In contrast to Ahmedabad, the crime data for other cities–Rajkot, Surat, and Vadodara–showed significantly fewer crimes compared to Ahmedabad. MM Mehta, ex-police commissioner, said that Ahmeda

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The claim of Uttar Pradesh’s Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath that he had made UP a ‘crime free’ state fell on its face on Thursday evening when a 38-year-old journalist was shot dead in Kanpur. Naveen Gupta, a journalist working with Hindi daily Hindustan, was shot dead by three bikers in Bilhaur area of Kanpur.

According to Superintendent of Police (rural) JP Singh, police has filed cases against unidentified assailants and has rounded up few suspects for questioning and investigation. The incident was recorded at 5.30 pm when Naveen was sitting near a shop in Bilhaur Nagar Palika. According to the police version, three attackers approached Naveen on two bikes and opened fire at him. Principal secretary (information) Awanish Awasthi informed media in Lucknow that CM Yogi Adityanath has expressed condolence and ordered DGP Sulkhan Singh to carry out the investigation in the case.

Naveen succumbed to injuries and died on his way to the hospital. He was declared ‘brought dead’ at the hospital. According to the SP JP Singh, the police is talking with the family members of Naveen to find out the motive behind the killing. The incident comes as a blot on the CM Yogi Adityanath who made a remark on Tuesday about investments in the state. He claimed to have sent criminals to their “right place” after coming into the state’s power.

In the latest world press freedom rankings, India was ranked at 136 among 180 countries. The ranking, released in April, marked “nationalism” and “self-censorship” among the media outlets behind the such a low place for India.
 

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Data on violent incidents in the US reveal that focus on Islamist extremism since 9/11 may be misguided

A woman holds a flag as she looks out over the National Sept. 11 Memorial and Museum. REUTERS/Lucas Jackson

On a Tuesday morning in September 2001, the American experience with terrorism was fundamentally altered. Two thousand, nine hundred and ninety-six people were murdered in New York, Virginia and Pennsylvania. Thousands more, including many first responders, lost their lives to health complications from working at or being near Ground Zero.

The 9/11 attacks were perpetrated by Islamist extremists, resulting in nearly 18 times more deaths than America’s second most devastating terrorist attack – the Oklahoma City bombing. More than any other terrorist event in U.S. history, 9/11 drives Americans’ perspectives on who and what ideologies are associated with violent extremism.

But focusing solely on Islamist extremism when investigating, researching and developing counterterrorism policies goes against what the numbers tell us. Far-right extremism also poses a significant threat to the lives and well-being of Americans. This risk is often ignored or underestimated because of the devastating impact of the 9/11 terrorist attacks.

We have spent more than 10 years collecting and analyzing empirical data that show us how these ideologies vary in important ways that can inform policy decisions. Our conclusion is that a “one size fits all” approach to countering violent extremism may not be effective.

By the numbers

Historically, the U.S. has been home to adherents of many types of extremist ideologies. The two current most prominent threats are motivated by Islamist extremism and far-right extremism.

To help assess these threats, the Department of Homeland Security and recently the Department of Justice have funded the Extremist Crime Database to collect data on crimes committed by ideologically motivated extremists in the United States. The results of our analyses are published in peer-reviewed journals and on the website for the National Consortium for the Study of Terrorism & Responses to Terrorism.

The ECDB includes data on ideologically motivated homicides committed by both Islamist extremists and far-right extremists going back more than 25 years.

Between 1990 and 2014, the ECDB has identified 38 homicide events motivated by Islamist extremism that killed 62 people. When you include 9/11, those numbers jump dramatically to 39 homicide events and 3,058 killed.

The database also identified 177 homicide events motivated by far-right extremism, with 245 killed. And when you include the Oklahoma City bombing, it rises to 178 homicide events and 413 killed.

Although our data for 2015 through 2017 are still being verified, we counted five homicide events perpetrated by Islamist extremists that resulted in the murders of 74 people. This includes the Pulse nightclub massacre in Orlando, which killed 49 people. In the same time period, there were eight homicide events committed by far-right extremists that killed 27 people.

These data reveal that far-right extremists tend to be more active in committing homicides, yet Islamist extremists tend to be more deadly.

Our research has also identified violent Islamist extremist plots against 272 targets that were either foiled or failed between 2001 and 2014. We are in the process of compiling similar data on far-right plots. Although data collection is only about 50 percent complete, we have already identified 213 far-right targets from the same time period.

The locations of violent extremist activity also differ by ideology. Our data show that between 1990 and 2014, most Islamist extremist attacks occurred in the South (56.5 percent), and most far-right extremist attacks occurred in the West (34.7 percent). Both forms of violence were least likely to occur in the Midwest, with only three incidents committed by Islamist extremists (4.8 percent) and 33 events committed by far-right extremists (13.5 percent).

Targets of violence also vary across the two ideologies. For example, 63 percent of the Islamist extremism victims were targeted for no apparent reason. They just happened to be in the wrong place at the wrong time, often visiting symbolic locations or crowded venues such as the World Trade Center or military installations.

In contrast, 53 percent of victims killed by far-right extremists were targeted for their actual or perceived race or ethnicity. Far-right extremists, such as neo-Nazis, skinheads and white supremacists, often target religious, racial and ethnic, and sexual orientation and gender identity minorities.

Motives and methods

There are also differences in violent extremists across demographics, motives and methods. For instance, data show that guns were the weapon of choice in approximately 73 percent of Islamist extremist homicides and in only 63 percent of far-right extremist homicides. We attribute these differences to far-right extremists using more personal forms of violence, such as beating or stabbing victims to death.

We have also found that suicide missions are not unique to Islamist extremists.

From 1990 to 2014, we identified three suicide missions in which at least one person was killed connected to Islamist extremism, including the 9/11 attacks as one event. In contrast, there were 15 suicide missions committed by far-right extremists.

Our analyses found that compared to Islamist extremists, far-right extremists were significantly more likely to be economically deprived, have served in the military and have a higher level of commitment to their ideology. Far-right extremists were also significantly more likely to be less educated, single, young and to have participated in training by a group associated with their extremist ideology.

Threat to law enforcement and military

Terrorists associated with Islamist and far-right extremist ideologies do not only attack civilians. They also pose a deadly threat to law enforcement and military personnel. During the Sept. 11, 2001 terrorist attacks, 72 law enforcement officers and 55 military personnel were killed by members of Al-Qaida. On April 19, 1995, 13 law enforcement officers and four military personnel were killed when the Alfred P. Murrah Federal Building was bombed by an anti-government far-right extremist in Oklahoma City.

Outside of these two events, Islamist extremists are responsible for the murders of 18 military personnel in three incidents, and seven law enforcement officers were killed in five incidents between 1990 and 2015. Far-right extremists have murdered 57 law enforcement officers in 46 incidents, but have never directly targeted military personnel.

Far-right extremists, who typically harbor anti-government sentiments, have a higher likelihood of escalating routine law enforcement contacts into fatal encounters. These homicides pose unique challenges to local law enforcement officers who are disproportionately targeted by the far right.

Moving forward

The events of 9/11 will continue to skew both our real and perceived risks of violent extremism in the United States. To focus solely on Islamist extremism is to ignore the murders perpetrated by the extreme far right and their place in a constantly changing threat environment.

Some have even warned that there is potential for collaboration between these extremist movements. Our own survey research suggests this is a concern of law enforcement.

Focusing on national counterterrorism efforts against both Islamist and far-right extremism acknowledges that there are differences between these two violent movements.

Focusing solely on one, while ignoring the other, will increase the risk of domestic terrorism and future acts of violence.

Both ideologies continue to pose real, unique threats to all Americans. Evidence shows far-right violent extremism poses a particular threat to law enforcement and racial, ethnic, religious and other minorities. Islamist violent extremism is a specific danger to military members, law enforcement, certain minorities and society at large. It remains imperative to support policies, programs and research aimed at countering all forms of violent extremism.

(This story is republished from The Conversation. The original story may be read here).

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यही हो रहा है नेशनल क्राइम रिकॉर्ड ब्यूरो की 2015 की रिपोर्ट के साथ। इसमें फिलहाल उत्तर प्रदेश की समाजवादी पार्टी की सरकार निशाने पर है, तो आंकड़ों को संख्या के लिहाज से पेश किया जा रहा है, न कि आबादी के अनुपात के हिसाब से। बीस करोड़ से ऊपर की आबादी वाले राज्य में अगर दो करोड़ की आबादी वाले राज्य के बराबर भी अपराध हुए हों तो कायदे से बड़े राज्य की कानून-व्यवस्था अच्छी कही जानी चाहिए, लेकिन ये तब हो सकता है जब अपराधों को दर और आबादी के अनुपात में पेश किया जाए, जो कि नहीं होता।

नेशनल क्राइम रिकॉर्ड ब्यूरो की 2015 की रिपोर्ट ने साबित कर दिया है कि बलात्कार, हत्या, महिलाओं-बच्चियों की तस्करी और अन्य अपराधों में उत्तर प्रदेश और बिहार को बदनाम करना गलत है, जबकि मध्य प्रदेश, गुजरात, महाराष्ट्र, हरियाणा, छत्तीसगढ़ जैसे भाजपाशासित राज्य ही सबसे आगे हैं। कमोबेश यही स्थिति 2014 और उसके पहले भी रही है।

2015 की एनसीआरबी की रिपोर्ट के आंकड़ों को भी जनसंख्या से अलग हटकर केवल संख्यात्मक रूप से दिखाकर ये साबित किया जाता है कि उत्तर प्रदेश में अपराध ज्यादा हैं। इस बात की अनदेखी की जाती है कि उत्तर प्रदेश की आबादी 20 करोड़ से ज्यादा है, जबकि महाराष्ट्र की करीब साढ़े 11 करोड़, बिहार की साढ़े दस करोड़, मध्य प्रदेश की सवा 7 करोड़, राजस्थान की 6 करोड़ 86 लाख, गुजरात की 6 करोड़, आंध्र प्रदेश की 5 करोड़, छत्तीसगढ़-हरियाणा की ढाई-ढाई करोड़ ही है।

आगे हम ये दिखाने की कोशिश करेंगे कि समाज के सबसे कमजोर तबके के रूप में प्रचारित दलितों पर होने वाले अपराधों की राष्ट्रीय स्तर पर क्या स्थिति है, और भाजपाशासित तथा अन्य राज्यों के मुकाबले उत्तर प्रदेश और बिहार की क्या स्थिति है।

एनसीआरबी की 2015 की रिपोर्ट के मुताबिक 2015 में दलितों पर हुए कुल अपराधों की संख्या 45,003 है। यह संख्या 2013 में 39,408 और 2014 में 47,064 थी।

आबादी के हिसाब से 2015 में प्रति एक लाख की दलित आबादी पर घटित अपराधों की राष्ट्रीय दर 22.3 रही, जबकि राजस्थान में यह दर 57.2, आंधप्रदेश में 52.3, गोवा में 51.1, बिहार में 38.9, मध्य प्रदेश में 36.9, ओडीशा में 32.1, छत्तीसगढ़ में 31.04, तेलंगाना में 30.9, गुजरात में 25.7, केरल में 24.7 रही। उत्तर प्रदेश में यह दर राष्ट्रीय औसत से भी कम यानी 20.2 रही।

इससे स्पष्ट होता है कि भाजपा के शासन वाले प्रदेशों में दलित अत्याचारों में बहुत बढ़ोतरी हो रही है और यह चिंता का विषय है। गोवा जैसे शांत माने जाने वाले छोटे राज्य में भी प्रति एक लाख की दलित आबादी पर अपराधों की दर 51.1 होना वाकई आँखें खोल देने वाला तथ्य है।

अब आइए, एक नजर डालते हैं दलितों के ऊपर होने वाले अपराधों की प्रकृति के विश्लेषण पर। 2015 में देश भर में दलितों की हत्या के कुल 707 मामले हुए। हत्या के अपराधों की राष्ट्रीय औसत दर रही 0.4, लेकिन मध्य प्रदेश में यह दर 0.7, राजस्थान में 0.6, झारखंड में 0.5, बिहार में 0.5, उत्तर प्रदेश में 0.5, हरियाणा में 0.4, और गुजरात में 0.4 थी। इस मामले में भी उत्तर प्रदेश की स्थिति कई ऐसे भाजपाशासित राज्यों से बेहतर रही जिसे मीडिया अपेक्षाकृत शांत प्रचारित करता रहा है।

दलितों पर होने वाले अत्याचारों में बलात्कार की घटनाओं का भी काफी बड़ा हिस्सा है। वर्ष 2015 में दलित महिलायों के बलात्कार के राष्ट्रीय स्तर पर कुल मामले 2,326 थे। इसकी राष्ट्रीय दर 1.2  रही।

राज्यों के स्तर पर देखें तो मध्य प्रदेश  में यह दर 4.1, केरल में 3.3, राजस्थान में 2.6,  छत्तीसगढ़ में 2.5,  हरियाणा में 2.1, तेलंगाना में 2.0, महाराष्ट्र में 1.8, ओडीशा में 1.8, गुजरात में 1.6, आंध्र प्रदेश में 1.2 और उत्तर प्रदेश में 1.1 रही। इन आंकड़ों से भी स्पष्ट है कि दलित महिलाओं पर बलात्कार के मामले में मध्य प्रदेश, राजस्थान, छत्तीसगढ़, हरियाणा, महाराष्ट्र और गुजरात में अपराध दर राष्ट्रीय दर से काफी अधिक रही है, जबकि उत्तर प्रदेश में इन अपराधों की दर राष्ट्रीय दर से कम रही है।

दलित महिलाओं के साथ बलात्कार की कोशिशों की बात की जाए तो  वर्ष 2015 में राष्ट्रीय स्तर पर इस तरह की घटनाएँ कुल 2,800  हुईं। इस तरह से इनकी राष्ट्रीय दर 1.4  थी। जबकि यह मध्य प्रदेश में 6.9, महाराष्ट्र में 2.7, हरियाणा में 2.1, केरल में 2.2, ओडीशा में 2.2, आंधप्रदेश और तेलंगाना में 1.8 और उत्तर प्रदेश में 1.8 रही।

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In 1860, just before the outbreak of the American Civil War, the United States carried out a national census. One result was the very precise count of 3,953,761 slaves in the country, amounting to 12.6% of the total population. It was the last clear cut count of slavery in a national population in history.

Since the abolition of legal slavery, it has become a hidden and uncountable crime, making it hard to gauge the number of people truly affected. Globally, slavery takes many forms, with most slaves doing dirty, dangerous, demeaning work – digging and breaking rocks, shaping bricks by hand, cutting down forests with hand axes, or scrubbing floors.

Modern slavery is especially hard to measure compared to other crimes. This is something Walk Free and Hull University’s Wilberforce Institute has tried to change with the Global Slavery Index. By applying a method which was first used to estimate the number of fish in a Swedish fjord, and combining it with a survey of more than 25 countries, researchers have been able to get a widespread picture on the crime of slavery, from a global perspective.

African American slave family representing five generations all born on the same plantation in South Carolina. Everett Historical/Shutterstock
The 2016 Global Slavery Index estimates there are 45.8m people worldwide in slavery today. This is an increase on previous estimates of 36m, but this does not necessarily mean that slavery is on the rise. Instead, the best way to view this figure is simply that the microscope is getting stronger, and better focused every year. This means we are now able to see slavery much more clearly, in places we weren’t able to in the past.

Counting a crime

In criminology, the difference between the actual number of crimes and the officially reported number of crimes is called the “dark figure”. There is a “rule of dark figures” which states that the more serious the crime, the more likely it is to be reported to the authorities. For example, the dark figure for murder is normally far below 1%, but the dark figure for vandalism might be as high as 95% – so nearly everyone who experiences vandalism doesn’t bother to report it. This is a clear pattern in most countries, but there are two types of crime that often confound this rule.

Rape and sexual assault are very serious crimes, but are rarely reported to the police. This is primarily due to the social stigma attached to and felt by those who have been assaulted, along with the fear they might not be believed. Victims of slavery also feel stigma and shame, in part because sexual assault is very common in slavery cases. But slavery also defies measurement for a unique reason.

Normally, to deterine the level of any specific crime in developed countries, the results of a national sample crime survey are compared to the official arrest and conviction rate. When being counted, all crimes are treated as “events” – also known as short single episodes – a mugging for example may only take one or two minutes.

But slavery is a crime which starts, and then continues for an indeterminate time – the victimisation may last for days, months, or even years. This unique fact about slavery crime means it can rarely be measured using national crime surveys, as the victim is so often hidden away, enslaved, and not available to answer questions.

Understanding slavery

This is what researchers are up against when they try to understand the scale of slavery across the world. In an attempt to combat this, for the slavery index, we cast the net wider and instead of just individuals, we surveyed households and families to see if anyone knew anyone who had experience of slavery.

Much like the 1860 US Census, these surveys provide an estimate of the proportion of the population who are enslaved, and includes cases that happened in other countries. For example, respondents in national surveys in Nepal identified significant numbers of family members enslaved in Qatar and other Gulf States.

Children of brick factory workers in Kolkata, India. arindambanerjee/Shutterstock
These household surveys work well in countries in the developing world, but in North America and Europe more active law enforcement means criminals work hard to keep their slaves hidden – plus the total number of slaves in the population is much smaller. Fortunately a statistical technique called multiple systems estimation (MSE) can provide reliable estimates of these hidden populations.

First used to estimate the number of fish in a Swedish fjord, MSE has been regularly used to determine the number of civilian deaths in ongoing conflicts, such as the current civil war in Syria. It works by comparing lists of casualties from hospitals, police, and families, to determine an estimate of the total killed. When applied to slavery, it creates an estimate by comparing the lists of victims known to different agencies, such as the police, non governmental organisations (NGOs), and social service providers.

The UK was the first country to use this technique to estimate slavery, in late 2014, and immediately revised its official figures upwards from the 2,744 cases that were known to exist to an estimated 10,000 to 13,000 slaves, which is where the estimated figure stands today.

As the modern antislavery movement pushes forward, these new breakthrough methods mean there is a yardstick to gauge the progress of liberation. This is important because you can’t solve a problem you can’t understand, so a metric is crucial if effective action is to be taken.

Knowing the geographical spread of slavery also brings with it knowledge of which products and commodities might be tainted by bondage – such as the minerals in our phones and laptops. And as the estimates become more precise, governments, NGOs, and international bodies can mark their progress (or lack thereof) allowing us to trace the best roads to freedom.

(The writer is professor of Contemporary Slavery, University of Hull, UK)

This article was first published on The Conversation.

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