Annual Message to Congress, December 1, 1862

To the living we owe respect, but to the dead we owe only the truth: Voltaire

‘The best defence is a good offence’

PM Modi – the Pracharak who became Prime Minister – was clearly guided by this adage popular in warfare, games, business and even politics, to get his party’s lack lustre election campaign going. A campaign in which he is still struggling to create a narrative in its favour.

What he miserably missed –despite his deep knowledge of what his followers like to call ‘entire political science’ —is a simple bit of advice repeated ad nauseum by thinking people : An ill thought and ill prepared offence can lead you to a mess of your own making.

The idea behind looking for a ‘Muslim League imprint’ to paste on the Manifesto of India’s main opposition party, the Congress, has proved to be one such occasion.

Neither he nor his plethora of advisers and strategists could have imagined that the use of this time tested “M” trump card, would boomerang on them. Questions are now being asked about the ‘Parivar’s’ own ideological ancestry, what they did during the historic anti-colonial movement or especially its peak the ‘Quit India movement’

The battle of ideologies, as the unfolding elections are being portrayed / understood,  on the Congress manifesto was joined by none other than the 81 year young President of the Congress Party Mallikarjun Kharge. Questioning Modi’s search for League imprint on the manifesto Kharge called it Modi’s normal style of distraction when his party finds itself nervous in confronting the electorate. Through the backlash to this speech, what got highlighted was those very points that the Hindutva brigade either like to forget or gloss over.

Kharge’s factual retort veered around four-five points:

One, how his ‘ideological ancestors’ supported British and Muslim League against Indians;

Two, how they opposed Mahatma Gandhi’s call for ‘Quit India’ in 1942, which was a movement chaired by Maulana Azad;

Three, how Shyama Prasad Mukherjee, the then President of Hindu Mahasabha – who was anointed to this post after Savarkar – led his party to form governments in Bengal, Sindh and the North-West Frontier Province in the 1940s in coalition with the Muslim League

Four, Quit India movement – when thousands of Indians were in jail or had gone underground to continue the struggle against Britishers and hundreds had died fighting their peaceful struggle against the colonialists , neither Hindu Mahasabha nor Muslim League joined the struggle. In fact, Shyama Prasad Mukherjee was then advising the then British governor about how the Quit India movement of 1942 can be ‘combated’ and how the Congress should be suppressed? And for this, he said that ‘Indians have to trust the British?”

Fifth, more importantly, Savarkar – who is still revered among Hindutva circles, was campaigning for Hindus to join the British military during its war efforts. His call was ‘Militarise Hindus, Hinduise the Nation’

Looking back at these facts given that this issue involves key ideologues of the Hindutva stream – who are still held in high esteem by their cheerleaders – it would be worthwhile to take a detailed look at each of these ‘big names’

We will discuss briefly the case of Vinayak Damodar Savarkar, (May 28, 1883 – February 26, 1966), freedom fighter turned Hindutva ideologue, author of ‘Hindutva’ – which is considered essential reading in Hindutva circles – a trendsetter among them, Shyamaprasad Mukherjee, once his deputy in the Hindu Mahasabha who later joined the RSS inspired Bharatiya Jan Sangh and also Golwalkar, the second Supremo of RSS.

Turning Muslims into Second Class Citizens?

A detailed interview of a political leader or thinker when society is in turmoil can be very revealing.

A seasoned American war correspondent, Tom Treanor spoke with Savarkar in a longish interview, in 1944. An extract of this interview –when he was perhaps the only Hindu political leader to not be in jail as in the aftermath of the historic Quit India movement —is revealing. This interview was later postthumously published in his book ‘One Damn Thing After Another: The Adventures of an Innocent Man Trapped Between Public Relations and the Axis‘. Extracts of Savarkar’s interview during that period were published by a webmagazine ‘Dailyo’.[1]

The interview emphasises two things:

One, Savarkar’s vision for an independent India

Two, his increasing isolation in the galaxy of leaders.

Looking at the fact that India’s independence was around the corner and every great leader of the anti-colonial struggle was in jail, – here was Savarkar envisaging treating religious minorities as a second class citizens and if they do not submit to this plan then even initiating a ‘civil war’.

“How do you plan to treat the Mohammedans?”

Tom Treanor asked Savarkar this question without much introduction.

“As a minority,..in the position of your Negroes” replied Savarkar.

Continuing the conversation the reporter asked:

“And if the Mohammedans succeed in seceding and set up their own country?”

“As in your country,” said the old man, waggling a menacing finger. “There will be civil war.”

It was not difficult to understand why he was not put in jail when every big, small leader or activist was in jail or had to go underground. Thanks to his unsolicited help to the British in their war efforts- Savarkar had no qualms in running a campaign in different parts of United India, meetings at which he asked Hindu Youth to join the (British) military.

His slogan was ‘Militarise Hindus, Hinduise the Nation’

This was symptomatic of not just his deep hatred for the Muslims but also his belief that if Hindus join the military in large numbers, it will help/ establish his vision of Hindu Rashtra – where Muslims could be compelled to lead lives as second class citizens – when and after Britishers leave.

Interviewer Tom Treanor could easily foresee how Savarkar was buttressing Jinnah’s case.

If Savarkar has his way, the Mohammedans will get what is known in the trade as sweet damn-all. It’s the sort of attitude which makes Mr Jinnah argue for Pakistan, which is the plan to allow the Mohammedans to secede from the Hindus. [2]

What is interesting to note that despite the fact that Hindu Mahasabha was sharing power with Muslim League and few other parties to run provincial governments in Bengal and North West province, and despite his services to the British empire asking Hindu youth to join British army, for the Britishers also he was a ‘spent force.’

A G Noorani, constitutional expert and political commentator, in his book ‘Savarkar and Hindutva’ shares details of the minutes of the then Head of the Political Department in the India Office named John Percival Gibson. According to the minutes of August 1, 1944 that ‘he did not consider it necessary to acknowledge’ a cable Savarkar had sent to the Secretary of State for India, Leopald S Amery on July 26, 1944 which claimed that the Mahasabha was ‘the only all-India representative body of Hindus’. (Page 92)

Noorani notes that Savarkar adopted the same tactics normally adopted by fading politicians – to remain in the news – which comprised of not only issuing regular statements to the Press but see to it that they are more and more rabid. [3]

With the arrival of independence and newly independent India’s embarking on a path of inclusive development rather increased his isolation and his dream of ushering into a Hindu Nation lied completely shattered.

Hitler’s Fan Club in Colonial India

Hitler’s fan club in colonial India, had many big names on the list.

Savarkar was one of them.

Born on May 28, 1883, to a Marathi Brahmin family, Savarkar was attracted towards anti British movements and was even instrumental in establishing the Abhinav Bharat Society (Young India) drawing inspiration from Mazzini’s ‘Young Italy’ in school days. He went to England to study law where he got further involved in radical political activities. Inspired by the 1857 uprising against Britishers and with an aim to communicate its aims to the dormant masses he even a wrote a book in Marathi titled ‘The Indian War of Independence of 1857’ which talked in glowing terms about the Hindu Muslim unity displayed during this War. Looking at its ‘explosive content’ the government immediately proscribed the book but despite this the book went into many editions, was translated in English and other languages.

Dedicated to the ‘Martyrs of 1857’ the list of heroes included in the book had names like Mangal Pandey, Rani Laxmi Bai, Nana Saheb, Maulvi Ahmed Shah, Azimullah Khan, Tatia Tope, Bahadurshah Zafar, Begum Hazrat Mahal and many others.

Later, he was arrested for instigating radical/violent activities in London as well as his connections to similar activities back home in India and was sentenced to two transportations of life and sent to the Cellular Jail in Andamans. It appears that the tough life in the jail – which was endured by other prisoners without any compromise – broke his spirit and he sent petitions to the British government for early release. A G Noorani in his book ‘Savarkar and Hindutva‘ provides details of this episode in his life.

One is surprised to find that a leader of his stature whose heroic deeds in the prime of his youth for the cause of freedom struggle had electrified the nation had started sending letters of apology and demanding amnesty after being sent to Andamans as part of his punishment for life imprisonment. He even disregarded the fact that an All India Defence Committee had already come up for his release and the Congress Party then had urgently taken up his case before the British regime. But as the book ‘Penal Settlement in Andamans’ by Mr R.C. Mazumdar  vividly demonstrates, he was really so de-moralised with the tough conditions existing there that he promised to serve the government in any capacity in exchange of his release.

After a long time British government conceded to his request and sent him home, put restrictions on him, asked him to not to participate in political activities. He was finally released when there were provincial elections in India in late 30s and Congress party led government came to power in the then Mumbai province.

One can clearly see two phases in his life:

First phase which lasted till few years after he was transported for life to Andamans – when he was all for Hindu Muslim unity.

Second phase, where he emphasised Hindu Unity and propounded the theory of Hindu Nation.

His transformation was so complete that he is considered a ‘pioneer’ theoretician of the Hindutva movement.

Coming back to Hitler, although reports of Hitler’s crimes against humanity were then common knowledge but Savarkar was all praise for him. For example, he had endorsed the persecution of Jews in Germany, noting

“Germany has every right to resort to Nazism and Italy to Fascism and events have justified that those isms and forms of governments were imperative and beneficial to them under the conditions that obtained there.”

Or in a speech delivered in 1940 (after the Second World War had commenced), he said:

There is no reason to suppose that Hitler must be a human monster because he passes off as a Nazi or Churchill is a demigod because he calls himself a Democrat. Nazism proved undeniably the savior of Germany under the set of circumstances Germany was placed in.

This fascination for Hitler was so overpowering that he even publicly attacked Nehru for his opposition to Hitler and had no qualms in hailing the way Hitler treated the Jews. In fact, he was drawing lessons for India, and was of the firm opinion that Muslims of India could be treated in the same manner as the Jews in Germany.

A look at the history of Hindu Mahasabha, which he headed then, tells us how he justified the ethnic cleansing of Jews and wanted to repeat the feat here. A spokesman of the Hindu Mahasabha – the organisation which he headed then – had openly claimed (March 25, 1939) that ‘Germany’s crusade against the enemies of Aryan culture will bring all the Aryan nations of the World to their senses and awaken the Indian Hindus for the restoration of their lost glory’

For a ‘policy of responsive cooperation’ with Britishers

Trajectory of Savarkar’s one time deputy Shyama Prasad Mukherjee was not qualitatively different.

Born in 1901, Shyamaprasad Mukherjee started his political career in 1929 and became a member of the Bengal Legislative Council. He joined the Hindu Mahasabha in 1939 to espouse the cause of the Hindus in India and was a close associate of Savarkar. He was the opposition leader in the state when a coalition government led by Krishak Praja Party – Muslim League coalition was in power 1937-41. Later he joined the Ministry headed by Fazlul Haq as a Finance Minister and continued sharing power during the tumultuous times of the ‘Quit India’ movement when the Britishers faced mortal challenge to their rule. The experiment to share power with Muslim League by the Hindu Mahasabha then was not limited to Bengal alone, it extended to  Sind and as well as NWFP (North West Frontier Province) and was part of a conscious policy adopted by the Hindu Mahasabha.

Prof Shamsul Islam, in his well researched book ‘Religious Dimensions of Indian Nationalism : A Study of RSS’[4] sheds light on this unique experiment when ‘[H]indu Mahasabha and the Muslim League had a coalition government in the North Western Frontier Province (NWFP) also.’ (Page 313) He quotes Baxter:

‘In the Frontier, Sardar Aurangzeb Khan formed a ministry which combined Muslim Leaguers, Sikh Akalis and Mahasabhaites, and placed the Congress led by Dr Khan Sahib temporarily in the opposition. The Mahasabha member of the Cabinet was Finance Minister Mehar Chand Khanna.’[5]

As a close associate of Savarkar, Shyama Prasad Mukherjee, who later became President of Hindu Mahasabha in 1944, was a party to all these decisions and had no qualms in British efforts to suppress people’s movement against the British rule. In his book ‘History of Modern Bengal’ Ramesh Chandra Mazumdar provides details of his letter to the then Bengal Governor on suggesting measures against the Quit India Movement. According to him

“[S]hyam Prasad ended the letter with a discussion of the mass movement organised by the Congress. He expressed the apprehension that the movement would create internal disorder and will endanger internal security during the war by exciting popular feeling and he opined that any government in power has to suppress it, but that according to him could not be done only by persecution…. In that letter he mentioned item wise the steps to be taken for dealing with the situation …. “[6]

He was clearly of the opinion that

..Anybody, who during the war, plans to stir up mass feeling, resulting internal disturbances or insecurity, must be resisted by any Government that may function for the time being”[7]

He even promised the British government that the government led by them would make every effort to suppress the movement in Bengal. :

“The question is how to combat this movement (Quit India) in Bengal? The administration of the province should be carried on in such a manner that in spite of the best efforts of the Congress, this movement will fail to take root in the province. It should be possible for us, especially responsible Ministers, to be able to tell the public that the freedom for which the Congress has started the movement, already belongs to the representatives of the people. In some spheres it might be limited during the emergency. Indian have to trust the British, not for the sake for Britain, not for any advantage that the British might gain, but for the maintenance of the defense and freedom of the province itself. You, as Governor, will function as the constitutional head of the province and will be guided entirely on the advice of your Minister. [8]

Hate as Harmony!

The discussion about Modi-Shah’s ‘ideological ancestors’ would remain incomplete without RSS’s Second Supremo, M.S. Golwalkar.

It would be worthwhile to emphasise how keen he was that the cadres of RSS do not join the independence movement; or, how his world view regarding Muslims, Christians and other religious minorities was not at all different from that of Savarkar; or, how he was similarly inspired by the ethnic cleansing of Jews in German and thought of imitating such experiments against the ‘other’ etc,[9]

Perhaps it would be useful to know how in his first theoretical contributions for Hindutva’s cause that appeared as a pamphlet titled We or Our Nationhood Defined (1938) he was clear and straightforward in his appreciation of the ‘ethnic cleansing’ of Jews by Hitler and such an unashamed proponent of the submergence of ‘foreign races’ in the Hindu race that later-day RSS leaders have tried to dilute association of Golwalkar with this book. [They have tried their best to create the impression that the booklet was not written by Golwalkar; that it was a mere translation of Rashtra Meemansa by Babarao Savarkar.]

One can also discuss his second book ‘Bunch of Thoughts, which talks of Muslims, Christians and Communists as ‘internal threats’ to the imagine Hindu Rashtra. The chapter on ‘Internal Threats’, which has three subsections titled Muslims, Christians and Communists, begins like this:

“It has been the tragic lesson of the history of many a country in the world that the hostile elements within the country pose a far greater menace to national security that aggressors from outside. Unfortunately, this first lesson of national security has been the one thing which has been consistently ignored in our country ever since the British left this land (sic).”

The book has also made equally controversial statements on the Indian Constitution as well as on affirmative action and denigrates the independence struggle and its heroic participants.

One can go on enumerating instances highlighting the ideological limitations of the Golwalkar-ian project which acted as a hindrance to the building of modern India. It is clear to any impartial observer that the way he tried to divide a wedge between the broad unity of the Indian people on the basis of religion, the way he lauded experiments in ethnic cleansing in Western Europe and the way he glorified Manusmriti till his end, demonstrate that his project was essentially inimical to the cause of social harmony.

It is a different matter that despite espousing a sectarian agenda the Golwalkar-ian project of remaking of Indian society continued to move ahead, albeit slowly. The “success” of the Golwalkar-ian project in winning over a chunk of our society to its side, definitely demands a separate treatment beyond this note.

Not that the Sangh has ever had second thoughts about his vision, rather they have continued to show their adherence to it by organising the “successful experiment” in Gujarat in 2002 or how the CAA-NPR-NRC triad represented the culmination of Golwalkar and RSS’ vision. The only problem they have is in the presentation of the vision. Looking at his controversial pronouncements from time to time on various issues of social-political concern and his transcending of the ‘calculated ambiguity’ on many occasions—a hallmark of the organisation which he built—it is not surprising that he has always come under a barrage of attacks from all those who opposed the Hindutva project.

The best strategy seems to be to disremember him in public and fully implement his essence in practice.[10]

[1] https://www.dailyo.in/politics/tom-treanor-vd-savarkar-mahatma-gandhi-hitler-nationalist-hindu-mahasabha-20207

[2] https://www.dailyo.in/politics/tom-treanor-vd-savarkar-mahatma-gandhi-hitler-nationalist-hindu-mahasabha-20207

[3] https://www.dailyo.in/politics/tom-treanor-vd-savarkar-mahatma-gandhi-hitler-nationalist-hindu-mahasabha-20207

[4] Media House, Delhi 2006

[5] Craig Baxter, Jan Sangh, The Biography of a Indian Political Party’ Philadelphia : University of Pennysylvania Press, 1969, Page 20

[6] History of Modern Bengal’ Ramesh Chandra Mazumdar Part II, Page 350-351

[7] History of Modern Bengal’ Ramesh Chandra Mazumdar Part II, Page 350-351

[8] A G Noorani (2020), The RSS and The BJP : A Division of Labour, Leftword Books, Page 56

[9] https://www.countercurrents.org/comm-gatade150806.htm ; https://countercurrents.org/2022/11/repackaging-golwalker-for-our-times/

[10] 8 https://www.newsclick.in/Modi-Sangh-Parivar-Want-Disremember-Golwalkar

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Rarely do voters believe the promises made in party manifestos, and even more unlikely is it that the detailed promises outlined in the manifesto ensure victory to a party. The absence of a level playing field in the upcoming Lok Sabha elections that the Congress faces should not have –normally –rattled the top brass of the BJP, leading their star campaigner to so sharply comment upon the manifesto of the Congress. Why has the BJP not been able to ignore it? Does the BJP –in any way– fear defeat?

The Congress manifesto is a bold and brave document, except on one count, Personal Laws of the Religious Minorities. The Personal Laws need significant reforms, and in their present un-reformed form militate against gender justice. Especially since majority Muslim countries have in fact implemented significantly some of these reforms (Pakistan, Bangladesh, Arab and African countries). Thus, by not committing to reform in the personal laws, the Congress manifesto 2024 appears to regress, even go back to the 1980s. The Congress must not forget that it was this moment which provided lot of fodder to the resurgence of Hindutva. (The Congress Manifesto does include the following: “The Congress will encourage reform of personal laws. Such reform must be undertaken with the participation and consent of the communities concerned.”-Editors)

It is also common knowledge that the Congress is at its weakest ever especially faced with a weak organization in most parts of the country. It is also extremely resource-starved both in terms of funds and workers. Besides, several promising leaders have deserted the party in recent times.

Given the degree of heightened communal polarisation, particularly in the Hindi belt, and the deep anti-Muslim hatred this polarization has generated, a party reiterating its Pluralist and Secular character and openly challenging the crony capitalism of the dispensation, signals a bold, refreshing stance. The Congress is in fact stoically and courageously assert its core historical ideology. Certain political scientists (Suhas Palshikar being one of these) often say that a political party in deep crisis reverts back to its core ideology to revive itself. May be, the Congress has learnt this lesson and has jettisoned its soft majoritarianism to a significant extent.

The Congress (in its manifesto) has defined its priorities quite clearly. Equity and Social Justice is on the top of its agenda in the manifesto. Youth Unemployment, Distress of Traders caused by the GST, Farmers’ Distress, Ruination of the Micro, Small and Medium Enterprises (MSMEs)with sudden and total Demonetisation, Crimes against Women, Deprivation, Persecutio and Marginalization of the SCs, STs, Minorities, Hijacking of Institutions by the dispensation are some of the highlights emphasised right at the beginning of the manifesto. “Climate of Fear, Intimidation and Hatred” is a concern highlighted without hesitation. Democracy or Authoritarianism, Freedom or Fear, Prosperity for All or Wealth for a Few, Justice or Injustice, are the serious issues flagged before the electorate. [1]

An exclusive segment on the Religious and Linguistic Minorities in the Manifesto reminds us of the “resolution adopted in the 1906 Calcutta Congress that each province organise at its capital a Provincial Congress Committee in such manner as may be determined at a meeting of the Provincial Conference or at a special meeting held for the purpose, of representatives of different districts in the province”. Bal Gangadhar Tilak (1856-1920) is said to have insisted on this aspect. This was further reiterated at the Nagpur session (1920).[2]

The most clear and bold aspect of the manifesto is its’ promise to conduct a nation-wide Socio-Economic and Caste Census to Enumerate the Castes and Sub-Castes and their Socio-Economic conditions. Based on the data, the agenda for affirmative action will be strengthened. Significantly, the Congress has guaranteed that it will pass a constitutional amendment to raise the 50 per cent cap on reservations for SC, ST and OBC. The reservation of 10 per cent in jobs and educational institutions for Economically Weaker Sections (EWS) will be implemented for all castes and communities without discrimination. Importantly, all the backlog vacancies in posts reserved for SC, ST and OBC within a period of one year. The Congress will abolish the contractualisation of regular jobs in the government and public sector enterprises and ensure regularisation of such appointments.

Promises of legislating the Rohith Vemula Act to protect the SC students (ill enact a law with reference to Article 15(5) of the Constitution to provide for reservation in private educational institutions for SC, ST and OBC), of Establishment of a Diversity Commission to ensure representation of all segments in public spaces and employment, implementing the Renke Commission (The Manmohan Cabinet in its meeting held on 30 January 2014 had approved the establishment of a National Commission for De-notified, Nomadic and Semi-Nomadic Tribes-NCDNT- for a period of three years and framing of an appropriate scheme for grant of Pre and Post matric Scholarships and Construction of Hostels for DNT students), are some of the egalitarian and socialistic measures to empower the oppressed and marginalized segments, which might have seriously rattled the BJP. Theseit has dubbed the pro-poor provisions with Left influence (in the Congress manifesto). The promises of establishing Village Councils and Autonomous District Councils are the steps towards rectifying Regional Imbalance. Senior Citizens, Disabled and LGBTQ communities have got significant space. Right to Health, residential schools at Block/Tehsil levels, are also most appreciable promises.[3]

Removal of Economic Inequalities and Transition to a Socialist form of Society were stated as the two major objectives of Congress since at least 1929.

Defending the Constitution and Reversing the Damage

Two significant points of emphasis are contained in the two sections entitled “Defending the Constitution” and “Reversing the Damage.”

From de-criminalising the offence of defamation, to uphold the people’s right to assemble peacefully and without arms; to review and repeal laws that have affected free press and privacy the manifesto goes further. It assur4es its voters to repeal weaponised and unconstitutional laws. “All laws that interfere with personal freedoms will be repealed.”  The Msnifesto promises to strengthen the Election Commission of India and other statutory bodies and ensure that Parliament is accountable to the people.

But what is it that prompted the Prime Minister to malign this manifesto by likening it with an imprint of Muslim League?

One can only make an intelligent guess. This author is someone who has been teaching postgraduate courses in modern & contemporary Indian history for the last 25 years or so. Modesty apart, I have a keen understanding –more than the non-specialist Indian electorate–of why PM Modi has made this reference to the All India Muslim League (AIML).

The kind of egalitarian pursuit as promised or envisaged in the INC Manifesto 2024, is at complete odds or in opposition to what a reactionary force like the AIML could ever have envisaged. Every student of Indian history and every Indian with a common sense (or understanding) of history knows this well. Since the Congress envisaged its socialist goals from the Karachi Session (1931) onwards, culminating into the Faizpur Agrarian Programme (1936), the Muslim League got seriously alarmed. Having been routed in the 1937 elections, the landlords of the respective religious denominations started running towards the AIML and AIHMS (All India Hindu Maha Sabha). From 1938 onwards, the two organisations grew strong and hysterical. During the Quit India Movement (1942), after the Congress leaders were jailed, both these reactionary organisations had a field day and were shamelessly encouraged by the British colonial state pushing India fast towards Partition. Jinnah and Savarkar gained unprecedented strength. Savarkar was no longer confined to Ratnagiri by the colonial state.

The Interim government of 1946 (formed in September), had its finance minister from the AIML. He was Liaqat Ali Khan (1895-1951), succeeding John Mathai (1886-1959) in November 1946.

Hence, this author finds no such similarity between the All India Muslim League (AIML) of pre-1947 and the Indian National Congress (INC) Manifesto 2024. Moreover, even in the 1940s, it was AIHMS which had formed coalition govt with AIML in Bengal, NWFP, and Sindh.

Raghabendra Chattopadhyay’s essay (1998), (the author is not a huge sympathiser of the Congress, writes:

“The leaders of the Congress now came out in public to denounce the Budget as a ‘clever device’ for discrediting the party by giving a ‘most unpractical turn to both the Congress demands; that is, those for Governmental action against profiteering and tax evasion’. Liaquat’s taxation measures, they argued, ‘would have impoverished all rich men and done permanent damage to Commerce and Industry’. Congress leaders like Patel and Rajagopalachari were violently opposed to the Budget and felt that Liaquat was ‘more concerned to harass industrialists and businessmen than to serve the interests of the country’. They even charged that the Budget was based on communal considerations motivated to harm the members of the business community, the majority of whom were Hindus”.

This quotation makes it amply clear that the Congress was critical of the 1946 Budget of the AIML. Nehru, notwithstanding his socialist convictions, was particularly critical of it in the FICCI meeting that followed soon after.

So why then did the PM Modi liken the Congress manifesto 2024 with the AIML? Liaquat’s new taxes were directed against big business and other excessively wealthy people. “The [1946] Budget [had] really stirred up the entire business community, Indian and British, who were soon up in arms against Liaquat. Stock exchanges in Calcutta, Bombay and Madras were indefinitely in protest against the tax proposals. The big houses, and the Press under their control, denounced the Budget ‘murderous one’ intended to destroy the economy by choking business activities in the country”.

Likening the Congress with the AIML is strange because it is the AIHMS had formed coalition governments with the Muslim League in Bengal, NWFP and Sindh in the early 1940s.

Thus, in all probability, PM Modi appears seriously worried of the Congress attack against crony capitalism which has been wreaking havoc against the poor and middle class Indians since 2014. That is only reason, why PM appears so rattled. Why otherwise does the BJP simply not ignore the Congress manifesto, if the BJP is really so very confident of achieving its target of over 400 seats in the Lok Sabha?

Of course, a lot will depend upon how the common electorates would respond to the debate on this particular remark. Afflicted with communal polarisation, particularly the north Indian electorates are less likely to devote a cool-headed look into the Congress manifesto and the PM’s odious comparison of it with the Muslim League. Let’s watch to see if the ordinary voter will have the last laugh or the Adanis and the Ambanis will emerge victorious at the cost of the Indian? The Electoral Bond Scam, or extortion, has already exposed the deep nexus nexus. Will a 400 plus Lok Sabha of BJP ensure India a pluralist democracy? Or, we shall have moved over to the electoral autocracy (Putin’s Russia style, or the Israel model of bi-national state system with graded citizenship)?

Both the voters (electorates) and institutions (Election Commission) are under watch. What do they have in store for the future of India!

[1] From the Manifesto: “Our greatest concern was the prevailing ‘climate of fear, intimidation and hatred’. In the last five years, every section of the people has lived in fear; laws and investigating agencies have been weaponised to intimidate people; and through its words and actions the BJP and its affiliates have spread hatred among people belonging to different religious, language and caste groups.”

[2] On Religious and Linguistic Minorities: “The Party will respect and uphold the fundamental right to practice one’s faith and the rights guaranteed to religious minorities under Articles 15, 16, 25, 26, 28, 29 and 30 of the Constitution. The Party will also respect and uphold the rights of linguis- tic minorities guaranteed under Articles 15, 16, 29 and 30 of the Constitution. ..”The Party e will encourage and assist students and youth belonging to the minorities to take full advantage of the growing opportunities in education, employment, business, services, sports, arts and other fields. The economic empowerment of minorities is a necessary step for India to realise its full potential. We will ensure that banks will provide institutional credit to minorities without discrimination. The Congress Party will ensure that the minorities receive their fair share of opportunities in education, healthcare, public employment, public works contracts, skill development, sports and cultural activities without discrimination. Congress will ensure that, like every citizen, minorities have the freedom of choice of dress, food, language and personal laws. The Congress will encourage reform of personal laws. Such reform must be undertaken with the participation and consent of the communities concerned.

[3] Other aspects in the Congress Manifesto released on April “The Congress will include in the curriculum of schools the life and work of social reformers to spread the message of social justice. The Congress will establish Ambedkar Bhavans-cum-Libraries in every district to promote the habit of reading and discussion. The Party will pass a law authorising allocation of resourc- es for the Scheduled Caste Sub Plan and Tribal Sub Plan within the annual budget and monitoring the execution of the plans. 15. Congress will end the evil of manual scavenging. Every manual scavenger will be rehabilitated, re-skilled, provided a job and assured a life of dignity and safety. The Prohibition of Manual Scavenging Act, 2013, will be strictly implemented and any person employing anyone for manual scavenging shall be punished. We will provide compensation of 30 lakh to families of sanita- tion workers.”(safai karamcharis) deceased while at work. We will allocate sufficient funds to enable the procurement of machines that will clean sewers and septic tanks, and remove human waste. Free insurance will be provided to all sanitation worker

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YouTube allows content containing false and incendiary information about India’s elections: report

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The leading national political parties’ manifestos differ on how to address these issues. IndiaSpend examines the manifestos of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), the Indian National Congress (Congress) and the Communist Party of India (Marxist) (CPI-M) to compare how they propose to address these issues, as well as foreign relations, infrastructure and health.
 

Source: Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), the Indian National Congress (Congress) and the Communist Party of India (Marxist)

Joblessness
The BJP proposes to promote infrastructure development as a means to create jobs. The Congress focuses on interventions such as filling up vacant government posts, and expanding social infrastructure such as health and education services to create more jobs. In rural areas, the Congress promises to increase the number of days employment provided under the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme (MGNREGS) from 100 to 150 in districts and blocks where 100 days of employment have been achieved. The CPI-M, on the other hand, promises an unemployment allowance, removing the halt on government recruitment, and providing 200 days of work under MGNREGS.

Farm crisis
The BJP is planning on continuing its schemes such as the Pradhan Mantri Kisan Samman Nidhi Yojana and the Pradhan Mantri Fasal Bima Yojana. Both the Congress and CPI-M have promised to eliminate the Fasal Bima Yojana in its present form, as both parties claim that the scheme has benefitted insurance companies more than the farmers.

The Congress promises that it will revamp the scheme, and also promises an all-round loan waiver. The Congress has made specific promises to recognise the ownership and tenancy rights of women farmers so they can benefit from agriculture schemes. It also promises a special ‘Kisan Budget’ to address the crisis in agriculture.

The CPI-M promises loan waivers and that it will enforce the increases in Minimum Support Prices (MSP) to cover full costs including family labour, land rent and so on, and provide a return of at least 50% above costs, as per the recommendation of the National Commission on Farmers chaired by eminent agricultural scientist MS Swaminathan.

National security
The BJP has reiterated its policy of zero tolerance towards terrorism and speeding up of defence purchases. It has also promised to continue to carry out the ‘Make in India’ defence programme, which it hopes will also create jobs.

Meanwhile, the Congress focuses on increased defence spending and developing domestic capability to develop weapons and other equipment. The party has also expanded the purview of national security to include data security, cyber security, financial security and communication security.

Both parties have also promised to ensure the welfare of the armed forces under the wider ambit of national security, with the BJP promising that armed forces personnel will be provided resettlement facilities before three years of retirement, under which they can learn soft skills, and get financial support for higher education, housing and starting an enterprise.

The Congress has promised that it will set up a committee to draft new service rules for the personnel of the Central Armed Police Forces and increase the representation of women to achieve a minimum of 33% in the force strength of the Central Industrial Security Force, Central Reserve Police Force and Border Security Force.

Health
Health features prominently in all parties’ manifestos.

The Congress has promised to raise health spending to 3% of the gross domestic product (GDP) by 2023-24 if elected, and to introduce a Right to Health for all citizens. The Congress has also said that the insurance-based model “cannot be the preferred model to provide universal healthcare”, and has promised to “promote and implement the free public hospitals-model”, and strengthen primary healthcare systems.

Echoes of this approach are found in the CPI-M manifesto as well.

The Congress has also promised that not only will it ensure payment dues to Accredited Social Health Activist and anganwadi workers (community health worker instituted by the government of India’s ministry of health and family welfare, and ministry of women and child development) but will also hire two ASHAs for each village with a population larger than 2,500.

The BJP will continue to support the health insurance scheme, Ayushman Bharat Yojana or National Health Protection Scheme. The party has also promised that it will embark on a mass movement under the National Nutrition Mission and also roll out a special mission to eliminate tuberculosis from India by 2025.

Special focus areas

BJP
The ruling party has promised that it will explore all possibilities within the framework of the Constitution and all necessary efforts to facilitate the expeditious construction of a Ram Temple in Ayodhya.

The party will also “undertake every effort to ensure that the subject of faith, tradition and worship rituals related to Sabarimala are presented in a comprehensive manner before the Hon’ble Supreme Court”. It will secure constitutional protection on issues related to faith and belief.

The BJP has reiterated its stand on Article 370–which gives autonomous status to the state of Jammu & Kashmir (J&K)–saying it is committed to annulling Article 35A of the Constitution of India that empowers the J&K legislature to confer privileges to permanent residents. The BJP manifesto argues that this provision discriminates against non-permanent residents and the women of J&K who lose privileges if they marry non-permanent residents.

“We believe that Article 35A is an obstacle in the development of the state,” the manifesto states, adding, “We will make all efforts to ensure the safe return of Kashmiri Pandits and we will provide financial assistance for the resettlement of refugees from West Pakistan, Pakistan occupied Jammu and Kashmir (POJK) and Chhamb.”

It also promises a Uniform Civil Code, particularly as a means to achieve gender parity.

The promise in the party’s 2014 manifesto to increase spending on education to 6% of GDP by 2019 does not feature in the current manifesto. The 2014 promise to build an All India Institute of Medical Sciences (AIIMS) in every state also finds no mention, instead of which the party promises to ensure that there is one medical college for every three parliamentary constituencies.

The 2014 manifesto promise of dedicated women Industrial Training Institutes and small manufacturing enterprises in every district is also absent from the 2019 manifesto.

The 2014 manifesto had promised a ban on foreign direct investment (FDI) in retail, which was upturned when the government allowed 100% FDI in single-brand retail in 2014. The current manifesto promises creation of welfare board for small traders.

Congress
The Congress will get investigated several deals entered into by the BJP government in the last five years, in particular the Rafale deal.

The party will introduce a ‘Diversity Index’ to assess and ensure diversity in all government bodies, semi-government agencies, public sector enterprises and other public bodies.

It also promises to pass an ‘Anti-Discrimination Law’ to prohibit discrimination on the basis of religion, caste, gender or language in the supply of goods and services made available to the general public, such as housing, hostels, hotels and clubs.

The party will introduce a ‘Nyuntam Aay Yojana’ (NYAY) to ensure an income of Rs 72,000 a year to the 50 million families that constitute the poorest 20% families in India in order to eliminate abject poverty by 2030. The money will be transferred into the bank account of a woman in the family.

Newer issues
The Congress and the CPI-M have introduced some issues in their manifestos that are not featured in the BJP’s or any other parties’ manifestos.

LGBT rights
The Congress promises to ensure the effective implementation of the ruling in the Navtej Singh Johar case as the next steps are towards legalising same-sex marriage. If voted to power, the Congress promises to immediately withdraw the Transgender Bill of 2018 that is pending in Parliament. Instead, it aims to introduce a Bill consistent with the judgment in the case in order to protect lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer, intersex and asexual (LGBTQIA) rights.
The CPI-M has also promised legal recognition and protection to same-sex couples similar to marriage–a ‘civil union’, ’same-sex-partnership’–through legislation on the lines of the Special Marriage Act 1954. This aims to ensure that partners can be listed as dependents for the purposes of inheritance, alimony, etc. Legislation will also ensure that crimes against LGBT persons are treated on par with crimes against non-LGBT persons. The BJP manifesto has no mention of these groups.

Workers’ rights
The Congress will ensure that notified minimum wages are paid to workers in the unorganised sector. It will ratify ILO (International Labour Organization) Convention 87 (Freedom of Association) and ILO Convention 98 (Right to Organise and Collective Bargaining).

The Street Vendors (Protection of Livelihood and Regulation of Street Vending) Act, 2014, will be implemented.

The CPI-M has also promised to discourage contractualisation and casualisation of work through stringent implementation of the Contract Labour (Regulation And Abolition) Act; payment of equal wages and benefits to contract workers and regular workers who do the same and similar work; and stopping outsourcing and contractorisation of jobs of a permanent and perennial nature.

Protecting the media and battling fake news
The Congress will pass a law to curb monopolies in the media, cross-ownership of different segments of the media and control of the media by other business organisations. It will work with state governments to formulate rules to require the police to extend protection to journalists working in conflict areas or investigating matters of public interest and to journalists whose lives are threatened or otherwise in danger. It will amend the Press Council of India Act to empower the council to deal with fake news and paid news.

Revoking Aadhaar?
The Congress promises to amend the Aadhaar Act of 2016 to restrict the use of Aadhaar to subsidies, benefits and services provided by the government as was originally intended under the law.

The CPI-M has said it will scrap Aadhaar and biometric verification for all social welfare measures, and will delink Aadhaar for the public distribution system (PDS is a government-sponsored chain of shops entrusted with the work of distributing basic food and non-food commodities to the needy sections of the society at subsidised prices).

Scrapping laws
Both the Congress and the CPI-M have promised to remove or amend certain laws that they say have been used to quell opposition.

Both parties have promised to omit Section 499 of the Indian Penal Code and make ‘defamation’ a civil offence; and to omit Section 124A of the Indian Penal Code that defines the offence of ‘sedition’.
The parties also propose to amend the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act, 1958. The Congress manifesto states it will amend the laws that allow for detention without trial “in order to bring them in accord with the spirit, and not just the letter, of the Constitution as well as International Human Rights Conventions”.

The Congress has also promised to pass a Prevention of Torture Act to prohibit the use of third-degree methods during custody or interrogation and to punish cases of torture, brutality and other police excesses.

(Salve is a senior analyst with IndiaSpend.)

Courtesy: India Spend
 

The post Party Manifestos Differ On Dealing With Farm Crisis, National Security, Jobs appeared first on SabrangIndia.

As the BJP tries to hold on to its 2014 electoral fortunes, it increasingly seems to be resorting to divisive and hateful language. But for a Chief Minister to compare the opposition to a terrorist organisation that is alleged to have been behind the worst terrorist attack in Kashmir is hitting a new low. But it is not surprising given that the Prime Minister himself has been pandering to majoritarianism in his election speeches. (Economic Times)

By exploiting a national tragedy and using divisive rhetoric for petty electoral gains, leaders like Devendra Fadnavis are threatening the very foundation of a democratic nation like India. Such comments only lower the prestige of a constitutional post like that of a Chief Minister and bring to question the ability of those who occupy it.
 
 

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