Jyotiraditya M. Scindia (BJP), union minister for civil aviation, responded to the questions by providing details of the amount of land acquired by Government for building airports in last three years. As per the data provided, a total of 1944.4364 acres of land had been acquired for building airports in the last three years.

The minister also detailed the funds allocated and spent on land acquisition for building airports in last three years. As provided in the reply, the Rajya Sabha was apprised that out of the total land of 71.11 acres provided by UT of Andaman & Nicobar for Port Blair Airport, Rs. 12.47 crores have been paid for 1.55 acres of land to the UT Administration for installation of glide path. In Bagdogra, out of the total airport land of 130 acres, the Airport Authority of India (AAI) paid Rs. 23.06 crores as compensation to the existing tea estates for acquiring 98.72 acres of land provided by the State Government of West Bengal. For Pakyong Airport, out of the total land area of 210.14 acres, AAI paid a compensation of Rs.10.18 crores for an area of 7.39 acres, as a compensation for acquisition of private land for construction of the reinforced earth retaining walls. At Hindon Airport, out of the total land of 10.39 acres made available by State Government of Uttar Pradesh, AAI has paid Rs.39.69 crores for a land of 5.44 acres.

It is crucial to note here that the data provided by the ministries fail to provide the amount of money that has been paid by them for the whole land. As can be deduced, the compensation paid is only for a part of the whole required land. Since the data does not provide the total funds allocated, the total amount spend on land acquisition and compensation cannot be determined. By providing us with only the amount paid for 4 airports, namely Port Balir, Bagdogra, Pakyong and Hindon airport, the full amount paid for acquisition of 1955.4364 acres cannot be pointed. Thus, it can only deciphered that they the union has paid 85.4 crores for acquiring 113.1 acres of land due to various reasons, which are installation of glide path, compensation to the existing tea estates and compensation for acquisition of private land for construction of the Reinforced Earth Retaining walls.

Notably, in the case of Kohlapur, Maharashtra, for which forest land of 27 acres was acquired by AAI, no details have been provided in the answer which specify the funds paid.

The table provided in the reply to the question is as follows:

*Land Acquired from Defence (IAF).
** On lease basis on nominal rate. # Forest Land handed over to AAI.

The questions put forth by Sen concerning the displacement of the people due to acquiring their land and the compensation provided to the, the union minister dodged the question by saying that the concerned State Government/Union Territory (UT) Administration for development/expansion of airports owned by the AAI is responsible for the same. Hiding behind the above justification, the Ministry of Civil Aviation informed the Parliament that it did not maintain any data in this regard either for AAI Airports or Private Airports.

The complete answer can be viewed here:

Related:

Over 5 years, 1033 serious coal accidents reported, 717 took place in Telangana alone

Supreme Court refuses to stay amendments to forest law

Delhi’s Sunder nursery basti demolished, residents displaced

The post Displacement due to Airport Expansions? Union Response in Rajya Sabha Leaves Questions Unanswered appeared first on SabrangIndia.

What are these broken promises?

1. Massive displacement without rehabilitation:  Independent studies estimate that about 24 lakh acres of their land has been forcibly acquired by the govt and industries, resulting in about 19 lakh persons being  displaced. Of the displaced only 25% have been resettled, but no one has been rehabilitated because rehabilitation implies restoration of their social, cultural and community values.
2. Depletion of natural resources with local population having no share in it leading to enrichment of outsider companies, contractors and migrants. Beginning from the start of 20^th century excavation of minerals of all kinds has been taking place. But the plight of people in whose land all this mineral wealth is found have been reduced to increasing poverty, disease and lack of basic amenities.
3. Constitutional, legal and judicial provisions for the welfare and development of the Adivasi have been consistently violated.

(a)  the Vth Schedule of the Indian Constitution [Indian Constitution, Article 244(1)]clearly stipulates that a ‘Tribes Advisory Council’ (TAC) composed solely of members from the Adivasi community who will advice the Governor of the State about any and everything concerning the protection, well-being and development of the Adivasi people in the State.
Whereas the reality is that the meeting of the TAC takes place rarely, and it is convened by and presided over by the Chief Minister of the State and is controlled by the ruling party. TAC has thus been reduced to a toothless body. Verily a constitutional fraud meted out to the Adivasi people.

(b) The Panchayats (Extension to Scheduled Areas) Act [PESA],1996 [No:40 of 1996]  which was a fruit of long drawn disenchantment and struggle of the Adivasi people and their political representatives and which for the first time recognized the fact the Adivasi communities in India have had a rich social and cultural tradition of self-governance outlined the composition and functioning of the Gram Sabha. It gave significant powers to Gram Sabha in all matters pertaining to the welfare and development of tribal adivasi people.
Whereas the reality is this Act of the parliament has deliberately been left unimplemented in all the nine states. It means the capitalist ruling class does not want the Adivasi people to self-govern themselves.

(c) the Samatha Judgment, 1997 of the Supreme Court [Civil Appeal Nos:4601-2 of 1997] came as a huge relief to the Adivasi communities in Scheduled Areas infofar as it decreed that mining in Scheduled Areas can be undertaken only by Adivasi Cooperatives.  The judgment was meant to provide some significant safeguards for the Adivasis to control the excavation of minerals in their lands and to help develop themselves economically. 
Whereas the reality is consistent efforts have been made by the state to ignore this verdict of the highest court. Several cases have been filed by affected communities but the ‘law of eminent domain’ of the colonial rulers are invoked to alienate Adivasi land and to loot the rich mineral resources.

(d) Forest Rights Act, 2006: [Act of Parliament No:2 of 2007] jal, jangal, jamin, as we know, are the basis of the  economic life of the Adivasi people. Of particular importance is their traditional rights in the forest have been infringed upon systematically over the decades. At long last, the govt came to the realization that a historic injustice has been done to the Adivasi and other traditional forest-dwellers. To correct this anomaly it enacted this Act empowering each forest-dwelling family to four acres of land. 
Whereas the reality is far from desirable. As per the information collected in the nine Scheduled Area States till 28th February, 2017, 41,65,395 claims (40,26,970 individual and 1,38,425 community claims) have been filed and 17,90,624 titles (17,27,655 individual and 62,969 community claims) have been distributed. That means about 24 lakh claims [41%] have been rejected! As for Jharkhand State, 1,02,510 claims were made, of which 56,181 claims have been distributed, and 46,329  (45%) have been rejected. It is a painful reality that nearly half of Adivasis and other forest-dwellers have been refused their ages-long existence in the forests of Jharkhand.

(e) ‘Owner of the land is also the owner of sub-soil minerals’. The Supreme Court of India in a path-breaking judgment [SC: Civil Appeal No 4549 of 2000] has said “we are of the opinion that there is nothing in the law which declares that all mineral wealth sub-soil rights vest in the State, on the other hand, the ownership of sub-soil/mineral wealth should normally follow the ownership of the land, unless the owner of the land is deprived of the same by some valid process.”
The rich minerals in their lands are being looted by the govt and private companies. The Supreme Court has declared 214 out of the 219 Coal-Blocks in the country illegal and ordered their closure and levied a fine on them for their illegal mining. But the Central & State Govts have found a way out by re-allotting these illegal mines through auction to make it look legal!  Lot of assurance is given that Adivasi land will not be given to industrialists, yet at the same time mines in Scheduled Areas are being allotted to govt and private companies. Cheating game.

(f) Mere membership of a banned organisation will not make a person a criminal unless he resorts to violence or incites people to violence or creates public disorder by violence or incitement to violence. [SC: Criminal Appeal No: 889 of 2007] The court rejected the doctrine of ‘guilt by association‘. 
It is common knowledge that very many young men & women are held in prison on the suspicion of being naxalites”.  After arresting them other penal clauses are added on. It is an easy label that can be put on any one whom the police  want to catch. It does not require any proof or witness. Let us keep in mind that they are  not even members of any naxalite outfit. Supreme Court says even membership in a banned organisation does not make a person a criminal. How far removed are  the law and order forces from the judiciary!

(g) Domicile Policy, already enacted by the govt, is meant to side-line the native population and to facilitate outsiders to grab the job opportunities.
Six Criteria to define who could be called a sthaniya niwasi or local resident of Jharkhand

1. Those who have their or their ancestors’ names in land records as per the last survey. The gram pradhan (village head) can identify the landless as a local resident on the basis of his language, cultural practices and traditions.
2. Those living in Jharkhand for the past 30 years for reasons of business, jobs, etc., and have acquired immovable properties, and their children, would be considered locals.
3. Employees of the Jharkhand government, or government-aided institutions, organisations etc. — and their spouses and children — would be considered locals.
4. Employees of the Central Government living in Jharkhand, and their spouses and children.
5. Those holding constitutional posts, their spouses and children.
6. Those who were born in Jharkhand, and have completed their education till matriculation.

Needless to say, this policy is meant to push the native Adivasi Moolvasi people to the margins of society and enable outsiders to capture whatever job opportunities available in the state. This is already in practice and exclusion of indigenous people is taking place very quietly. This must be reversed by all means.

(h) ‘Land Bank’ is the most recent plot to further weaken Adivasi people.  The State govt plans to acquire about 20 lakh acres of land of which about 10 lakh acres are to be allotted to industries. This includes even ‘Common Land’ such as water bodies, rivers & rivulets, hills & hillocks, village roads, sarnas, masnas.  This is being done without the knowledge and consent of people and their respective Gram Sabhas. People have started to express their protest by appealing to the  Governor to stop this illegal action of the govt. Sad to say Adivasi leaders have not taken up this problem and mobilize people into an andolan.
 
Enough is enough . . .                                                                                                                            
– the frustration of Adivasi people is expressed through some of them erecting Pathalgadis. We may not agree with all that is written on them, but we need to ask WHY they are doing this.

• The govt must stop looking at this as a law & order problem but make sincere effort to remedy the ‘historic injustice’ being done to Adivasi people;
•  The ruling class must realize that Adivasi People are not asking for charity but certainly want their constitutional, legal, judicial rights are  acknowledged and honoured by the rest of society;
• Rights are never given but always taken !

The post Why Adivasis seek to re-assert their traditional identity appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Narmada Nyay Yatra exposes multiple scams and widespread corrupt practices across Madhya Pradesh Narmada Nyay Yatra resurveyed the entire Valley and was shocked to see the false promises made by Shivraj Singh Chauhan during the Narmada Sewa Yatra. Shivraj’s plantation drive was recorded on Guinness Book of World Records for enormous spends and media highlight, but environmentalists found the idea ridiculous as it was carried out without any scientific planning of the types of plants that would preserve biodiversity. The Narmada Nyay Yatra found most saplings in Pichhodi, Avalda and Bhavti settlements weren’t even alive. Similarly the alcohol ban on Narmada banks as announced failed to be implemented on ground. Whereas the alcohol ban of the villages Pichhodi and Bhavti which was achieved by the women’s struggle still remains successful. Similarly Shivraj’s false claim of banning sand mining on Narmada banks proved fake as protestors themselves found an abandoned sand mafia truck during the rally whose driver had run away seeing the people. Shivraj had spent close to Rs. 1600 crores in the name of Narmada Sewa Yatra earlier this year. The Narmada Nyay Yatra covered 60 villages in a span of 3 days and continued on its fourth day. In Manawar, the village Jalkheda is facing serious submergence issues due to the Man Dam Project on a tributary Man of river Narmada. These families are facing the challenge of flooding from both Narmada and Man rivers. But the state-administration has no idea about these. They have not surveyed the villages and do not even know how many people will be affected by submergence. So the question of rehabilitation is far from implementation. It was also revealed by the Yatra that Dharampuri is not the only town to be affected by the closing of the gates of SP, but even the Maheshwar town including its historic Maheshwar Fort will also be submerged. It was also found out in Kothra and Bada Barda villages that Dalits, fisherpeople, Kewat community and labour colonies were either acquired half-heartedly or were removed from the list of submergence areas or were considered ‘islands’. But the submergence of the year 2013 proves that houses which were submerged during time of dam height of 122 meters, they will surely be affected by the 139 mt. high dam. Similar corrupt practices were exposed in the mismatch of oustee lists. Meanwhile, the M.P. Revenue Department is claiming that their survey is different from Narmada Valley Development Authority survey. They have announced that only 8821 families are in the submergence area. Similarly they have rejected 8000 families who are in the submergence area but because their names are not on NVDA list, they will be considered ineligible. Instead of giving such families 60×90 land plots, the government is giving them only 20×90 or 30×60 plots. Many oustees are forced to shift into tin sheds. Poor people are being coerced into signing false affidavits and given only half of 1/3 of what they deserve in a bid to increase the number of people who the state can claim are already ‘rehabilitated’. The movement is against all these unjust and criminal practices of the state and will fight until justice is achieved.

Narmada Struggle Support Group, Madurai demonstrates in solidarity with Medha Patkar and the people of the Narmada Valley.  D. Gabriele, 28 August 2017 At Bypass Raod, opp. Guru Theater in Madurai, hundreds of participants from 18 organisations came together from 9 AM to 1 PM to protest against the ‘emergency situation’ in the Narmada Valley. Women participated in considerable numbers. The MDMK and the Humanist Party extended support, as well as people from peasant struggles and struggles to save democracy (like anti Methane and anti Hydrocarbon struggles). The emphasis was on implementing the Supreme Court orders in Narmada struggle and Right to Life and Livelihood and ‘Land for Land’ and stopping arbitrary violence on people. Three lawyers dressed up as Supreme Court Judges were sitting on a bench on top of a truck, which gave a good appeal to expand the independence of the judiciary.

Solidarity Event in Ambedkar University, New Delhi engages young students with the realities of 21^st century India.

Titled ‘Damming the Narmada: Development or Dispossession?’, a cultural-political event was organized by School of Liberal Studies and School of Development Studies of Ambedkar University, New Delhi on 1 September 2017 from 2 PM to 6 PM. Preeti Sampat introduced the event with clippings from the documentary ‘Narmada Diary’ directed by Anand Patwardhan in 1995. A photo exhibition ‘SOS: From the archives of NBA’ was curated by Ishita Sharma and Shiv Ahuja along with the launch of a zine (publication). Powerful performance by Nikita Maheshwari riveted the crowd as she created a sense of doom around the creation of big dams. Swati and Akshara collaborated with the audience and everyone sang along from the lines of the iconic Bhagwan Manjhi song ‘Gaon Chodab Bahi’. The event was concluded with a vibrant interaction between students of the university and Madhuresh Kumar from NAPM.

Courtesy: www.narmadaandolan.org

The post Fifty Years & Fighting: A Not So Brief History of the Narmada Bachao Struggle appeared first on SabrangIndia.

                  That the Present Writ Petition is being filed under Article 32 of the Constitution by concerned citizens to invoke the extraordinary powers of this Hon’ble Court, in the interest of justice to grant relief to thousands of tribal’s, farmers, women and children located in 192 villages of the State of Madhya Pradesh who are at the verge of being forcibly evicted for the impounding of the Sardar Sarovar Project at any time before 31.07.2017, without there being amenities and facilities available at the rehabilitation sites, including drinking water, proper shelter, primary medical and educational facilities, provisions for sewage and drainage and without many PAFs having received their entitlements.
                 
                  This massive eviction by using force by the State Government, in such circumstances, will not only be in violation of the constitutional rights but, will also be a historical grave injustice done to thousands of these poor villagers.
 
                  These affected persons, in the process of development, are losing their villages and houses where they and their forefathers were living for generations. For the sacrifice which these people are making, they are at least entitled to the minimum relief, namely, to treat them with human dignity, so that their family and children are not exposed to vagaries of the rainy season. They must have a place with basic amenities and facilities and sufficient time to shift and settle down at the staid place.
        
                  After acquainting with the complete facts, including the judgments of this Hon’ble Court and the order dated 08.02.2017; the Petitioners herein have consciously decided to approach this Hon’ble Court for larger public interest, ex debit justified.
 

The post Synopsis & List of Dates in NBA Writ Petition, July 31, 2017 appeared first on SabrangIndia.

In a major relief to the anti-dam Narmada Bachao Andolan (NBA) led by well-known social activist Medha Patkar, the Chief Justice of India will be hearing Sardar Sarovar project-related cases on August 8, 2017, especially the NBA plea that there cannot be any forcible displacement without full compliance with all the orders by the Supreme Court. Meanwhile, the hunger strike by Patkar and others activists continues into its sixth day. Those on hunger strike include Gayatri Bahen, Kadmaal, Vimla Bhai, Khaparkheda, Dharmendra Kanhera, Khaparkheda, Bhagwati Bahen, Nisarpur, Manjula Bai, Nisarpur, Pushpa Bai, Nisarpur, Rameshwar Awalda, Bau, Awalda, Rukmani bai, Nisarpur, Chota Badda, Sevanti Bai, Chota Barda, all of whom are representatives of various sections and categories of the displaced Sardar Sarovar affected families.

The decision follows the Supreme Court on Monday hearing what the NBA considers as “serious concerns” over massive displacement due to the decision to take waters in the Sardar Sarovar dam to the full reservoir level, 138.64 meters, by closing the dam’s 30-odd gates.

Two legal interventions, a special leave petition (SLP) against the interim order of the High Court of Madhya Pradesh and  a writ petition praying for the SC’s intervention in staying any displacement or forcible eviction until relief and rehabilitation has been completed were filed and heard yesterday. In these legal interventions, prominent citizens have relied upon the detailed analysis of the Narmada Bachao Andolan that has documented that 40,000 project affected families (PAFs) are yet to be rehabilitated and moreover that the the resettlement and rehabilitation (R&R) sites in the state do not have all basic amenities and hence it is impossible for thousands of families to shift to such sites.

The writ petition under Article 32 (right to life) was filed by eminent persons, including former Justice Panachand Jain, Kuldip Nayar, Aruna Roy, Hanan Mollah, Manoranjan Mohanti, Soumya Dutta and Annie Raja, with the prayer to save all the displaced farmers and landless. The petition prays for

a)    Appropriate Writ/Order/Directions to the Respondents to complete the Resettlement and Rehabilitation of the PAFs of the Sardar Sarovar Project, including providing all the amenities and facilities at the R&R sites in consonance with the NWDTA, judgments of this Hon’ble Court and Art. 21 of the Constitution;
 b)     Appropriate Writ/Order/Directions to the Respondents not to evict the PAFs of the Sardar Sarovar Project, till the time the R & R is completed in all respects and the R&R Sites are ready with all the amenities and facilities and that reasonable time is given to them to shift by providing required help by the State”

The SLP, that challenges a June 2017 Order of the Madhya Pradesh High Court, says that the state government has still not complied with the Supreme Court order dated February 8, 2017, and R&R packages for farmers have not been implemented in at least 50% of cases. It added, instead of R&R amenities, temporary resettlements of tin sheds in thousands have been planned. Besides, the PAFs’ cultural and religious needs are not being taken care of in the proposed sites.

Both petitions was listed before Justice R Nariman and Justice S Kaul, but the bench forwarded it to the Chief Justice, whose order of February 8, 2017 is under reference.
The Chief Justice heard senior advocates Sanjay Parikh and Prashant Bhushan, assisted by advocate Clifton Rozario immediately. He was told about “serious crisis” and “huge scale” of displacement and impact on up to 40,000 families as and when floods take place.

The Chief Justice agreed to hear the case, in spite of a writ petition pending before the High Court, and fixed the date of August 8, 2017.

In a communique, the NBA said, it welcomes the openness shown by the Apex Court by taking cognizance of the serious issues and situation that would lead to violation of right to life and devastation of age-old communities and their resources. NBA further said, the Government of India, and the governments of Madhya Pradesh and Maharashtra, must “immediately decide against any violence and brutal forcible eviction of a few lakh people. There should be no filling of reservoir with water to drain the life and livelihood.”

 The Supreme Court on July 31 heard the serious concerns over massive displacement due to Sardar Sarovar. The SLP against the interim order of the High Court of MP contented that the R&R sites in MP don’t have all basic amenities and hence it’s impossible for thousands of families to shift to such sites. It is non compliance of the Supreme Court’s order dated 8.2.2017, since the packages for farmers are not paid to 50% and more families and instead of amenities, temporary resettlement of thousands into the tin sheds is what is planned. The cultural, religious sites and amenities are almost all in the original villages.

The Writ Petition under article 32 was filed by the eminent persons including Justice Panachand Jain, Kuldip nayar, Aruna Roy, Hanan Mollah ji, Manoranjan Mohanti, Soumya Dutta and Annie Raja with Prayer to save all the displaced farmers to landless from both the petitions were today listed before the Justice R. Nariman and Justice S Kaul when the Bench forwarded it to the bench of Chief Justice whose order of February 8, 2017 is under reference.

The Chief Justice then heard Senior advocates Sanjay Parikh and Prashant Bhushan assisted by Clifton Rozario immediately, on July 31, the cut-off date for the release of the dam waters. The CJI was told about the serious crisis and huge scale of displacement and impact on anywhere upto 40,000 families depending on floods.

The Chief Justice of India then agreed to hear the cases, in spite of one Writ Petition pending before the High Court and fixed the dates of August 8^th, 2017.
Narmada Bachao Andolan welcomes the openness shown by the Apex court that has taken cognizance of the serious issues and the situation that would lead to violation of Right to Life and bring the devastation of age old communities and their resources.

The writ petition states:
“08.02.2017 passed in IA Nos. 42,43,50-51 & 52-53 in Writ Petition (C) No. 328 of 2002, this Hon’ble Court acknowledged that land for land as envisaged in the Award was not given to the PAF’s and therefore, as an alternative, directed payment of Rs.60 lakhs to enable the PAFs to purchase lands. To another category of oustees, who were duped because of faulty Special Rehabilitation Package policy of the State, a sum of Rs.15 lakhs was directed to be given to them.
 
For resettlement sites, it was observed that affected persons should approach the GRA and thereafter, to the Competent Court i.e. the High Court. True Copy of the Order dated 08.02.2017 passed by this Hon’ble Court in IA Nos.42, 43, 50-51 & 52-53 in Writ Petition (C) No. 328 of 2002 has also been annexed to the petition.

Further, the petition reads that,
“…from facts which have been gathered by the Petitioners, it is clear that the payment of 60 lakhs and 15 lakhs have not been received by large number of oustees. The rehabilitation sites are in very bad conditions and are not habitable. The government has now issued work orders for repair and for other works at the rehabilitation sites. The State Government is however, forcing the oustees i.e. tribals, women and children to vacate their villages on the ground that in the order dated 08.02.2017, this Hon’ble Court has fixed a deadline of 31.07.2017.”

The entire writ petition may be read here.

Further, the NBA has also expressed concerns that neither the Government of India, Government of MP and Maharashtra resort to any violence and brutal forcible eviction of  a few lakh people. There should be no filling of reservoir with water to drain away lives and livelihood, the NBA has added.

Meanwhile, the fast of Medha Patkar with 11 others is to continue for justice, non violence and democratic humane development. Gayatri bahen, Kadmaal, Vimla Bai, Khaparkheda, Dharmendra Kanhera, Khaparkheda, Bhagwati Bahen, Nisarpur, Manjula Bai, Nisarpur, Pushpa Bai, Nisarpur, Rameshwar Awalda, Bau, Awalda, Rukmani bai, Nisarpur, Chota Badda, Sevanti Bai, Chota Barda, all the representatives of various sections and categories of the displaced Sardar Sarovar affected are on fast with commitment to the cause and determination.

A detailed chronology of the struggle against displacement may be read here.

Related articles:
1. 10 Lakh Trees, 86,300 a Century Old, will be Submerged when 192 Villages Go Under: Narmada
2. Narmada Bachao Aandolan: 31 Years that Changed the Development Discourse
 

The post Forcible Displacement of Adivasis in Narmada basin: SC Intervenes appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Estimating that a huge 4.48 lakh people were displaced in India due to internal conflicts and violence in India last year, a new report, jointly prepared by the Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre (IDMC) and the Norwegian Refugee Council (NRC) has said that there are 7.96 internally displaced persons (IDPs) in the country.

The report points out that it was displacement caused by violent secessionist movements has primarily been associated with the National Socialist Council of Nagaland and the Assam movement, as well as the ongoing war between militants and the state in Kashmir”, the report states, “Identity-based autonomy movements have also caused displacement in many parts of India, including the states of Telangana and Assam.”

The report does not rate communal and caste conflicts to have led to large-scale displacements. It says, “Localised inter-communal violence between Hindus and Muslims, for example in Gujarat, has resulted in smaller-scale displacement, as have caste disputes in states such as Bihar and Uttar Pradesh.”

It is developmental  projects that are the cause of largescale displacement, “as part of India’s rapid development and industrialization”, the report, which is titled “Global Report on Internal Displacement”, says, “The large-scale acquisition of land and the eviction and displacement of tens of millions of people over the past decades, not only for the purpose of building dams, mines and industrial plants, but also for other objectives such as urban renewal and environmental conservation.”

Especially singling out “the most controversial cases is the Sardar Sarovar dam”, the report states, “Approved in 1984, the project had displaced an estimated 350,000 people in Gujarat, Madhya Pradesh and Maharashtra by 2015.”

 

 

“In addition to the government’s indifference to the adverse impacts of displacement, extreme inequality in land ownership, insufficient implementation of laws and policies to protect indigenous lands, the power imbalance between project implementers and the affected communities, and the government’s severe approach to dissent are some of the key factors that enable and perpetuate displacement in the context of development projects”, the report states.

Pointing out that “there is a strong link between development projects and conflict”, the report says, “Most of India’s land conflicts arise from state takeovers, often on behalf of private investors”, adding, “The adverse social and environmental impacts of development projects implemented through large-scale land acquisitions with minimal (if any) consultation and compensation have fuelled tensions, violence and conflict over land access and use.”

“As a result”, it says, “Non-state armed groups have gained support from some marginalised communities affected by development projects. Meanwhile, despite numerous state-level housing policies and schemes, limited access to adequate housing in urban and rural areas continues to increase people’s vulnerability to displacement associated with natural hazards.”

Estimating that about 70 million people were displaced development projects between 1947 and 2010, and regretting that data on those displaced since 2010 is not available, the report underlines, only about “a third of the displaced people have been resettled in a planned manner, but their locations are unknown and their resettlement is not a durable solution.”

As for the reminder, the report says, they have “to fend for themselves”, adding, “Many of those who were not settled elsewhere ended up living in informal settlements surrounding New Delhi, Kolkata and other cities, or moving in with nearby relatives, and some have returned in cases where projects have not materialised. Compensation has been paid in cash or land in some cases, but it has often been insufficient for people to restart their lives.”

 

The post 4.48 Lakh Indians Displaced by Violent Conflict: Norway Report appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Of the 40.8 million people internally displaced by conflict and violence worldwide, by end 2015, a significant section is from India. During the year, conflict, violence and disasters caused 27.8 million new incidents of internal displacement in 127 countries. More than 19.2 million were triggered by rapid onset natural hazards in 113 countries and 8.6 million by conflict and violence in 28 countries. So called business ventures and development projects are also major causes.

These are the findings of a well researched report,  Pushed Aside: Displaced for Development released yesterday, July 2016. The report has been brought out by  the Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre (IDMC) and Norwegian Refugee Council

 The report examines nine cases of displacement caused by development in the states of Gujarat, Jharkhand, Kerala and the national capital territory of Delhi. They reveal failed regulation, inadequate enforcement and harm to communities that extend to other cases elsewhere in India. They show that land acquisitions have pushed people aside with no regard for their rights or needs for decades. They are the result of government indifference and a failure to monitor the human rights impacts of projects and establish accountability mechanisms to address them.

Key Findings
One. Government power over land and its severe approach to dissent are key factors in enabling and perpetuating displacement in the context of development projects. Land acquisitions are facilitated by the exploitation of “public interest” to justify project approval, the use of “special economic zones” to circumvent legal safeguards, inaccurate land categorisation, prejudice against the poor and working classes, and lack of transparency. With international evictions standards not adhered to, indigenous peoples’ rights are not respected, and those affected face a power imbalance when trying to assert their rights.

Two. The authorities’ indifference to – and neglect of – the adverse human and socio-economic impacts on the displaced and society at large lead to a fall in living standards and fractured social networks. IDPs’ access to livelihoods becomes more difficult after eviction and income levels, food security, health and education suffer as a result. Housing conditions deteriorate because compensation, resettlement assistance and rehabilitation support are insufficient or not provided. Women and indigenous peoples tend to suffer the adverse effects of displacement disproportionately.

Three Data on the patterns of IDPs’ movement and their progress towards durable solutions is inadequate, leading to underestimates of the scale and consequences of displacement. Patterns of movement are not documented because nationwide data on the number, location and needs of those displaced is not publicly available, whether they are resettled or not. In many cases however, displacement tends to become protracted and durable solutions are rare. The case studies for this report contribute to the global evidence base on displacement caused by development. The detrimental impacts of development projects in India highlight the need to address the issue in key policy agendas and discussions. Despite IDPs’ awareness of their rights and resistance to their eviction and displacement, they will not escape poverty without significant external support and systemic changes to social and economic policies. The findings of the case studies can help to inform the implementation of new and upcoming UN frameworks on sustainable development at the national and local level, such as the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development and the New Urban Agenda. Both agendas commit to “leave no one behind” and explicitly include IDPs. They could also be used to inform the creation and revision of corporate and financial institutions’ policies on displacement and resettlement, and the work of UN mandate holders, treaty body committees and agencies. Global development agendas should ensure that while development projects may alleviate poverty for some, they should not at the same time create new poor or heighten the existing economic vulnerabilities of those evicted. Neglecting those evicted and displaced would undermine the achievement of global development goals. The timescale for planning and implementing projects provides ample opportunity to avoid or minimise displacement, and to put measures in place to ensure that those who are displaced achieve durable solutions.

By providing a first-hand account of development projects and business activities that have caused displacement across India, this report documents and analyses the scale, process and impacts of this phenomenon. It contributes to the existing body of evidence on this type of displacement and aims to raise awareness among policy-makers, business elites, academics, NGOs and operational decision-makers at the national and international level.
 
The report can be read here

This report was researched and written by Nadine Walicki and Marita Swain. Others involved in the process include Miloon Kothari (MIT DRAN), Shivani Chaudhry (HLRN), Balaji Pandey (ISED), Bhudev Bhakat (SBMS), Sejal Patel (CEPT), Indu K (CDS), S Irudaya Rajan (CDS), Persis Ginwalla, Madhuresh (NAPM) and Hari Mohan Mathur (CSD). Thanks to Jeremy Lennard for editorial assistance. Cover photo: Families still awaiting permanent resettlement since their eviction more than eight years ago from the Sabarmati Riverfront Development Project in Ahmedabad, Gujarat. The Ganeshnagar interim resettlement site has an estimated 7,500 residents living next to the city waste collection area and under high tension power lines. Credit: IDMC/Marita Swain, March 2016
 
2 The impacts on the lives of people driven from their homes or land by such ventures can be just as severe in terms of scope and duration as those experienced by people displaced by conflict, violence and disasters. These internally displaced people (IDPs) suffer a range of human rights violations, including their rights to adequate housing, land, food, water, health, education and freedom of movement. Displacement caused by development projects tends to affect the poorest and most marginalised groups, and – paradoxically – makes inequality worse rather than better.3 It also causes tensions that in some cases have fuelled violent conflict, and with it further displacement. In its efforts to paint a comprehensive global picture of the nature and scope of internal displacement, in 2015 IDMC institutionalised its work on that caused by development and business activities. The issue was introduced in IDMC’s 2016 Global Report on Internal Displacement as a trigger in need of specific attention. IDMC has gathered information on it since the organisation was founded in 1998, but this report represents IDMC’s first formal attempt to investigate, conceptualise and analyse the phenomenon. IDMC chose to focus on India for two reasons. First, the number of people reportedly displaced by development projects in the country is among the highest in the world. Such displacement has been taking place for decades in many parts of the country, in both urban and rural areas, and as a result of different types of projects, offering a range of cases to study.
 

The post Pushed Aside: Displaced for ‘Development’ in India appeared first on SabrangIndia.