According to police investigations, local NCP leader Vishnu Chate had demanded ₹2 crore from the energy company, threatening to disrupt its operations. When Deshmukh intervened to protect the company, he was targeted. Reports indicate that he was forcibly dragged into an SUV in broad daylight, assaulted for hours, and his lifeless body was later dumped on a road near his village.

Chate and three others have been arrested in connection with the crime. However, one of the key accused, Walmik Karad, an alleged close associate of NCP minister Dhananjay Munde, remains at large. This has intensified public outrage, with calls for Munde’s resignation and Karad’s immediate arrest. His daughter, Vaibhavi Deshmukh, made a heartfelt appeal for justice, stating, “My father gave his life trying to save someone from the Dalit community. He stood for justice, and now we demand the same for him.”

December 28, 2024: The Aakrosh morcha

The murder and subsequent protest have exposed fault lines within Maharashtra’s political landscape. NCP (Sharad Pawar faction) president Sharad Pawar and Congress leader Rahul Gandhi previously visited Deshmukh’s family, expressing solidarity. Gandhi linked the case to a larger pattern of threats to constitutional values. Shiv Sena (UBT) leader Uddhav Thackeray announced plans to visit Beed and Parbhani in early January to meet the families of both Deshmukh and another victim, Somnath Suryavanshi.

On December 28, the “Aakrosh Morcha” (March of Anger) in Beed brought together thousands of people, including legislators from both the ruling MahaYuti alliance and the opposition Maha Vikas Aghadi. The protest was a rare show of unity among political rivals, alongside activists, social leaders, and members of the Maratha community, all demanding justice for Deshmukh and his family.

Prominent figures at the rally included Maratha quota activist Manoj Jarange-Patil, Chhatrapati Sambhaji Raje, BJP MLAs Suresh Dhas and Abhimanyu Pawar, NCP MLAs Prakash Solanke and Sandeep Kshirsagar, and NCP (Sharad Pawar faction) leader Jitendra Awhad. Anti-corruption activist Anjali Damania and social activist Dr. Jyoti Mete also joined the protest.

During the rally, Deshmukh’s daughter, Vaibhavi, made an emotional plea, saying, “My father gave his life for justice. He was doing social work and stood for the rights of the people. Now, we demand the same justice for him. Please ensure no one meets a similar fate.”

The murder has led to intense political scrutiny, with accusations of corruption and complicity being levelled against senior politicians. As per multiple media reports, speakers at the protest sharply criticised the government’s alleged inaction. BJP MLA Abhimanyu Pawar declared, “If the accused are not arrested soon, these protests will spread across Maharashtra. Justice cannot wait.” NCP MLA Prakash Solanke demanded that Munde step down, asserting, “To ensure an impartial investigation, Munde must resign until the accused are convicted.”

The protest also saw serious allegations against Munde, who is under scrutiny for his alleged links to the crime. BJP MLA Suresh Dhas accused Munde of winning the Parli Assembly seat using fraudulent means, including bogus votes. Dhas also alleged that Munde’s associate, Karad, controlled key administrative decisions in Beed in exchange for bribes. “Files were cleared only after payments of ₹40 lakh, with ₹9 lakh going directly to Karad,” he claimed. In response, Maharashtra BJP chief Chandrashekhar Bawankule cautioned against public statements that could hinder the investigation, urging Dhas to share evidence directly with Chief Minister Fadnavis.

In addition to this, BJP MLA Suresh Dhas alleged that Karad and his “Akka-boss” (a veiled reference to Munde) are linked to a ₹900-crore money laundering operation tied to the Mahadev online betting scandal. This amount, reportedly transferred from Beed, has connections extending as far as Malaysia. Dhas demanded a thorough investigation by the Enforcement Directorate (ED), highlighting the government’s double standards in investigating financial crimes.

Meanwhile, the proliferation of gun licences in Beed has also drawn scrutiny. Social activist Anjali Damania pointed out that Beed has issued 1,222 gun permits, far exceeding neighbouring districts like Parbhani, which has only 32. Damania has called for an investigation into how so many licences were approved and whether political recommendations played a role in enabling the district’s alarming weaponisation.

Chhatrapati Sambhaji Raje expressed deep concern about the deteriorating law and order in Beed. “The district has been in the grip of criminals for years. The government must act decisively to restore justice,” he said. Sambhaji Raje also criticised the district administration for issuing over 1,200 gun licences, alleging that even the minister flaunted weapons in public.

As per the Hindustan Times, Maratha quota activist Manoj Jarange-Patil warned of state-wide agitation if the government failed to act decisively. “If those shielding the accused are not exposed, the Maratha community will not remain silent. The government must ensure justice, no matter how powerful the accused are,” he said.

December 27, 2024: Protest in Latur

On Friday, December 27, 2024, thousands gathered in Latur to demand justice for the brutal murder. The demonstration, fuelled by public outrage and organised by the Sakal Maratha Samaj, underscored mounting pressure on the ruling Mahayuti government to act against those responsible for the crime, including Karad. Protesters alleged that Karad played a key role in orchestrating the murder.

The march commenced at Sane Guruji Vidyalaya and proceeded to the tehsildar’s office, where a memorandum listing key demands was submitted to local authorities. These demands included the swift arrest of all accused individuals, justice for Deshmukh’s grieving family, and the resignation of Minister Munde, whose links to Karad have drawn intense scrutiny. The rally, which stretched over a kilometre, drew people from various walks of life, all united in their call for action against what they saw as a failure of law enforcement.

Santosh Deshmukh’s teenage daughter, Vaibhavi, became a focal point of the said protest, delivering an emotional plea to the crowd. Fighting back tears, she thanked the participants for their support and urged them to stand by her family in their pursuit of justice. “You all know what happened to my father. He was brutally murdered. I ask you to remain with us and ensure justice is done,” she said, her voice resonating with the pain and determination shared by the crowd.

Addressing the gathering, Vaibhavi shared the immense loss and anguish her family has endured since her father’s death. “The pain of losing him is unbearable. My father was a man of principles who always stood for justice. We will not rest until those who did this to him are held accountable. I consider all of you part of our family now, and together, we must ensure this never happens to anyone again,” she declared, her words drawing applause and chants of solidarity.

The protesters criticised the slow pace of the investigation and the alleged shielding of powerful individuals involved in the case. They also called for systemic reforms to prevent such crimes in the future, urging the government to demonstrate its commitment to justice. The protest served as a prelude to an even larger demonstration planned in Beed, reflecting the growing anger among the public over the state’s failure to provide security and justice for its citizens.

Beed’s crime wave and Santosh Deshmukh’s murder

Shiv Sena (UBT) leader Sanjay Raut has launched a scathing attack on Maharashtra Chief Minister and Home Minister Devendra Fadnavis over the deteriorating law-and-order situation in Beed district, which has witnessed 38 murders in 2024 alone. Talking to the media, Raut accused Fadnavis of failing in his duties as Home Minister, suggesting he was protecting influential figures connected to the crime. Specifically, Raut pointed to Walmik Karad as the alleged mastermind behind Deshmukh’s murder. Despite being named in an extortion case linked to the incident, Karad has not been apprehended, fuelling allegations of political interference. “If the public believes the real culprit is being shielded, it tarnishes the reputation of the Home Minister,” Raut declared, adding that such a scenario is “unlikely to happen without political blessings.”

Raut also criticised the proliferation of firearms in Beed, where young men are reportedly seen flaunting weapons and uploading videos to intimidate locals. “What kind of generation are we building? Guns and pistols are used for extortion and killings, all under the patronage of powerful leaders,” he remarked, as per the Indian Express.

Ministers have rallied against Fadnavis, accusing him of incompetence and a failure to deliver justice for Deshmukh’s grieving family. BJP MLA Suresh Das accused Munde and his associate Walmik Karad of illegally acquiring land belonging to the Banjara tribal community under the guise of charitable trust development.

Brief background of the case

Deshmukh, a well-respected sarpanch who served for 15 years, was abducted in broad daylight on December 9, 2024. Witnesses reported that he was forced into a black Scorpio vehicle and tortured for three hours before succumbing to severe injuries. His body was discarded near his village, with a post-mortem revealing death from haemorrhage and shock due to multiple injuries. Deshmukh, survived by his elderly parents, wife, and two children aged 13 and 17, had recently opposed an extortion racket allegedly operated by local NCP leaders. His brother, Dhananjay, claimed that the perpetrators sought to silence Deshmukh to set an example. He stated that his brother was killed for attempting to stop the illegal extortion business the accused were running.

As per a report of the Indian Express from their visit to the village where the incident took place, a pandal had been set up beside a local temple, where Deshmukh’s brother, Dhananjay, sat on the ground, receiving visitors who came to offer condolences. A garlanded photo of Deshmukh rested on a table with a Marathi inscription reading: “Nyay pahije” (justice is needed), and another poster in the village boldly stated, “Aamcha rajala nyay pahije” (justice for our king). Villagers spoke of Deshmukh’s unwavering commitment to his community. Mihi More, a 70-year-old resident, described him as someone who helped anyone in need without caring about the benefits of his position as sarpanch. His sole focus, she said, was the development of the village, which is why he held the post for 15 years.

Dhananjay, Deshmukh’s brother, firmly believes that the murder was orchestrated because Deshmukh had attempted to stop an extortion racket being run by the accused. “They wanted to set an example through my brother,” he said. Meanwhile, Deshmukh’s elder daughter, Vaibhavi, who is in class 12, voiced her demand for swift justice and announced her participation in an all-party protest planned in Beed.

The case, initially handled by a Special Investigation Team (SIT), has now been transferred to the Maharashtra State CID. Chief Minister Fadnavis has ordered the confiscation of properties belonging to the accused and the cancellation of gun licences for those found flaunting weapons in public. He emphasised that no political connections would protect the perpetrators.

Meanwhile, the police have arrested four individuals, including Vishnu Chate, but Karad’s continued evasion of law enforcement has fuelled public outrage. The investigation has now been handed over to the Maharashtra State CID to ensure a thorough and impartial probe. Deputy Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis assured the legislature that no political affiliations would shield the culprits, promising swift and decisive action.

This incident has become a flashpoint in Maharashtra, exposing cracks in the political and judicial systems while rallying citizens and leaders alike in a collective demand for justice. The growing unrest underscores the public’s frustration with perceived inaction and impunity for those in positions of power. This high-profile case, also with layers of caste-based violence, continues to resonate across Maharashtra, with demands for accountability, an impartial probe, and systemic reforms to prevent such tragedies in the future. For the people of Beed, Santosh Deshmukh’s murder is not just a crime but a symbol of the fight against corruption, extortion, and impunity.

CM Fadnavis’s response amidst mounting pressure

Under mounting pressure, Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis assured the assembly that Karad, already booked under the Maharashtra Control of Organised Crimes Act (MCOCA), would face murder charges if evidence supports his involvement. Fadnavis also transferred the Beed superintendent of police, acknowledging lapses in handling the case.

Minister Munde, facing growing scrutiny, has denied involvement and labelled the accusations as a politically motivated campaign to tarnish his image. Speaking to reporters, he reiterated his demand for the accused to be “hanged to death” and accused the media of conducting a trial aimed at politically “finishing him off.” Despite his denials, the controversy has intensified, with opposition leaders and activists questioning his alleged role in shielding Karad and others implicated in the extortion racket. Notably, Karad holds influential positions in Beed, serving as a group leader in Parli Nagar Parishad, president of the Ladki Bahin Yojana, and as a member of the Beed district planning committee. Both Karad and Chate had been named in an extortion FIR filed just days before Deshmukh’s murder.

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The post Gruesome murder of Sarpanch Santosh Deshmukh in Beed triggers state-wide protests, political fallout in the ruling government, and rampant calls for justice appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The irony of the Mahayuti government now championing the Constitution through campaigns like “Ghar Ghar Sambhavidhan” is glaring, especially given its own troubling history of undermining constitutional principles. From the very moment of its formation, the government has been marred by constitutional controversies. The Eknath Shinde-led coalition itself came into existence after a dramatic political coup, where defecting legislators bypassed democratic norms, raising serious questions about constitutional propriety. This was followed by a series of actions that further eroded constitutional values—ranging from bulldozer politics that disregarded due process to systematic attacks on dissent, and the selective targeting of marginalised communities. After repeatedly trampling upon the very ethos of the Constitution, it is deeply ironic, and indeed cynical, for this government to now promote itself as a defender of constitutional values. This sudden embrace of constitutional imagery in the run-up to the elections seems more like a strategic ploy to reclaim lost moral ground rather than a genuine commitment to safeguarding the foundational document of Indian democracy.

The expensive price tag of political propaganda

Before we dive into the irony of the advertisement, it is essential to point towards the financial cost of these advertisements, estimated to be upwards of ₹15–25 lakh for full-page placements in high-circulation dailies like Maharashtra Times and Lok Satta, is substantial. For perspective, multiple full-page ads in these leading publications over several days could cost the government crores of rupees. This expenditure begs the question: Why is the state splurging on image-building campaigns when Maharashtra faces urgent fiscal challenges? While these advertisements are a clear attempt to boost the image of the Mahayuti government ahead of elections, what’s often overlooked is who’s footing the bill for this political propaganda: it’s the taxpayer. Public funds—our taxes—are being used to pay for these ads that serve little more than to bolster the political capital of the ruling government.

Maharashtra’s public sector continues to grapple with a host of issues—rural healthcare infrastructure is overstretched, drought-hit farmers continue to demand support, and unemployment rates are rising. Despite these pressing needs, state funds are being diverted toward political advertising, and not just any advertising, but a clear attempt to consolidate votes before the election code of conduct is enforced. The misuse of public money for electioneering feels particularly egregious. Instead of being channelled into improving healthcare, education, or providing meaningful support to drought-affected farmers, taxpayer money is being diverted toward high-cost political advertisements. This blatant misuse of public resources for partisan gain not only raises ethical concerns but also underscores a government that prioritises its electoral fortunes over the actual needs of its citizens.

Take for instance the advertisement featuring Devendra Fadnavis himself. Prominently featuring Dr. B.R. Ambedkar’s image, it seeks to position the coalition of Shiv Sena (Shinde faction), National Congress Party (Ajit Pawar faction) and Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) as the protector of constitutional values. However, behind the façade lies a government that has, on multiple occasions, shown contempt for the Constitution’s core principles of equality, justice, and fraternity.

The misuse of Ambedkar’s legacy

Dr. B.R. Ambedkar is a figure synonymous with the Indian Constitution, but his image has often, more so in the recent times, been co-opted by political parties for electoral gain. The “Ghar Ghar Sambhavidhan” campaign is an example of this strategic co-optation. At a time when Dalits and those marginalised communities continue to face violence, discrimination, and exploitation, invoking Ambedkar’s legacy without addressing the core issues affecting these communities is an exercise in tokenism.

Dr. B.R. Ambedkar’s life was dedicated to dismantling the oppressive caste system and fighting for the rights of Dalits and other marginalised communities. However, the Mahayuti government’s invocation of Ambedkar’s image through campaigns like “Ghar Ghar Sambhavidhan” rings hollow when juxtaposed with the escalating violence, discrimination, and land-related exploitation faced by Dalits and Adivasis in Maharashtra. While Ambedkar’s face is splashed across newspaper ads, Maharashtra’s Dalit and Adivasi communities continue to bear the brunt of systematic oppression and neglect under the very government that claims to uphold his ideals.

In March 2020, a brutal case of atrocity against Dalit women had surfaced from Solapur district, wherein a 16-year-old Dalit girl had been gang-raped by 10 men for more than 6 months, underscoring the stark reality of caste-based sexual violence in Maharashtra. The girl’s family faced immense pressure from the perpetrators to withdraw the complaint, while local authorities delayed taking action, sparking protests and demonstrations demanding justice. In August 2023, in Satara, Maharashtra, a Dalit woman had faced public humiliation and assault. Her only “crime” was daring to demand the return of money she was reportedly owed. These cases mirror the growing epidemic of violence against Dalit women in the state, where crimes of rape, assault, and social ostracisation are disturbingly frequent.

In November 2023, on Maharashtra’s Beed, a Tribal woman had been stripped naked by tearing her clothes, molested and beaten for land disputes. The heinous crime had been committed in the presence of police, and those involved included a BJP MLA Suresh Dhas’s wife along with three people.

In October 2023, four Dalit children had been hung from a tree upside down and thrashed for “stealing goats and pigeons” in Srirampur in Ahmednagar district. This deep-rooted casteism is a direct affront to Ambedkar’s fight for land and economic equality, yet the state government has been silent in addressing these ongoing attacks.

Furthermore, across rural Maharashtra, Dalit farmers are facing increasing threats of land grabbing, forced evictions, and illegal occupation of their agricultural lands. As many as 81% of Dalit farmers in Maharashtra were agricultural labourers, who had no land of their own and worked on others’ farmland as opposed to 49% of landless farmers among non-Dalits, according to Census 2011.  Even today, in many cases, state authorities turn a blind eye to these atrocities, failing to protect Dalit farmers’ rights to land and livelihood.

The displacement of Adivasi communities has also surged in recent years. A notable case occurred in the tribal regions of Palghar and Nashik in 2020, where Adivasis were forcibly evicted from their lands to make way for government infrastructure projects. These land grabs were carried out without proper compensation or resettlement, leaving entire communities destitute and without basic means of survival. Adivasis, who have historically been among the most marginalised groups in Indian society, find themselves repeatedly deprived of their constitutional right to land, despite the government’s public commitment to protecting the Constitution.

In Gadchiroli, in 2023, another alarming incident saw forest rights activists, including Adivasi leaders, beaten and detained for protesting the illegal encroachment of their forest lands by private contractors. This blatant disregard for the Forest Rights Act, which guarantees land rights to indigenous communities, reflects the deepening crisis in Maharashtra’s tribal belts. Dr. Ambedkar’s legacy, which emphasised the protection of marginalised communities and their access to land, is being blatantly violated by the state’s development policies, often at the behest of private industrial interests.

Another case that highlights caste violence occurred in February 2022, when a Dalit family in Latur district was attacked and boycotted for entering a local temple. The upper-caste mob severely beat the family members, accusing them of “defiling” the temple, a throwback to the deeply entrenched untouchability practices Ambedkar fought against. Even in September 2024, a Shiv Sena leader, purportedly a close aide of Maharashtra CM Eknath Shinde, had been booked along with several others for allegedly preventing Dalits from entering a temple. The local police initially refused to register a case, demonstrating how institutionalised caste bias continues to deprive Dalits of their basic rights, even in modern Maharashtra.

The grim reality for Maharashtra’s Dalits and Adivasis stands in stark contrast to the Mahayuti government’s public posture of honouring Ambedkar’s legacy. While the government spends crores on advertisements featuring Ambedkar’s image, the very communities he sought to uplift are being left vulnerable to exploitation, violence, and systemic marginalisation. The deliberate use of Ambedkar’s legacy in electoral campaigns without addressing the state’s failing record on Dalit and Adivasi rights reflects a cynical and opportunistic politics—one that exploits historical symbols for short-term political gain while ignoring the lived realities of the most oppressed sections of society. In this light, the state’s public campaigns appear less as a genuine commitment to constitutional principles and more as a cynical attempt to secure votes from marginalised communities ahead of elections.

Maharashtra, like other BJP-ruled states, has seen a rise in caste-based atrocities and systemic discrimination. In 2022 alone, the state recorded a total of 2276 cases of atrocities against Dalits under the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, including heinous cases of violence and rape. Dr. Ambedkar’s vision for social justice is far removed from the reality faced by Dalit communities in Maharashtra today, and the state government’s actions have done little to address these grave injustices.

Trampling upon constitutional values: The reality

While the government speaks of safeguarding the Constitution through its campaigns, its actions paint a different picture. Multiple incidents highlight how the Eknath Shinde-led administration has failed to uphold constitutional values in practice.

Bulldozer justice and lack of due process: Maharashtra has seen instances where the state, like several other BJP-ruled states, has resorted to demolition drives targeting the homes of the accused before trials are even conducted. These extrajudicial actions violate the fundamental right to life and property as enshrined under Article 21 of the Indian Constitution. The most notable recent instance of bulldozer being used against Dalits was on June 6, when state authorities razed Jai Bhim Nagar in Powai to the ground. It is essential to note that even though demolitions and evictions are prohibited in the state during monsoons, civic and state authorities collude with developers and builders to carry out these alleged lawless evictions. 

The shrinking space for dissent: In Maharashtra, the crackdown on dissent has been particularly severe, with Adivasi rights activists facing relentless persecution for standing up against state-backed exploitation of their lands and resources. The state’s targeting of activists advocating for tribal rights underscores a broader trend of silencing dissent and crushing resistance from marginalised groups. From the tribal regions of Gadchiroli, where those protesting illegal land acquisitions by private contractors have faced brutal retaliation, including physical violence and arbitrary detention, to Palghar evictions, the state has abused its brutal power against those dissenting against him.

One also cannot forget the infamous Bhima Koregaon case, which is another chilling example of how dissent, especially from Dalit and Adivasi rights activists, has been criminalised in Maharashtra. The case stems from the January 2018 Bhima Koregaon violence, where clashes broke out after Dalits gathered to commemorate the 200th anniversary of the Battle of Bhima Koregaon, a symbolic event marking Dalit pride and resistance. However, in the aftermath, several prominent activists—many of whom had a history of defending Adivasi and Dalit rights—were arrested under draconian anti-terror laws, accused of being part of an alleged Maoist conspiracy to incite violence.

Among those targeted were well-known intellectuals and human rights defenders like Sudha Bharadwaj, an Adivasi rights lawyer, and late Father Stan Swamy, an 84-year-old Jesuit priest who had spent decades working to protect Adivasi land rights in Jharkhand and Maharashtra. The Bhima Koregaon case, which was initially about caste-based violence, was quickly transformed into a case about “national security,” with the state using the spectre of Maoism to suppress voices advocating for Dalit and Adivasi rights. The arrests of these activists not only stifled a crucial movement for social justice but also sent a chilling message to those working for the rights of marginalised communities in Maharashtra. It highlighted the shrinking space for dissent, where speaking up against caste violence, land grabs, and state excesses could be framed as a crime.

This pattern of state repression is also visible in the treatment of grassroots activists who oppose large-scale development projects that threaten to displace Adivasi communities from their ancestral lands. The government’s ruthless crackdown on these voices reflects its prioritisation of corporate interests over the rights of indigenous populations, while branding activists as “anti-development” or “urban Naxals” to justify their suppression. One must not forget that only in June 2024, the Maharashtra government tabled the Maharashtra Special Public Security Bill, 2024 on the penultimate day of just concluded session of the state assembly (Vidhan Sabha). The said bill, introduced by the state’s industries minister Uday Samant, was deemed to be brought in to stop the “proliferation of Urban Naxalism” in the state of Maharashtra.

Political expediency at the cost of governance

In the weeks leading up to the elections, the Eknath Shinde government has also issued a series of populist government orders, many of which appear designed to win votes rather than address long-standing problems. Many “beneficial policies” for the marginalised are being hastily rolling out s to win voter favour before the Model Code of Conduct (MCC) takes effect. In a clear election ploy, CM Eknath Shinde announced the waiving of tolls for light vehicles at all five entry points to Mumbai, effective midnight. This decision comes just days before elections are expected to be declared, aligning with a pattern of voter-friendly initiatives that prioritise political gain over substantive governance.  Notably, the toll waiver affects entry points at Vashi, Airoli, Mulund (LBS Road), Mulund (Eastern Express Highway), and Dahisar, where tolls were recently raised to Rs 45. Critics argue this move is a transparent gimmick to distract from more pressing issues.

Additionally, the Cabinet has approved salary hikes for madrasa teachers and increased the budget of the Maulana Azad Minority Financial Development Corporation from Rs 700 crore to Rs 1,000 crore. The government is also seeking to attract OBC and tribal voters by raising the non-creamy layer income limit for OBCs from Rs 8 lakh to Rs 15 lakh and doubling the guarantee for the Shabari Tribal Finance Corporation from Rs 50 crore to Rs 100 crore.

While these initiatives may appear beneficial, their timing raises concerns about their true intent, suggesting a focus on short-term electoral gains rather than addressing long-standing socio-economic challenges in the state. It is also ironical as the state has dragged its feet on providing meaningful relief for years, this sudden rush of policies ahead of elections reflects poorly on its intentions.

One glaring example of this election-oriented governance is the delay in resolving the long-pending Maratha reservation issue. Although the state government expressed its commitment to resolving the demands of the Maratha community, it has failed to bring about substantial solutions, choosing instead to delay contentious decisions to avoid political backlash. But now, as elections draw near, the same issues that were left on the back burner are being dusted off and used to appease the agitated electorate. This pattern of governance by political expediency is evident, yet the government hopes to manipulate voters by promising last-minute relief.

A gimmick wrapped in Constitutional drapes

The Eknath Shinde-led government’s actions are a masterclass in political posturing. By rolling out expensive, taxpayer-funded advertisements and issuing symbolic government orders in the eleventh hour, the administration is hoping to distract the electorate from its failures and shortcomings. The use of Dr. B.R. Ambedkar’s image to bolster its claims of constitutional integrity is a cynical move, especially in light of the numerous instances where this very government has undermined the values Ambedkar stood for.

As Maharashtra heads toward its elections, the electorate must critically assess whether these last-minute, high-cost campaigns and symbolic gestures represent genuine governance or if they are merely a well-timed charade designed to retain power. The people of Maharashtra deserve more than gimmicks and propaganda; they deserve a government that truly respects and upholds the Constitution, not just in words but in action.

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Talking to reporters at Sahayadri guest house in Mumbai, the minister said, “Instances of innocent girls being lured into inter-religious marriages and (subsequent) exploitation are coming to light. We are concerned and will crack the whip.”

Fadnavis, who is also the State Home Minister, noted that in the state the detection rate for missing person allegations varied from 90% to 95%, the reason for which he has is making the allegation of “Love-Jihad”. Emphasising that such missing cases are taken very seriously, Fadnavis said, “The detection rate is up to 90 to 95 per cent. Yet, I agree more efforts will have to be put to stop such exploitation of innocent girls.”

“There are instances where we found that false promises were made or false identity was used, with even married persons trying to mislead women.  Cases of ‘love jihad’ have come forward in large numbers,” he said, as has been reported by the Indian Express. The Bharatiya Janata Party’s (BJP) senior leader said that the State government is exploring an option to enact a law against ‘love jihad’

Underlining the state government’s commitment to bring in legislation to tackle growing instances of atrocities on women through “love jihad”, Fadnavis said, “Maharashtra is among the few states which have been able to identify cases of missing girls,” as reported by the Hindu. Speaking further on legislation against “love jihad”, Fadnavis added, “Several states are working on it. We will study all aspects and how other states are doing it.”

Rally by BJP MLA against Love-Jihad in Pune

A day after Fadnavis said that cases of ‘love jihad’ are rising in the state, citing investigations into complaints of missing girls, on June 4, BJP leader and MLA Nitesh Rane led a rally in Pune against the so-called alleged incidents of “love jihad”. Several other right-winged activists also took part in the said march.

Notably, a 16-year-old girl, who had recently lodged a complaint of molestation, stalking, and sexual harassment against a 21-year-old man from a different religious community than her, also accompanied Rane during the above-mentioned rally from Dharmaveer Chhatrapati Sambhaji Raje Chowk to Jay Hind Chowk in Ghorpadi Gaon of Pune, states the report in the Indian Express. It is crucial to note that based on the complaint of the minor girl, the accused was arrested and booked by the Pune city police under sections 354 (assaults or uses criminal force on any woman with the intention to outrage her modesty), 354D (stalking), 504 (intentional insult with intent to provoke breach of the peace), 506 (criminal intimidation) of the Indian Penal Code and Sections 11 (sexual harassment of child) and 12 (punishment for sexual harassment) of the Protection of Children from Sexual Offences (POCSO) Act.

When contacted, police officers declined to comment on the case citing the involvement of a minor and charges under the Act. Speaking to reporters, Rane accused leaders from opposition parties of denying, what he said, were cases of “love jihad”. “We have a government in the state that believes in the Hindutva ideology and will ensure that injustice is not done,” he said.

Background

The Eknath Shinde-Fadnavis government had issues a controversial government resolution on December 15, constituting a committee to monitor inter-religious marriages. The GR was previously challenged by Samajwadi party, MLA in a write petition in the Bombay High Court which is pending. This GR has been challenged by four rights groups including Citizens for Justice and Peace. The matter comes up on June 12. The December 15 GR has been challenged on the ground that it is based on false assumptions of the real cause of intimate partner violence and argues that the right to privacy, the danger of state surveillance and executive overreach demand that this GR be first stayed, then quashed. Before this, the state government GR dated December 13, 2022 had also included the monitoring of inter-caste marriages but after a social and political uproar was amended. A Samajwadi Party MLA had also challenged the said GR.

Three months after the December 15 GR, in March 2023, according to an RTI response received by Samajwadi Party MLA Rais Shaikh from the government ministry, even after months have passed since the setting up of the 12 member Inter-faith Marriage-Family Coordination Committee, there are currently zero cases before the panel. On February 16, the Samajwadi Party MLA had written to the Maharashtra Women and Development Ministry, inquiring about the number of cases before the committee till date, and their details. On Monday, March 20, Rais Shaikh received a response stating that there was currently no case before the committee, as reported by Hindustan Times.

Incidentally, this comes just days after Mangal Prabhat Lodha, Maharashtra Women and Child Development Minister and BJP leader, had announced that the state of Maharashtra had over one lakh ‘love jihad’ cases. The BJP leader made the remark during the Maharashtra Assembly Budget Session. Lodha had stated that “Maharashtra had more than one lakh cases of love jihad, which upset society.” he had then said that “the state government’s interfaith marriage committee has no say in anyone’s personal life or religion. But we want to avoid another Shraddha Walkar case. This is the government’s responsibility.”

Pursuant to the reply obtained by his MLA from the government the SP state president and MLA, Abu Asim Azmi, announced that he has filed a privilege motion against the minister for making false claims in the state assembly. “However, no response has yet been received from the legislature administration.” Azmi had further stated that if the privilege motion against Lodha is not approved by the Assembly, he will take the minister to court. “A group of people is attempting to polarise Maharashtra by making bogus claims of ‘love jihad,’ which are far from the reality on the ground,” he said, as was reported by the Hindustan Times.

Mangal Prabhat Lodha had also claimed last month that the 12-member committee had already received 152 complaints, which was obviously misleading information as it has now been revealed that the committee has not received a single complaint. R. Vimla, commissioner, women and child development, confirmed that the committee has not received a single complaint. She also serves on the interfaith committee, which is led by Lodha.

Related:

M’tra d’ty CM Devendra Fadnavis defends rallies against ‘love jihad’, promises law against mixed marriages

What is the real intent of the extremists launching this aggressive “love jihad” campaign

Heated exchanges over minister’s ‘1 lakh love jihad cases’ remark

Hatebuster: Is it Love Jihad or just love?

Maharashtra Govt GR on inter-religious marriages based on prejudicial assumptions, target women & vulnerable groups: Rights groups

Even after 3 months, zero cases filed before the Maha Inter-faith Marriage-Family Coordination Committee: Maharashtra Women and Development Ministry

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A seven-day, 180-km march of 35,000 mostly poor farmers in India’s richest state finally attracted nationwide attention when they reached the country’s financial capital to bring their problems to the attention of Maharashtra chief minister Devendra Fadnavis.
 
They marched for four distinct reasons: land rights to those who have tilled forest land for several years; better minimum prices from the government for agricultural produce and better security against the vagaries of the monsoons; pensions for agricultural labour, still considered a part of the informal sector; proper implementation of farm-loan waivers that the government promised; and for relief from the economic losses of 2016’s demonetisation decision.
 
As the march made national headlines, the government announced by the evening of March 12, 2018, that it would accept demands related to expanding the eligibility of the farm-loan waiver announced in 2017, quicker transfer of land titles under the Forest Rights Act, 2006, and increasing pensions to agricultural labourers, from Rs 500 to Rs 1,000 per month.
 

 
From over 135 villages across Maharashtra, the farmers began their journey on foot from CBS Chowk in the northern city of Nashik on March 5, 2018. Organised by the Akhil Bharatiya Kisan Sabha (All Indian Farmers’, affiliated to the  Communist Party of India-Marxist, the farmers arrived at the Thane-Mulund toll naka on the north-eastern border of Mumbai on Sunday afternoon, March 11, 2018.
 
Much of their simple footwear–slippers and sandals–fell apart. Some left families behind, others, especially the older ones, walked even though they struggled to keep up, and cooked food and slept where they could.
 
They walked 30 km every day, sleeping on roadsides, and eating food cooked on wood fires along the way. To avoid inconveniencing students appearing for their exams and citizens commuting to work, the farmers walked the last leg of their journey overnight, reaching Azad Maidan in South Mumbai on Monday, March 12, 2018.
 
Maharashtra’s agricultural sector is set to decline 8.3% this year due to deficient rain and despite several irrigation projects, currently only 18% of farmland in the state is irrigated, shows the Maharashtra Economic Survey 2018.
 
Maharashtra’s agrarian crisis is common to farmers nationwide, many of whom are steeped in a cycle of low returns, debt–and, often, death–in an age of increasingly uncertain weather.
 
Over a year to June 2013, 70% Indian farm families spent more than they earned, over 52% were indebted and health costs were adding to their debt, as IndiaSpend reported on June 27, 2017. In five years to 2015-16, real farm income per cultivator increased only 0.44% per year, we reported.
 
Climate change could slash India’s farm income by up to 25%, warned the Economic Survey 2018. Uncertain weather affects the ability of government extension systems to provide accurate advice to farmers, IndiaSpend reported on June 8, 2017. For example, while Maharashtra received plentiful rains in 2016, mitigating the droughts of 2014 and 2015, many parts of the state also endured floods that year.
 
A condition-free loan waiver was one of the key demands of the Kisan Long March — part of disparate demands by farmers to collectively waive  $49.1 bn (Rs 3.1 lakh crore) worth of farm loans – 16 times 2017 budget for rural roads, as IndiaSpend reported on June 15, 2017. However such waivers fail to address the deeper farm crisis because past experience indicates little or no impact on finances or suicide rates; about 32% or 79 million of small or marginal farmers still rely on informal sources of credit. Since Maharashtra’s previous farm-loan waiver of 2008, agricultural bad loans grew three-fold, from Rs 7,149 crore ($1.2 billion) in 2009 to Rs 30,200 crore ($4.7 billion) in 2013
 
Further, the rural economy has yet to recover from a cash crunch induced by demonetisation.. A year after Prime Minister Narendra Modi pulled out of circulation 86% of India’s currency, largely held in Rs 500 and Rs 1,000 notes, farmers in Nashik reported cheques still took weeks to encash, leaving them without money when they needed it most, as IndiaSpend reported on November 4, 2017.
 
As district cooperative banks, which over 70% of India’s onion belt depends on, are still to recover from demonetisation, farmers struggle to access credit,, we reported on November 11, 2017.
 
(Saldanha is an assistant editor and Salve is an analyst with IndiaSpend.)

Courtesy: India Spend

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आपको बता दें कि आपदा फंड का इस्तेमाल भूकंप, सूनामी या ऐसी ही किसी अन्य प्राकृतिक आपदा आने पर अत्यंत जरूरत के वक्त अंतिम विकल्प के रूप में किया जाता है। जिसके बाद फडणवीस सरकार विपक्ष के निशाने पर आ गई है। 
 
आपदा फंड से पैसा खर्च किए जाने की जानकारी सामने आने के बाद सवाल उठाए जा रहे हैं कि अगर बजट में स्मारक के निर्माण का जिक्र है और सरकार की 3600 करोड़ रुपये खर्च करने की तैयारी है, तो फिर आपदा फंड से 24 करोड़ रुपये निकालने की जरूरत क्यों आ पड़ी? जानकारों का कहना है कि आपदा फंड से पैसे निकालने का सीधा सा मतलब यह है कि सरकार के पास इस कार्यक्रम के लिए पैसे की पहले से कोई व्यवस्था नहीं थी।
 
पिछले दो साल से फडणवीस सरकार अपने बजट में छत्रपति शिवाजी महाराज के स्मारक का जिक्र कर रही है। कार्यक्रम से महज 8 दिन पहले ही इसी महीने नागपुर में संपन्न हुए राज्य विधानमंडल के शीतकालीन सत्र में भी सरकार ने घोषणा की थी कि वह अरब सागर में बनने वाले छत्रपति शिवाजी महाराज के स्मारक के निर्माण पर 3600 करोड़ रुपये खर्च करने जा रही है। 
 
जानकार कहते है कि अगर सरकार ने इस स्मारक के लिए फंड का पहले से प्रबंध और आवंटन किया होता तो इस कार्यक्रम पर होने वाला खर्च सार्वजनिक निर्माण विभाग, मेरीटाइमबोर्ड, नगरविकास विभाग के अलावा इससे संबंधित अन्य विभागों के खाते से होना चाहिए था ना कि आपदा फंड से। जानकार बताते हैं कि मार्च के बजट सत्र में आयोजन के लिए फंड का प्रबंध करना चाहिए था, फिर भी सरकार ने वह प्रावधान नहीं किया।

Courtesy: National Dastak
 

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आदिवासी क्षेत्र में काम करने वाले संगठनों का कहना हैं कि आदिवासी बच्चों की मौत कुपोषण से हुई है। अगर सरकार इन क्षेत्रो में खाद्य सामग्री वितरण करे तो हालात सुधर सकते है। लेकिन सरकार ने   अभी तक इसपर कोई कदम नहीं उठाया है। हाईकोर्ट का इस पर कहना है की सरकार की गतिविधियां बताती है कि वह कितनी ज्यादा गैर संवेदनशील है।
 
न्यायाधीश वीएम कानाडे ने राज्य के मुख्य सचिव को निर्देश भी दिया कि वे कुपोषण के कारण हो रही मौत के मामलों को व्यक्तिगत रूप से देखें और इसे रोकने के लिए जरूरी कदम उठाएं। और साथ ही कोर्ट को ये तलब करे की सरकार ने क्या कदम उठाए है ताकि आदिवासियों की कुपोषण से होने वाली मौतों को रोका जा सके। कोर्ट ने कहा कि आदिवासियों के कल्याण के लिए जो कानून या योजनाएं है उन सभी को यहां लागू किया जाना चाहिए।
 
न्यायमूर्ति वीएम कानडे व न्यायमूर्ति स्वप्ना जोशी की खंडपीठ ने कहा कि आठ साल से कुपोषण से हो रही मौतों को रोकने के लिए अदालत आदेश दे रही है पर सरकार व सरकारी अधिकारी गहरी नींद से जागने को तैयार नहीं हैं। – सरकार कागज में आदर्श स्थिति दिखाती है पर जमीनी हकीकत कुछ और ही है।
 
न्यायाधीश कानाडे ने ये भी कहा कि "इस मामले में सरकार बिल्कुल भी गंभीर नहीं है। समाज के बिल्कुल निचले वर्ग से आने वाले आदिवासियों के बच्चों को यह सरकार मरने के लिए छोड़ दे रही है और उनके खाने-पीने का कोई इंतजाम नहीं कर रही है।" हाईकोर्ट ने जिस याचिका पर सुनवाईं करते हुए ये बाते कही है उस याचिका में बताया गया है कि अब तक इन आदिवासी इलाकों में 18,000 बच्चों की मौत हो चुकी है। 
 
कोर्ट ने साफ-साफ कहा हैं कि अगर आदिवासी बच्चों के मौत का सिलसिला नहीं थमा तो सभी विभागों के सचिवों को कोर्ट में व्यक्तिगत रूप से पेश होने के लिए कहा जायेगा और उनके विरुद्ध कोर्ट की अवमानना का मुकदमा चलेगा। 
 
भारत सरकार एक तरफ देश को सुपर पावर बनाने का सपना दिखा रही हैं, बुलेट ट्रेन चालने की बात कर रही हैं और दूसरी तरफ मुंबई से महज 100 कि.मी. की दुरी पर बच्चे कुपोषण की मौत मर रहे है। आजादी के करीब 70 साल बाद भी अगर देश में बच्चों की जान भूख और कुपोषण से जा रही है तो इससे ज्यादा दुर्भाग्यपूर्ण कुछ और नहीं हो सकता।

Courtesy: National Dastak

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Image: BFI
 
According to an Indian Express report, Akhtar has criticised MNS and questioned the government’s role as the mediator, and said, “The only word, I think, that comes to mind is unfortunate, because it has set a terrible precedent.”
 
Following MNS’ threat of vandalising theatres screening Ae Dil Hai Mushkil, which has a Pakistani actor Fawad Khan in it, CM Fadnavis had called for a meeting of the party president Raj Thackeray and the producers, in which it was agreed that the filmmakers will not cast Pakistani artistes in future and will pay Rs 5 crore as ‘prayashchit’ (penance) to the Army welfare fund.
 
Referring to the series of incidents since MNS’ threats, Akhtar told Express, “It’s not even the government telling you what you should be doing and not doing. So who are you listening to? You are listening to the people who are threatening you with violence. Now, when you have the threat of violence, it’s not only about you. You have kids at home, you have a family.”
 
Speaking to The Indian Express during the promotion of his next film, Akhtar questioned the selective targeting of the film industry. “By all means pass a law. If you pass a law, you are representing the voice of the people. We’ve elected you to do it, so by all means pass a law. But don’t hold that standard only for the film industry. Why only the film industry? Because we are easy targets. Why don’t you stop business between India and Pakistan, this two billion dollars of business that happens every single year. Stop it, go the whole hog. This is like window dressing,” he said.
 
Supporting Johar’s statement in which he had explained how the circumstances were different when he had signed Khan, Akhtar said, ““People were encouraging exchange, our Prime Minister travelled there. It was an air, an environment of optimism, an environment of wanting bridges to be made. That’s the environment you started functioning in. Now, if that’s changed, you cannot hold this person by his throat and say that what you have done is wrong, and force you to say things and force you to pay money.”

To read the full report, click here,

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