Farmers on May 21, 2021 called for immediate intervention to resume discussions with Samyukt Kisan Morcha (SKM) to address longstanding demands of peasants and rural citizens.

The farmers organisation sent a letter to Prime Minister Narendra Modi reiterating the demands for: the repeal of the three farm Acts; legal guarantee for Minimum Support Price (MSP) at C2+50 production; protection from the adverse impact of the proposed Electricity Bill.

Further, SKM leader Balbir Singh Rajewal asked the central government to deploy all energy and resources at its command to deal with the second wave of the Covid-19 pandemic that has reached rural areas as well. In this regard, farmers recommended free treatment to all Covid-infected patients, free ration and livelihood support to needy citizens and free vaccination to all within six months.

“We do not wish to distract the government at this juncture, even though the hardship we face is mounting every day. That is why we have waited patiently for the past four months. But if we do not have a constructive and positive response from your government by May 25, we shall be constrained to announce a further intensification of our struggle in the next phase, beginning with the national day of protest on May 26,” said Rajewal.

Farmers protesting the three laws – the Farmers (Empowerment and Protection) Agreement on Price Assurance & Farm Services Act, the Farmer’s Produce Trade and Commerce (Promotion and Facilitation) Act, the Essential Commodities (Amendment) Act – have remained stationed at Delhi borders for nearly six months. Accordingly, farmers’ national day of protest will also mark seven years of the BJP-regime in India.

“Your government at the Centre is the most anti-farmer government that this country has seen. Farmers and organisations across the country are planning to observe this as a Black Flag Day in protest against the utter inaction and callous approach of the government,” said SKM leader Darshan Pal in the letter.

Wednesday also marks Buddha Purnima, the birth, nirvana and parinirvana of Lord Buddha. Following similar ideals, the SKM asserted its resolve and faith in peaceful mass struggles and democratic solutions through dialogue. Leaders said that they agreed for multiple rounds of discussion despite the repression and defamation unleashed by it against the movement.

Farmers said that any democratic government would have repealed the three contentious laws and seized this opportunity to provide a legal guarantee of minimum support price to all farmers. However, the current Government of India has turned it into a prestige point and refused to budge.

“Worse, your government has shut the doors for any dialogue since January 22, even when you claimed the opposite. We have so far lost more than 470 colleagues in this movement due to this obstinacy on the part of your government,” said Rajewal.

Deeply conscious of the risks of Covid-19, farmer leaders said they do not want to expose protesting farmers or anyone else to the infection or any health hazard. However, they stressed that farmers will not give up on the struggle until their demands are met.

Related:

CropData: Agri Ministry’s new app uses farm data without farmers’ consent!
PMO announces old fertilizer rates for farmers with 140% hiked subsidy on DAP fertiliser
Peasantry to assemble on May 26, SKM calls for ‘Black Day’ across India!
Woman allegedly raped by men who accompanied her from WB to Tikri border

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In a passionately penned letter to President Ramnath Kovind, in the aftermath of the Pulwama massacre, Admiral Ramdas, former chief of the Indian Navy has urged restraint and sagacity in dealing with the aftermath.  Recognising that there is anger after the loss of over ‘forty precious lives’ of the jawans,  he has deplored the attacks on innocent Kashmiris all over India. In the strongest terms he has condemned the war hysteria being whipped up by television channels especially the ‘war hysteria’ against Kashmiris our own people.
 
Appealing to the Indian President as Head of the Nation and Supreme Commander of the Armed Forces, he has stated in no uncertain terms that we cannot afford a war. ” It is imperative that the situation should not be allowed to escalate into greater hostilities which it might not always be possible to contain. As the Supreme Commander, you must caution our own leaders about the very real dangers of the present standoff escalating into a war situation – and quickly going beyond a conventional engagement – given that both India and Pakistan are two nuclear armed countries.”
 
The entire test of the letter may be read here. It was despatched to the Rashtrapati Bhavan four days ago and is being made public now. Two days ago, at a meeting held by Citizens for Justice and Peace (CJP) and Indian Muslims for Secular democracy (IMSD) in Mumbai Admiral Ramdas had, similarly called for both justice and peace.
 
Dear Shri Kovind ji,
This is Admiral Ramdas –‐ former Chief of the Naval Staff, writing to you yet again – this time on the tragic deaths of Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF) Jawans in the IED attack on their
convoy in Pulwama on Feb 14th 2019 and subsequent events. Over forty precious lives, belonging to the CRPF were lost in the service of the Nation on February 14, 2019. This was indeed a despicable act, and a tragic event, and those guilty must be punished.

While the event has understandably evoked strong and angry reactions from every corner of the country and all sections of the people, it is also clear that such an event should never have happened on such an important strategic highway, especially in view of some reports that speak of there having been some intelligence reports to this effect in possession of the police and Intelligence agencies.

It is reported that this attack was planned and executed by the Jaish e Mohammed [JEM].There are questions as to how and why a lone vehicle packed with RDX was able to penetrate a convoy and wreak such havoc, these and many more questions will no doubt be the subject of internal inquiries both by the CRPF and other agencies of the State. As a former head of the Navy and Chairman of the Chiefs of Staff Committee, and also someone who, after retirement in 1993 has devoted most of his time in the pursuit of peace with Pakistan by pushing for a people to people dialogue, my concerns, are listed below.
 
1. We must resolve the Kashmir problem through dialogue which must involve all three partners to the dispute – namely, the people of J&K, India and Pakistan. This is a position I have advocated for several decades now – after having studied the intractable nature of what is popularly called the K word, but which has continued to extract a heavy toll on both countries and above all on the suffering of the unfortunate people of Jammu and Kashmir.
 
We continue to proclaim that they are an integral part of India. If indeed that is so, then they must be treated as such, as equal citizens –‐ be they in Jammu, the Valley or in Ladakh . Had we done that we would have been less likely to see the levels of alienation, especially of young people.
 
2. If both countries are willing to engage each other on the Kartarpora corridor – then why not on the LOC, and other core concerns around Jammu and Kashmir (J&K). The sooner we make it known that we are open to dialogue with all stakeholders and begin this process in all seriousness and sincerity, the more likely we are to make some headway with the people in J&K.
 
3. If a young Adil can blow himself up in the cause of freedom, Aazadi or the long promised autonomy for Kashmir, it is the strongest indicator yet of the levels of anger and alienation that the youth of the state are experiencing today. No amount of force as part of the avowedly “muscular” Kashmir policy can quell this. We must act now and sit across the table and have an honest dialogue with all parties concerned. It might already be too late.
 
4. The most serious fallout of this attack on our jawans in Awantipora has been the unprecedented outbreak of harassment, mob violence, attacks, insults and abuse levelled at many Kashmiris across the country. Soon this might spill over to Muslims across India. We CANNOT allow this to continue and spread with dire consequences which are hard to assess.
 
5. The only solution is political and not military. And a political solution must involve a genuine and continuous dialogue with the people of Kashmir – including dissidents and separatists; the Govt of Pakistan and the Govt of India.
 
WHAT CAN BE DONE – IMMEDIATELY
 In your capacity as the Head of State and our Supreme Commander, and the oath you have taken to uphold the Constitution, I urge you to take steps as outlined below, which is entirely within your command, and a part of your duty and responsibility:–‐
 
a. It is imperative that the situation should not be allowed to escalate into greater hostilities which it might not always be possible to contain. As the Supreme Commander, you must caution our own leaders about the very real dangers of the present standoff escalating into a war situation – and quickly going beyond a conventional engagement – given that both India and Pakistan are two nuclear armed countries.
 
b. The decisions on next steps must be taken with due diligence, and weighing all the options and their implications . We cannot allow the hysterical media anchors and social media anger to influence or pressurise decisions at the highest level. The atmosphere at present is by no means conducive to decisions being taken in a calm and considered manner – with emotions and reactions being inflamed and incited in an often deliberate and irresponsible manner.
 
c. Let India take the high moral ground by declaring an unconditional Hold Fire – pending detailed enquiries into the attack on the convoy in Pulwama . This way we will ensure that the facts are investigated, and the truth behind the attack be established without delay. I am sure that this will have a salutary effect and ensure seamless actions further ahead.
 
d. We must immediately put a halt to the terrible media war being waged on innocent Kashmiris who are going about their business quietly in towns and cities across the country . This message must come from the highest level – and the Honorable Prime Minister must be advised that he can halt this current backlash in minutes if he so chooses, by issuing stern and clear warnings against any violence and threats and harassment against citizens – be they Kashmiri or indeed Muslim citizens. , through every channel, cadre and social media. To avoid aggravating the present situation of fear and insecurity and preventing further bloodshed, action on this must be taken with utmost speed.
 
e. Enable an impartial and independent Judicial Enquiry . This group should comprise serving judges of the Supreme court.
 
The Nation as a whole seems to be going through a lot of uncertainties especially about the threats of retaliation. Such posturing, especially between two nuclear armed states, is highly risky. This time around we may not be able to contain this to the conventional type of warfare. The situation is even more delicate given the impending elections, communal disturbances and fears of breakdown of law and order.
 
We must not allow any of the above to happen. We have a lot of strategic and human interests in (J&K) and the country as a whole and we must protect both these. This can only happen by winning the hearts and minds of the people , especially of Jammu & Kashmir. Let us remember that Military Force can never erase an “IDEA”. We need to do some serious reflection of our own policies and conduct these past 70 years.

With regards
Yours sincerely
L.Ramdas
P.S. Admiral Ramdas held his position with the forces with distinction.  He has been awarded the prestigious PVSM, AVSM, VrC, VSM Medals of Honour for Bravery besides also being a Magsaysay Awardee for Peace
 

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It was not a structured “formal dialogue”, but the Archbishop was persuaded to meet them after a long chain of violent events, with several intermediaries including a US-based Christian scholar who claimed he was doing a doctoral research study on inter religious dialogue. The man did not explain why the talk was fixed with the RSS chief, and not with the several Shankaracharyas and heads of various sects and “mutts” in India, or even with the Ramakrishna Mission with whom the church had, through its interfaith dialogue commissions, been regularly in touch then, as it is now.

The Archbishop insisted that the talk be held in his headquarters, and not at the RSS offices, or even a “neutral” place. He also chose a delegation of clergy, women and some laypersons, I among them, to join the meeting.  I was even more reluctant than the Archbishop. In a lifetime in journalism – now 46 years and counting – I had covered scores, if not hundreds, of riots targeted at Muslims, and the one against Sikhs in 1984, had read every single judicial enquiry report, and seen first hand Sangh “shivirs”, training camps and shakhas in various states of India, including Delhi. As most reporters of that time did, we had also gone through the founding texts of the RSS, including “A bunch of Thoughts”, and “We, our Nationhood Defined”. And most of the “parchas”, booklets, pamphlets and handbills that we could collect in the riot hit areas. I am sure the police and the Intelligence Bureau would have sackfuls of these in their archives. 

The so-called meeting was the disaster it had been anticipated to be by the Archbishop. Mr. Modi uttered very few words, but Mr. Sudarshan was articulate in his opposition to Hindus being converted to Christianity, which he implied was not at their own volition, but by some fraud or trick being played by Christian priests. He wanted the Church to stop conversions immediately. Archbishop Alan tried to explain to him the theological underpinning of conversion, a change of heart and mind-set. I do not think Mr. Sudarshan was listening. He said no one converts as a matter of choice, or of free will, a concept of which he was perhaps ignorant. One of the women in our delegation, a social worker and communications expert from Nagpur, and an official of the Church of North India, told Mr. Sudarshan that she was the daughter of a Hindu family, upper caste at that, a post graduate, and had converted to Christianity without anyone forcing her to do so. Mr. Sudarshan was not expecting this retort, and from a woman at that. He kept quiet. That was also the end of the meeting. 

It was also the only time in my life I have been in a “meeting” or a “dialogue” with the RSS, though I routinely attend meetings with almost all political parties, including the Bharatiya Janata Party, and count many religious heads, including prominent Hindus, among my friends. I meet them frequently, alone, in groups, and in formal “dialogue” settings.  

There may be individuals, possibly those seeking some political opportunity, who may have met RSS leaders in the almost two decades since then, and of course those living in Nagpur who run into the Sangh leadership in the city which is their headquarters, but to my knowledge, there have been only two major group meetings between Christian religious leaders and the Sangh leadership of any senior rank. There are many genuine and self styled Christian Bishops, and others, including former Supreme court judges, who routinely meet BJP leaders, and a few who even subscribe to the BJP ideology. But they remain in a very small minority. 

One of the women in our (Chritistian) delegation, a social worker and communications expert from Nagpur, and an official of the Church of North India, told Mr. Sudarshan that she was the daughter of a Hindu family, upper caste at that, a post graduate, and had converted to Christianity without anyone forcing her to do so. Mr. Sudarshan was not expecting this retort, and from a woman at that. He kept quiet.

One of these two meetings was in Bhubaneswar-Cuttack in Orissa in the wake of the massive violence against Christians in the district of Kandhamal. Just to recall, more than 6,000 houses and more than 300 churches were destroyed in district wide arson in August 2008, following the assassination of Vishwa Hindu Parishad  leader Lakshmanananda Saraswati by Maoists in his ashram in the district. More than 120 Christians were murdered, and about 60,000 people had to flee into the nearby Sal forests to save their lives. The death toll would have been massive if the forests had not given them shelter. Tens of thousands remain in government camps because of continuous threats. The church helped rebuild their houses when the government arbitrarily shut down the camps. The other meeting was in a guise of a Christmas get together where Mr. Indresh Kumar, the senior RSS leader, was present.  He is apparently the point person for Sikhs, Muslims and Christians. This is not the occasion to dwell on his antecedents and his record at the hands of the National Investigations Agency. 

The so-called dialogue in Orissa saw the Sangh repeat its well-known arguments as it blamed the Christians for inviting the violence on them. At the end of the “talks”, the Sangh leaders went away saying they would decide on a statement. The statement never came. This is the way these dialogues end. 

The church loves dialogue. It is a tenet of the Catholic teachings. Various Popes and Congregations have propounded on the need for continuous dialogue. A special emphasis is dialogue for peace, against terrorism, and for the welfare of people. But it does not see dialogue as capitulation to evil, or violence, or to moral issues, which go against the values taught by Jesus Christ.  “Give unto Caesar what is Caesar’s” refers to governments, constitutional agencies, official and accepted structures as excising in democracies, and sometimes even in dictatorships. Many in the church still look askance at some of the actions of the Church during the rule of Adolf Hitler. 

The current talk of a possible dialogue is because of a report that the Sangh is setting up a Rashtriya Isai [Christian} Manch on the lines of its frontal organisations for Sikhs and Muslims. Both communities have rejected those organisations, which now remain mostly on paper with a few minority representatives heading them for the occasional show at election time. 

According to the Catholic media, the Church is on a wait-and-watch mode towards the RSS' plans to float the  Christian Manch. Cardinal Baselios Cleemis, the current president of the Catholic Bishops' Conference of India (CBCI) has said that he was yet to be convinced about the new outfit's actual objectives. The Cardinal is not unaware of the ideology of the Sangh.
                                             
Apart from the main objection to the ideology of the RSS, which is rooted in a Nazi-Fascist inspiration, and racist and religious hate against other faiths, there are several other reasons why I oppose any bilateral dialogue with a group whose short history of 90 years is so steeped in violence and bloodshed. 

The presence of Christians in India is historic, and they constitute an important strand that makes the composite culture of the south Asian landmass. Their contribution towards the evolution of a modern nation is also historic. But it is often forgotten in debate that their citizenship, as of other religious minorities, is cemented in the Constitution. They are not here on sufferance, or because they are “tolerated” by another group or political entity. 

As citizens of a constitutional state, they are answerable to other instruments of state, such as the courts, and parliament. How can they allow themselves to be judged by non–state actors such as the RSS?  

A dialogue with non-state actors effectively betrays the State, and the Constitution, and dilutes the rule of law. There can be no question of Muslims, Sikhs or Christians “buying” or negotiating collective or separate peace and security with the RSS. The Constituent assembly saw the creative dialogue required for rule of law and creation of a civil society in which people can live in peace and pursue development and happiness. 

Can Christians, or any other community, seek bilateral treaties with various groups in India?  This suggestion is fraught with serious consequences for the unity of the country. All communities have to live together, and this can happen only if they swear common allegiance to the Constitution and the rule of law. We shudder to think of a situation there two or more communities gang up against a third one. This has happened in some nations, which have been rent asunder in civil strife. 

What will be the Terms of Reference, TOR, of any dialogue? What will the Christian community seek in such a dialogue? That it be left alone? Or seek a certificate from the RSS that it is a good Christian community?  That it will give up all its unique activities, including speaking of Jesus Christ and will confine itself to mere closed-door rituals?  That it will run its schools and colleges and hospitals as mere social work or commercial establishments and not reach out to the poor, the Dalits and tribals, the marginalised people? 

What is the guarantee that any assurance by such non-state actors can be trusted? 

There is an ongoing dialogue of life between people of all groups. For Christians, this dialogue of life is 2,000 years old, beginning in Kerala and Tamil Nadu.  

This on-going dialogue between the peoples of all communities is why there is peace in the countryside in such a complex nation, unless fanatics such as of the RSS come and polarize the people. This dialogue, which brings unity in commerce, social needs and goodwill, and a common commitment to the rule of law, is permanent. This is the experience of all democracies across the world. 

Dialogue is good. We need to dialogue with other spiritual traditions. We need to dialogue with different Christian denominations. And in the Catholic Church, there must be a healthy dialogue between the laity, the religious, the hierarchy, and the clergy. This is essential for a healthy church. Let us begin with this essential dialogue. And let the RSS learn more about India and its constitution.

(The author is a journalist, occasional documentary film maker and social activist)

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Machchhipeeth is a Muslim predominant area in the old city of Vadodara. Here, about 75-80 Hindu families live in the midst of over 2,000 Muslim families. While the rest of Vadodara fell victim to the communal virus, Hindus in this area, who were in a minority, believed they were completely safe. None of them thought of moving out to ‘safer’ areas.

"We did feel slightly scared but we trusted the Muslims in our area. Our relatives asked us to come and live with them but we refused to move out," says Taraben Mohanbhai Patel, a resident of Machchhipeeth. The Muslims went out of the way to make them comfortable and Hindus were assured that they would not be targeted.

Since the Hindus in this area are mainly poor and work as daily wagers, they were badly affected by the violence in the town. Their Muslims neighbours pitched in to provide them with groceries and other necessities whenever possible. Within the mohalla, the Hindus felt safe enough to go out for their daily chores. In the areas where they felt insecure, the Muslims went and did their chores for them. On their part, the Hindus pitched in whenever a Muslim neighbour needed anything from the Hindu dominated areas nearby. Here, both communities helped each other and maintained peace and harmony within the area. Most of the major incidents that affected Machchhipeeth took place on the main road, between its Muslim residents and either the police or Hindu mobs from outside. Within the mohalla there was no communal tension.

Even today, the Hindu families continue to stay in Machchhipeeth and good neighbourly relations between them and the Muslims of the area continue.

Near Machcchipeeth, the Rifaiya dargah is visited by several devotees, Hindus and Muslims, every day. It is surrounded by Hindu localities on all sides. While there is a Kahar basti in front, Marathi Hindus live behind the dargah. During the period of communal violence, there was considerable tension in the area. However, the Kahars assured the caretaker of the dargah, Syed Kamaluddin Ahsamuddin Rifai or Baba as he is popularly called, that nothing would happen to the dargah, not even a stone would be hurled at it. Even the Marathis were alert to the possibility and determined to prevent any such incident.

However, on March 3, 2002, about 14-15 armed men managed to reach the back door of the dargah, which opens into the kitchen, and tried to set it on fire. They were chased away by those who were inside. The Marathi residents helped to chase them away. After this incident, Baba sent his family to their family home in Tandalja with Rameshbhai but he himself refused to leave the dargah. The Kahars and Marathis also decided to sleep within the compound to guard the building and any further incidents were prevented.

Three months after the violence started, the annual Urs was to be celebrated at the dargah. Usually this involves a huge procession that passes through both Hindu and Muslim areas of the city. In 2002, Baba wondered whether that would be a good idea and whether he should scale down the celebrations in view of the prevailing tension in the city. However, the Hindu leaders insisted that the procession should go on along its usual route and that Urs should be celebrated on the same scale as in previous years. Even the police agreed with them. Baba complied with this request and the Urs celebrations were conducted with much fanfare.

Everything went off peacefully and there was an overwhelming response from the Hindu community as well. Many Hindus felt that this event proved that the violence was finally behind them and helped to bridge the gap between the communities.

Similarly, during Ganeshotsav, the Marathi settlement behind the dargah usually installs a Ganesh idol for worship. When it is taken out for immersion, it is customary for the visarjan procession to stop in front of the dargah, as many prominent Hindus in the visarjan procession offer chadars at the shrine. On their part, Muslims offer sherbet to all the faithful in the visarjan procession. This custom was observed even in 2002, thus proving that the dargah remained immune to the communal virus sweeping through the town. Even today, the dargah attracts followers from both faiths and is a symbol of the age-old pluralistic tradition of Vadodara city.  

Archived from Communalism Combat, June 2004 Year 10   No. 98, Cover Story 13

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Since April 2003, I have been involved with two entirely new initiatives in Himmatnagar, Sabarkantha district, the town where I work and live. Before this I have been a social worker for 20 years, having come into the struggle after a dear friend, Shakuben, pulled me out of the exclusion and depression that I felt being a deserted woman and a single mother.

My work involved the education and training of rural women communities but never before did I have the opportunity or perspective with which to work on the issue of developing communication between two communities, Hindus and Muslims.

February and March 2002 will be etched in our memories forever. The strained relations and tensions, the violence, the fears and insecurities that we experienced entrenched themselves deep into the soul of Himmatnagar where much interaction had existed before. When we volunteered to help dishoused persons to rebuild their homes in three villages through relief agencies and even managed to complete some of them, our own relations would tell us, "Do not risk your lives entering Muslim areas."

During one such effort the process had been especially painful. The Hindus adamantly refused to even think of letting the affected families, who had lived by their side for generations, back into the village. Political propaganda and hatred had seeped deep even into our rural areas.

I started this work through two initiatives. One is a programme that works with children and teachers and the other through local communities.

We had close and intense discussions on how to even begin the work of dialogue and understanding within the parameters of Gujarat, given how deep the schisms ran. Himmatnagar had had its bouts of violence in 2002 but they were not as prolonged and bitter as those in Ahmedabad.

When we started this work in Himmatnagar, for the first few months we worked among separate groups of women, Hindu and Muslim. There were two kinds of sections and groups. One section was extremely poor, self-employed women of both the Muslim and Hindu community in Chhaparia; a really poor large urban dwelling that also suffers bitterly at the hands of the police. Setting up a Mahila Mandal and library, and beginning work on accessing government assistance and programmes (BPL cards etc.) was a step to build camaraderie with and between the women while constantly speaking of the divide and schisms between the two communities.

After several meetings we managed to establish the Pragati Mahila Mandal with a membership of 30 women in the Hadiyolpur Chhaparia area of Himmatnagar. Most women are domestic workers with a monthly income of Rs. 900. We opened a bank account for the Mandal on September 1, 2003 and we have already effected savings of Rs. 11,000. The Mandal chief is Mehmoonaben while Najmaben and Shabanaben are next in line. To enable a vibrant and regular working relationship to emerge where the issue of communication and co-existence with different communities takes centre stage, we held meetings where we discussed the women’s immediate problems and needs. The severe economic crunch they all faced was always a dominant issue.

Intermingling with Hindu women of the same vocation and from the same area was easier in Chhaparia than in the middle class areas of Himmatnagar. Here among the domestic workers and the self-employed, a certain amount of intermingling took place and there was participation at the level of daily needs and sharing and symbolic sharing at festival time.

But the women identified certain key persons in the area and community who they felt were out to create trouble and fuel suspicion. Women recalled how when a noted figure like Rasikbhai Kadia passed away, Muslim women participated in large numbers at the condolence meeting or besna held for him. There were also occasions during the violence in 2002 when attempts to aggravate the situation were controlled by spontaneous interventions from local women and men who appealed for reason.

Though this has been the background in this locality, women of the Mahila Mandal have felt even more empowered after the consistent interventions over the past year. That a Hindu woman like myself would take the trouble to go to this extremely poor Muslim locality twice a week and listen to their problems was itself a novelty for the others. But most importantly, we found that within us a collective courage to discuss and take on issues was born.

We had three or four meetings where suggestions were exchanged about the immediate desires of the group. There was and remains an overwhelming need for training in economic self-advancement, ie, in attempting self-employed businesses at home so that the women could get out of the drudgery of domestic work.

There was also a distinct feeling of insecurity in continuing to work as domestic workers in Hindu homes after the violence in 2002. Mothers who often took their young girls to help with the work distinctly felt that this was not safe and should be avoided.

Through some assistance from officers in the administration, we managed to organise some training on candle and shampoo making through government departments in January 2004. Our greatest success, however, was what we managed to do together on the issue of the BPL (below poverty line) card to which all these women are entitled but which they (the Muslim women) had been so far denied. The entire experience: appealing to the state government official, a Mr. Prajapati, writing a memorandum to him, and standing firm and unafraid when he made an inspection, has instilled a tremendous sense of satisfaction within the group. Representatives of the Mahila Mandals undertook the whole exercise themselves with only some help from me.

The other group that we have successfully managed to form is the Sadguru Krupa Mahila Mandal also from the Chhaparia Hadiyolpur area. This is a much poorer locality where women are also domestic help but also sell small eatables on the highway. There are 11 women here who managed a total savings of Rs. 100 each. So far this Mandal has saved Rs. 1,200. Laxmiben Dudhabhai Bhoi and Jayantiben Rameshbhai Bhoi are the two main functionaries.

There has been no group working here before this and our work has been welcomed. Chronologically speaking, since this Mandal was formed and established after the Pragati Mahila Mandal, the ‘leaders’ of the latter, Muslim women, have stepped in to help at every stage. When the Sadguru Krupa Mahila Mandal wanted to formally establish itself, the Pragati representatives chipped in, attended meetings and gave them advice. When the latter’s bank account had to be opened, it was the office bearers of the Pragati Mahila Mandal who accompanied them to the bank.

Personally speaking, I find great satisfaction in the means of communication that have developed. Today, if I need to send a message to the area about scheduled meetings, all I have to do is inform one of the women and the message is then passed from woman to woman, all acting as vital links in an organised chain to ensure that everyone receives the information. They communicate without constraint, moving freely in and out of each other’s homes and areas. Laxmiben, especially, finds courage and collective strength in the others’ physical presence and support. Today one of the most urgent needs is for a medical camp in the area.

The initiatives and meetings among the middle class residents, Hindu and Muslim, have been more complex. The first thing that struck me after I started going to the Gulabbhai Memon School and having informal discussions with Memon women was how little I myself knew about Islam and Muslims.

This was a startling revelation. I felt I needed to know more. I started attending the Thursday katha with Muslim women, which is a kind of sermon of their faith. For me this has been the first opportunity to work on the issue of communal amity. I have never done it in the past and I find it tremendously fulfilling. If through the work that we are doing, Himmatnagar once more allows all of us to intermingle freely, what greater satisfaction can there be?

My decision to attend these Thursday kathas built a huge sense of trust and camaraderie with the Memon community. This is a traditionally well-off community. (In 2002, the Memon community in Sabarkantha district was a target of brutal violence and many families were reduced to penury). We have had three special internal meetings to discuss the intrinsic value of dialogue.

All of us felt that for the first such meeting, only those women from among the Hindu community whom they named and trusted should be invited there. Meetings took place first in February and then again in April 2004.

In the Alkapuri area, Polloground, we have not had as much success in starting a Mahila Mandal. Women here work in small government jobs or home businesses. But there are some women like Dharmisthaben who are interested in furthering a collective strategy. I believe that this will happen, but perhaps more slowly than in other areas.

The work in Chhaparia means immediate uplift and benefit for women who need such access and facilities, be they Hindu or Muslim. These areas also fall victim to the worst kind of violence. Police mistreatment of women and of young Muslim males in Chhaparia has been a sore and recurrent issue. On one occasion, over 1,000 Muslim women from Chhaparia went and protested ill–treatment at the police station. There was comment on this locally but it got the women an assurance that they would be taken into confidence whenever the police made searches and that they would not be harassed at night. This has instilled tremendous faith and strength among the women.

Today, on our own initiative, we have started a Balmandir, a crèche for our children funded by our own contributions and attended by 22 children from different sections of society. We have started organising creative activities for them. How better to begin the issue of dialogue than with our young?

For frank dialogue and understanding, we feel that there is tremendous scope among the middle class. For the Muslim women, despite the hardships that they have suffered, the humiliations and penury, there is hurt but also a deep desire to re-establish a lost relationship and equation with their sisters from the Hindu fold. For the Hindu women, along with a sense of guilt and shame, there is a strong need for reassurance from Muslims that wrongdoing (read criminal activities and terrorism) will not be tolerated.

There was much coming and going between the two communities prior to 2002. There were some differences in lifestyles but also much intermingling. All that was ruptured. Old bridges need to be rebuilt.

Archived from Communalism Combat, June 2004 Year 10   No. 98, Cover Story 19

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Sandesha is a village in Anand taluka of Anand district. It has about 70 Muslim families and 700 Hindu families. Hindus in Sandesha saved Mustafabhai Umerbhai Vora and Mohammadbhai Umerbhai Vora, traders and shopkeepers in this village, from a bloodthirsty mob.

Soon after the Godhra incident, rumours started circulating that riots would take place here too. However, the Hindus dismissed these stories and tried to convince the Muslim residents that nothing would happen. Mustafabhai recalls that one Govindbhai Patel even avowed that he would chop his head off if there was any trouble in the village. However, the Voras were not convinced and as a precautionary measure, sent their families to stay with their sister in Napa.

Two days later, a mob of 2,000 came for the Muslims. Govindbhai Patel was a part of this mob. The attack was sudden, unexpected and vicious. Mohammadbhai was at his shop in the village when he realised that there was trouble. He closed up his shop and was headed home when he saw the mob. Manubhai S. Parmar saw him and realised his predicament. He asked Mohammadbhai to step inside his house and let the mob pass. Mohammadbhai took refuge in Manubhai’s house and survived. Five hours later, when the police arrived, Mohammadbhai left for Napa in the police van.

Mustafabhai was at his house when he heard the mob. Across the road, Sanabhai Thakur’s family also heard them. His daughter-in-law, Ritaben remembers that it sounded so menacing that her children and even she herself got scared and started crying. Sanabhai’s immediate thought was for Mustafabhai’s safety. The mob attacked Mustafabhai’s house from the rear. This gave Sanabhai the opportunity to go and help Mustafabhai escape from the front door and take him to his own house. Realising that Mustafabhai had escaped to Sanabhai’s place, the mob followed him there, demanding that Mustafabhai be handed over.

But Sanabhai and his family refused. The mob then turned on the Thakur family and threatened to burn their house. They even tried to burn the shed outside it. But Sanabhai refused to give in and threatened to leave the village along with Mustafabhai until finally, the mob turned away. Five hours later, when the trouble subsided, Sanabhai took Mustafabhai out of the village in his own car and dropped him off at Napa.

To this day the Hindus of Sandesha remain angry with Manubhai and Sanabhai for helping the Voras to escape. They are not invited to social functions and face social boycott in many other ways. But the two men have no regrets about what they did and are convinced that they would do the same thing all over again if they had to.

Archived from Communalism Combat, June 2004 Year 10   No. 98, Cover Story 18

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Rai Singh Parmar lives in Kavitha village of Borsad taluka in Anand district. Parmar and his friend Shamshuddin Allauddin Malik are banana traders. Kavitha has about 70 Muslim families and over 2000 Hindu families. Rai Singh’s eldest brother is the deputy sarpanch of Kavitha.

Hindus and Muslims in Kavitha have had very good relations and have been living like brothers for generations, says Malik. However, on March 1, 2002, three or four Muslim houses in the fields were set on fire. Muslims were surprised at the turn of events but believed the sarpanch and other Hindus when they assured them that nothing would happen in the village, that they were safe there. The sarpanch even went with Rai Singh to lodge an FIR at the Borsad police station.

At the police station, the police was not very helpful. When they asked for police protection, the taluka vice president told them that the police was not going to interfere. According to Rai Singh, this was a signal to the Hindus that they were free to do as they liked without any fear of punishment. The Hindus had been waiting for just such a signal.

On March 3, a mob of about 2,000, consisting mainly of Hindus from the village itself, started attacking the Muslims. It set fire to a Muslim-owned cabin on the outskirts of the village and moved towards the Muslim locality. Rai Singh rushed to Malik and told him that it was time for them to leave the village. Malik called his friends in other towns and discovered that the only safe place for them was Napa, about seven or eight km away. He asked the Muslims of the village to pack and get ready to leave.

A truck that had arrived in Anand town on February 27 to transport some bananas was stranded because of the violence. The driver contacted Malik and then drove to Kavitha to wait until the trouble subsided before going back. Both the driver and the cleaner of the truck were Hindus. Malik pressed this truck into service to transport the Muslims of the village to safety. Afraid for his life, the truck driver refused to drive but luckily, a Muslim bus driver came forward and the Muslims boarded the truck to make their escape. As the Hindu mob armed with kerosene, petrol, diesel and soda bottles moved forward along the main road, sure that any escape vehicle would have to pass that way to get out of Kavitha, the driver found a route through the back-lanes of Kavitha and took the Muslim residents to the safety of Napa — all but 11 of them, including Malik and his family, who were to follow in Malik’s car. But before these 11 people could leave, the mob was upon them.

By now, it was late evening. The mob realised that most of the Muslims had escaped and this made them all the more determined to get the 11 who remained. They stoned Malik’s car and set it on fire. Next, they attacked his house. Malik jumped over the terrace wall of his house and sought refuge in his neighbour’s house, a Patel. His wife, who has mobility problems, was also brought there in a similar manner, as were the others. The mob realised that the 11 Muslims were hiding in Patel’s house and asked Patel to turn them out. From there, the fleeing Muslims were forced to move to another house before Patel could invite the mob leaders into his home and convince them that no Muslims were hiding there. However, the mob soon discovered the Muslims’ new hiding place and targeted it, forcing them to move again. In this manner, Malik and his family shifted 6 houses that night.

Meanwhile, the Hindus were certain that Rai Singh knew the whereabouts of the hiding Muslims and kept an eye on his movements. Rai Singh tried to find a way out for his friends. He asked the sarpanch for help. The sarpanch promised help and asked Rai Singh to go home but he did not provide a tractor to take the Muslims to safety. Finally, Malik was able to call on influential friends in Borsad and a few BSF vehicles arrived in the village. They asked Rai Singh to take them to the stranded Muslims. From a distance, Rai Singh showed them the house in which the Muslims were hiding. He wanted them to park their vehicles some distance away and take just one vehicle closer to carry out the rescue in an unobtrusive manner. However, seeing the large mob still hanging around waiting for the Muslims to come out, the BSF felt that it did not have the wherewithal to carry out the rescue and went away. They dropped Rai Singh off at the other end of the village. As Rai Singh walked back through the village, the mob again followed him and tried to find out where exactly the Muslims were hiding. Here, Rai Singh told a neat lie, that the Muslims had been rescued by the BSF and were already out of the village. Everyone had seen Rai Singh with the BSF and had no reason to disbelieve him. The mob realised that there was no more action to be had and soon melted away. At about 5 a.m. on March 4, after the mob had disbanded, Malik contacted a friend who sent him a tractor, which took him and the other 10 Muslims to Napa, to safety.

Rai Singh stayed behind to face the wrath of the villagers. His brother, the deputy sarpanch, was particularly angry. An hour or so after Malik and others escaped, Rai Singh was asked to swear on Ganga Jal that he would never interact with Muslims again. Rai Singh refused, saying that he would never ever betray a friend, Hindu or Muslim. For this, he was severely beaten up by his brother; a beating that stopped only after the neighbours intervened. But Rai Singh still stood firm by his friendship with Malik and his belief in what was right. He filed an FIR on the incident and also gave evidence in various investigations. He visited Malik regularly, first at Napa and later at Borsad, where he stayed before returning to Kavitha.

Even today, the Hindus of Kavitha do not interact with Rai Singh but his friendship with Malik is stronger than ever.

Archived from Communalism Combat, June 2004 Year 10   No. 98, Cover Story 17

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Kader Khan Pathan was posted as ASI at the Umreth police station during March-April 2002. He merely tried to do his duty honestly and paid a price for it.

In March 2002, when many other parts of the state were burning, Umreth taluka, including its 33 villages, remained peaceful. However, not everyone was happy about this. It became a prestige issue for the local BJP chief, Lal Singh Bhadodia. Those who were itching for a bloodbath sent Bhadodia bangles and a sari. Bhadodia felt compelled to salvage his pride and openly declared that "something should happen" in Umreth.

So one day in the second half of April 2002, when other parts of Gujarat were limping back to normalcy, looting and arson "happened" in different parts of Umreth under the alleged supervision of Bhadodia. Muslim shops and property were exclusively targeted in this operation, although adjoining Hindu shops also suffered some damage in the process.

ASI Pathan says he received special orders from BJP office-bearers telling him not to interfere and to let things take their own course. However, he refused to comply with their unofficial ‘orders’ and brought the situation under control within 2-3 hours. He did not allow the looting and arson to escalate into full-scale violence. By his timely action, he prevented the situation from taking an ugly turn.

Pathan was transferred out of Umreth police station the same day, for his audacity in disobeying the dictates of local BJP leaders. He was asked to join the Mehlar police station but his reputation preceded him there. The local Patels and BJP party members clearly did not want him in their midst and refused to allow him to join duty there. Finally, he was transferred to the police headquarters.

ASI Pathan feels that though the communal situation has improved marginally in the past two years, people in power and in important positions still harbour a communal mindset. No real improvement can be expected until this mindset undergoes a significant change. Today he sees fresh hope after the change in government at the Centre.

Archived from Communalism Combat, June 2004 Year 10   No. 98, Cover Story 16

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Fariduddin Khan is a resident of Sureli village in Umreth taluka of Anand district. He is also a member of the Umreth taluka Panchayat. About 50 per cent of Sureli’s residents are Hindu and the other 50 per cent are Muslim. There was no communal problem in Sureli throughout the troubled period in 2002 and it became the centre of a major relief camp in the area.

When trouble started brewing in the village of Odh, seven km away, a few Muslims fled to Umreth. There, they told the district Congress president of the Minorities Cell, Fariduddin Khan about the terrible conditions in Odh. At about 7 a.m. on March 2, 2002, Faridbhai received an emergency call from Odh. The Hindu population of the village had turned against their Muslim neighbours and there was no chance of survival. Dhiru Khan Rehmu Khan, a resident of Odh, says that Faridbhai was their last hope but they were sure that he would help them. Faridbhai called an emergency meeting of the Muslims of Sureli to decide how the Muslims in Odh could be saved. However, no one volunteered for the rescue mission. Faridbhai decided to take the lead and along with a friend, Bismillah Khan Akbar Khan, left for Odh with two tempos. He was on good terms with the DySP of the area and asked him for police protection, which was provided.

Faridbhai managed to reach Odh within an hour of receiving the call for help. There, he realised that the entire Muslim neighbourhood was burning. The chowk in front of the dargah was the only area still untouched, mainly because all the Muslims had gathered there and the Hindus found it difficult to approach. He parked his tempos in the chowk and piled in as many Muslims as he could. Thus, he was able to take about 600 Muslims out of the village. When the Hindus realised that Muslims were being rescued in the tempo they threw stones at it and even chased it over a distance. But Faridbhai was able to outmanoeuvre them and take these Muslims safely to Sureli. However, there was still a sizeable number of Muslims trapped in Odh. He had planned on making another rescue trip to Odh but the Hindus, realising that the Muslims could be rescued by road, blocked it with tree trunks and huge stones, making a second rescue operation impossible. And, in one of the worst instances of violence in Gujarat in 2002, 27 Muslims were burnt alive in Odh the next day.

Archived from Communalism Combat, June 2004 Year 10   No. 98, Cover Story 15

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