accused had been arrested and was facing severe charges, a large crowd moved through the central town area, launching coordinated attacks. Most of the affected establishments belonged to Muslims, heightening communal tensions. Shopkeepers and local residents described the scene as chaotic, with shutters broken, staff beaten, and customers fleeing. Among the worst affected was Monish Jalal, a restaurant owner in Gadi Padaw, who condemned the assault on his livelihood, saying, “We want justice for the girl, but what connection do we have with the accused?” reported the Times of India.

Others, like Bimla Devi, a senior resident running a family tea stall since the British era, described the damage to her stall as “complete destruction.” Both expressed dismay at the lack of timely police action and called for justice — both for the victim and for innocent business owners caught in the crossfire, as reported

Against the tide: Hindu woman stands up for Muslim community

In a striking display of moral courage amidst the rising communal frenzy, a Hindu woman emerged as an unexpected beacon of reason. As a rally of Hindu nationalist supporters marched through Nainital, their chants laced with anti-Muslim slogans in response to the alleged sexual assault, she bravely stepped forward to confront them. Her act was a powerful testament to shared humanity, as she challenged the very premise of their collective blame and the injustice of targeting the entire Muslim community for the alleged actions of one individual. Undeterred by the charged atmosphere and the potential for backlash, she directly rebuked the mob for their indiscriminate attacks on innocent Muslim shopkeepers, emphasising their lack of connection to the alleged crime.

Furthermore, she vocally condemned the abusive and derogatory language employed during the rally.

BJP leader threatened Muslim food vendors

In a video that quickly circulated on social media, BJP leader Vipin Pandey openly threatened to Muslim food vendors, insisting that their shop names must explicitly reflect their Muslim identity. Pandey warned that if the vendors failed to comply within a day, they would face physical assault. The remarks have drawn sharp criticism from various quarters, with many calling them inflammatory and divisive.

Civil society groups and political opponents have condemned the threat as a blatant attempt to stoke communal tensions and marginalise minority communities.

Meanwhile, local authorities have yet to take official action, prompting concerns over law enforcement’s response to hate speech and intimidation.

Political and community demands mount

The unrest prompted swift political and administrative responses. A group of residents submitted a memorandum to Kumaon Commissioner Deepak Rawat, making wide-ranging demands. These included a comprehensive verification of all “outsiders,” especially those belonging to the minority community working as tenants, daily wage earners, or small business owners. They also demanded the seizure of the accused’s property as a deterrent, an inquiry into property acquisitions by individuals from the minority community in commercial areas, and the establishment of a monitoring committee to oversee regional activity.

The memorandum also called for prioritising employment opportunities for local youth, and for Nainital to be declared a “sensitive cultural zone,” complete with special policy safeguards to preserve the town’s heritage and demography.

Administrative response: crackdown on encroachments and security measures

District Magistrate Vandana took immediate administrative action by appointing magistrates to sensitive locations, including the market and mosque premises. She instructed the Nainital District Development Authority to resume its anti-encroachment drive and ordered the completion of pending hearings on illegal constructions within 15 days. On Thursday, authorities carried out marking operations at multiple locations in the city, issuing 150 challans — 100 by the Municipal Council and 50 by the Development Authority — for unauthorised structures, encroachments on public infrastructure, and unapproved construction, according to the Indian Express.

Additionally, a notice was served to the accused, stating that his property was illegal and granting him three days to present his case before further legal action. Police presence was bolstered in sensitive zones, especially around religious sites, ahead of Friday prayers. The district also increased surveillance and verification of taxis, rental services, and roadside vendors to ensure tourist safety amid the turmoil.

Strikes, closures, and tourist disruption

According to reports, the violence and growing unrest had immediate consequences for daily life in Nainital. Schools remained shut on Thursday, and traders in the town centre observed a strike, partly enforced by local right-wing organisations. Amandeep Singh, general secretary of the Nainital Vyapar Mandal, said the strike symbolised collective anger at the crime, while also noting that food arrangements were made for stranded tourists. Police checkpoints were established along major roads, and tourists reported a curfew-like atmosphere, with most shops and restaurants closed.

“The tourism business has been severely affected,” said Nainital Hotel Association President Digvijay Singh Bisht, as Indian Express reported.

Local lawyers boycott case, demand inquiry into Nainital’s changing demographics

The case also resonated within the legal community. In a strong display of protest, district court lawyers unanimously decided to withdraw legal representation from the accused. Advocate Daya Joshi stated that the local bar had also requested an investigation into the recent influx of residents in Nainital. “No lawyer from our bar council will represent this man.”

Similarly, as the Indian Express reported that Protesters have demanded strict punishment for the accused, including the confiscation of their property. They also called for thorough verification drives targeting outsiders—particularly tenants and temporary workers from a specific community—and the identification and deportation of any foreign nationals residing illegally.

Muslim organisations submitted a memorandum to DGP

Simultaneously, Muslim organisations reacted strongly to the targeted violence. In a memorandum to DGP Deepam Seth in Dehradun, they condemned both the heinous crime against the minor and the subsequent attacks on innocent community members. “We too want justice for the girl,” said Naeem Qureshi, president of the Muslim Seva Sangathan. “But the collective punishment of unrelated individuals through violence and arson is unacceptable” as reported in the Times of India.

Uttarakhand High Court takes suo moto action

Taking cognizance of the volatile situation, the Uttarakhand High Court initiated suo moto proceedings. During the hearing, government counsel J.S. Virk informed the bench that heightened security measures were in place, including vehicle checks at key entry points into Nainital — Haldwani, Bhavali, and Kaladhungi. The court, comprising Justices Manoj Kumar Tiwari and Vivek Bharti Sharma, directed authorities to maintain strict law and order, prohibit large gatherings, and monitor social media to prevent misinformation and incitement.

As reported, the bench emphasised the importance of sustained patrolling to ensure that similar unrest does not spread or recur in other sensitive regions like Haldwani. It also called on citizens to cooperate with the administration to restore peace and communal harmony.

Related:

Uttarakhand High Court orders security, condemns hate speech over Uttarkashi Mosque

Stop using politics of hate to hide failure to protect women and their rights: Open Letter to Uttarakhand Govt

Religious hate finds a stage at Dehradun Press Club, event on “how to save women from jihadis” organised

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Nagpur is a habitus where Dr B. R. Ambedkar launched his meditative anti-thesis of Navayana Buddhism, a counter-revolution against the Brahmanical forces. Using his Rhetorical technique, he chose Nagpur, having a rich history, legacy of Naga tribes, the original inhabitants of this country, who adopted, enacted and spread Buddha’s Dhamma based on liberty, equality, and fraternity. This principled Dhamma, he hoped, would be socialised and gradually absorbed by the state apparatus. My answer to Nagpur’s performative violence will be answered using the Vitanda of Nyaya Philosophy. The anatomy of these riots using this framework shall be analysed in three paradigms: textual habitus, power and its manifestations, and Sarvajanik Enlightenment.

Textual Habitus.

Brian Stock has formulated a concept of textual community. Here, textual communities are a part of the textual habitus governed by the centripetal force of Brahmanical texts. These texts are normalised using the ideological and government-state apparatus. Using this force, the ideological apparatus of RSS in Nagpur and its mimesis in the form of State apparatus are trying to revive the spirit of Brahmanical rule, engendering gender and caste-graded inequalities masked in divinity. The empirical framework shows the commercialisation of religion, the creation of spectacle in the form of the Kumbh Mela, the Machiavellian use of Religion as a performance, its feeding as opium by Hon. Prime Minister and his coterie, the suppression of the democratic spaces for dissent of an individual, snatching her freedom and rights guaranteed by the Constitution of India, is being manufactured-normalised. This textual habitus socialises the youth in its orthodox Brahmanical discourse, whose chief purpose is resurrection, reinstituting Brahmanical hegemony. Rather than addressing the existential crisis engulfing the youth and economy, their energies are being diverted to instituting Brahamanical Hindutva, which later, as per Matsya Nyaya, shall swallow them also. To sum up, this textual habitus is a counter-revolution against the civility of the Constitution of India, taking it towards catastrophic homogeneity.

Power, its manifestations.

Steven Lukes describes power as an ideology manifesting in decision and non-decision-making. This raises a powerful question regarding power- who sets the discourse? The natural answer to these riots is the Brahmanical institution of RSS in Nagpur. Dr Ambedkar pointed out these phallocentric tactics of violence using these dogmatic texts. In the name of philosophy, he says these holy texts perpetuate and propagate war. The ideological power instituted in Nagpur sets these parochial dogmatic discourses of- othering the Muslims, segregating them as good and evil, forcing them to accept secondary citizenship, the lynching of Dalits, etc. in the name of religion. The Satyashodhak Movement and writings by Mahatma Jotirao Phule countered this power of Brahmanical textuality, which Dr. Ambedkar carried to its zenith. To cite a few instances, one can examine how these Brahmanical texts portray Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj. The attempts to rescue this Janata Raja were made by Mahatma Phule, Dr Ambedkar, and Comrade Govind Pansare. Their texts help to question this hegemonic power, exposing this Brahmanical project. They question the authority and legitimacy of these texts, thus devoiding them of their sanctity and attacking their infallibility. So, the Shudras-Atishudras and Economically marginalised people need to understand the cunningness of this Brahmanical strategy, promising them moksha, satiating their masculine dignity by bestowing them the titles of defenders of Hindutva. It is a typical psychological modus-vivendi of the Manuvadi ideological hegemons of Nagpur.

Sarvajanik Enlightenment

To understand the hermeneutics of these riots, I use the principles of the Sarvajanik Enlightenment. I derive this framework from two masters- Mahatma Jotirao Phule and Bertolt Brecht. Using the Brechtian concept of Verfremdungseffekt- distancing myself emotionally and understanding the factors of production of these riots. I foreground my Brechtian epic theatre of the Sarvajan public sphere. Creating this public sphere must be a protracted effort by the intellectual class. This intellectual class, organic intellectuals, must emerge from their ivory towers and democratise intellectualism in the spirit of Satyashodhak modernity. As popularly portrayed, Enlightenment is not just empiricism or rationality, but as per Blaise Pascal, it consists of two core factors, i.e. Customs and Inspiration. Thinking on these two paradigms and their dialectics, the Shudra-Atishudra-Economically marginalised need to educate themselves, and the task falls on the shoulders of organic intellectuals. These Brahmanical hegemons initiated riots, but their children were/are never a part of these staged events. They focus on foreign education; they are dipped in luxury and head the powerful institutions of the state and non-state using their social-cultural-economic and political capital.

Whereas the Shudras-Atishudras, economically marginalised, face the backlash of the State, get entangled in court cases, face poverty, stigmatisation, and moral-psychological guilt for their entire lifetimes. The classic example of handling such an event in this Sarvajanik Enlightened paradigm was practised by Dr B. R. Ambedkar during Mahad Satyagraha in 1927. The upper caste(s) of Mahad brutally attacked the Dalits on the orders of Brahmanical hegemons. Dr Ambedkar advised the Dalits not to respond violently. He was enlightened to understand that if Dalits attacked, they would play into the trap set by the Brahmanical hegemons. The Dalits had physical strength, but the repercussions later would be catastrophic as they lacked economic-political and social capital to tackle the Brahmanical judicial system. Later, Dr Ambedkar won the court case using his intellectual might not via violent fights.

Thus, the anatomy of the riots is what I had tried to understand by its hermeneutical reading of the event of Nagpur, understanding the communal bio politics that thrives on the graded inequalities of religion, gender and caste(s). In contrast, the Shudras-Atishudras-Economically marginalised are the resources used for their discourse; when their utility is over, they too shall be disposed of. Beware!

The author is a senior research scholar, IIT-Delhi

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As per media reports, the conflict reportedly started as the procession was winding down and participants were returning to their homes. At this moment, a group allegedly attempted to hoist a saffron flag, a symbolic gesture that has often sparked controversy when displayed in sensitive areas. The situation was further inflamed by the shouting of “Jai Shree Ram” slogans, which led to a dispute between the two communities present.

FIR filed against Bajrang Dal: provoking religious sentiments

As tensions rose, a formal complaint was filed by members of the Muslim community, leading the Mumbai Police to file an FIR against 8 to 10 individuals associated with Bajrang Dal for allegedly inciting religious sentiments. According to the complaint, the procession and subsequent actions, including the flag hoisting and chanting of slogans, were seen as deliberate attempts to provoke the Muslim community. Police have launched an investigation, although no arrests have been made yet, as per a report in News 24.

However, Bajrang Dal has warned of protests in response to the police’s handling of the matter, claiming that the police have acted unfairly. This has further complicated an already sensitive situation in Malad, where religious and cultural identities have become points of friction.

Video evidence: reports of false allegations against Muslim boys

Adding to the controversy, a CCTV footage from the incident surfaced on social media, showing an exchange between two young men. In the video, a Muslim boy wearing a black t-shirt is seen trying to protect another boy, dressed in orange clothes, from a confrontation. However, some individuals present in the footage attempted to create an issue by falsely alleging that the Muslim boy was involved in violence. The police have charged him with attempted murder, despite the video clearly showing him acting defensively. This has raised questions about the accuracy of the charges and whether the police investigation is being influenced by external pressures.

The CCTV video can be seen here:

Background: The impact of recent tensions in Mumbai

The altercation in Malad follows a series of similar incidents that have stoked communal issues in Mumbai and its surrounding areas. Notably, the violence in Nagpur has been cited as a precursor to these events. Protests by right-wing organisations in Mumbai regarding the removal of Aurangzeb’s tomb led to widespread rumours. These rumours claimed that protestors had burned a sheet with verses from the Quran, a claim that has been widely disputed. However, these rumours led to violent clashes in Nagpur’s Mahal area, with stone-pelting incidents resulting in the injury of 33 people, including police officers, and the tragic death of one young man.

This context of heightened communal sensitivity has further complicated the situation in Malad, where the Malad East incident appears to be part of a broader pattern of religiously charged confrontations.

Earlier incident: alleged assault on Bajrang Dal activists by Police

In an earlier incident in Mumbai, six police officers were transferred from their positions after being accused of assaulting two Bajrang Dal activists. The activists had gone to the Vakola Police Station to file an FIR alleging that a member of a particular community had molested a minor girl in Santacruz East. However, the activists claimed that, instead of receiving assistance, they were forcefully taken to a police detection room, where they were brutally assaulted by police officers, Indian Express reported.

The allegations sparked protests by Bajrang Dal and Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) activists, who demanded action against the accused officers. Following an internal inquiry, the police department transferred six officers, including an assistant inspector and four constables, to a side posting in the Naigaon local arms division as provisional punishment. A departmental inquiry has also been initiated against the officers involved.

The events in Malad, alongside previous clashes and ongoing religious tensions, underscore the delicate nature of communal relations in some areas of Mumbai. As the investigation unfolds, the possibility of further unrest looms, with both religious communities and authorities caught in a growing cycle of tension.

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