When Babri Mosque was being demolished in broad daylight, the slogan being chanted by the leaders was, Yeh to Kewal jahnki hai, Kashi Mathura Baaki hai (This is the beginning, Kashi Mathura are next on the line).  The Supreme Court, despite giving the same land to those who demolished the Mosque, did call it a crime. The Ram Temple was used to the hilt for electoral purposes and for dividing the society along religious lines. The faith that ‘Lord Ram was born precisely at that spot’ was constructed. This constructed faith formed the base of politics and later the judgement of the Courts.

Having achieved this milestone of religious nationalism, now what next? As such there is no dearth of divisive issues, issues based around identity, issues which demonise the religious minorities, marginalise them and give a boost to sectarian nationalism. Some of these are permanently on the agenda like, love jihad, (added on by land jihad, corona jihad, civil service jihad etc.) holy cow, large families, Uniform Civil code among others. There is a regular addition to such issues, through which the majoritarian politics aims to show the majority community as the victim of minorities.

In that sense the issue of Kashi and Mathura are potent issues, which can add on to the already existing plethora of identity issues. In Kashi, abutting the wall of Vishwanath Temple is Gyanwapi Mosque. Some say this was built at the time of Akbar and others say it was Aurangzeb during whose reign it was built. In Mathura, Shahi Idgah mosque stands next to Krishna Janma Bhumi Temple. As per the section of Hindu belief the Holy Trio is Ram, Shiva and Krishna which are the most important deities. So the places of importance become Ram (Ayodhya), Shiva (Varanasi) and Krishna (Mathura) which are the three major places to be retrieved.

While the current narrative being popularized is that scores of temples have been destroyed by the invading Muslim rulers of these at least three have to be retrieved as per Hindu Nationalists. There have also been talks and formulations floating that Jama Masjid in Delhi and Jama Masjid in Ahmedabad are also the places, which have been built on Hindu places of worship. The temple destructions have been dealt with by many scholars of History and Archaeology. Temples have been destroyed for political rivalry, assertion of one’s rule and for wealth. It is not only Muslim kings who destroyed Hindu temples, some of them gave generous donations to Hindu temples. Firmans of King Aurangzeb tell us of scores of temples where he gave donations, to recount just a couple of them- Kamakhya Devi in Guwahati, Mahakal in Ujjain, and Lord Krishna in Vrindavan. He also destroyed a mosque in Golconda when the local ruler refused to give him the tribute for three consecutive years.

D. D. Kosambi points out (Quoted in ‘Religious Nationalism’, Media House 2020, page 107) that Raja Harshdev of 11th Century Kashmir who appointed a special officer, Devottapatna Nayak, to uproot gold, silver and precious stones studded idols during his regime. Richard Eaton tells us about rival Hindu kings destroying the defeated opponents Kuldevata (Clan god) Temple to build a temple of their own clan God. In Srirangatnam Maratha armies destroyed the Hindu temple and Tipu got it repaired! Somehow selective communal historiography has ensured the temple destruction becoming a major seed of divisive politics in India.

If we go a bit further back into history the clash between Buddhism and Brahmanism led to the destruction of thousands of Buddha Viharas. Recently while levelling the ground for Ram Temple groundbreaking many remnants of Buddha Vihar were found. Historian Dr. M.S. Jayaprakash points out “Hundreds of Buddhist statues, stupas and viharas have been destroyed in India between 830 and 966 AD in the name of Hindu revivalism. Both literary and archaeological sources within and outside India speak volumes about the havoc done to Buddhism by Hindu fanatics… many Hindu kings and rulers took pride in demolishing Buddhist images aiming at the total eradication of Buddhist culture.”

In this backdrop where do we go from here after we have seen the mayhem created around Lord Ram Temple in Ayodhya? The social and political fallout of the whole issue has pushed our democracy several steps backwards. It has relegated the religious minorities into the cocoon of second class citizenship.

As Akhil Bhartiya Akhada Parishad has declared that it will initiate the campaign for liberation of Kashi and Mathura, it has also said that in due course the arms of Sangh Parivar will be asked to join in. At the moment RSS is saying that it is not keen on the issue, but it seems it is a matter of time when it will jump into the Kashi-Mathura fray and deepen the impact of the campaign to be launched by Akhada Parishad. Already calling the mosques as two “symbols of slavery”, BJP leader and rural development and panchayat raj minister in Karnataka K.S. Eshwarappa had said on August 5 that “a symbol of slavery disturbs our attention and points out that you are a slave”. He reiterated his stance and said, “… All Hindus across the world have a dream that those symbols of slavery should be removed on the lines of Ayodhya. The masjids in Mathura and Kashi will be destroyed too and temples will be rebuilt.” 

As such legislation is in place which states, “prohibit conversion of any place of worship and to provide for the maintenance of the religious character of any place of worship as it existed on the 15th day of August 1947, and for matters connected therewith or incidental thereto.”

Temple politics has dragged us into the politics, which is against plural, democratic ethos. The success of right wing forces to increase their clout through the Ram Temple campaign may further prompt them to go in this direction, which is detrimental to the progress and development of the country. The hope is that the majority of people oppose such issues being rekindled again.

 * The writer is a human rights defender and a former professor at the Indian Institute of Technology, Bombay (IIT Bombay).  

Other pieces by Dr. Puniyani:

Scapegoats and Holy Cows
India’s composite culture and Muslim stalwarts
Covid 19 and furthering of sectarian agenda in education
Mahatma Gandhi, Race and Caste

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Image: PTI

In a tweet message Swamy said,

This was followed up with a second tweet:

 
Responding to the tweet messages the Congress party has demanded that he be prosecuted for contempt of court.

Last year the BJP leader had intervened in the case over the disputed plot pending before the Supreme Court since 2011 asking for an early disposal of the case. While hearing him on Tuesday, the Supreme Court had suggested that it would be better if the parties in the dispute were to arrive at an out-of-court settlement in this “sensitive” and “sentimental matter”.

The apex court’s bench headed by chief justice JS Khehar even offered the services of a court-appointed principal mediator if the contending parties so desired.  Swamy is to report back to the court after exploring the matter with the disputants by March 31.

Even as he expressed his willingness for talks as suggested by the apex court, Swamy has made it clear that there was no question of any compromise on the Ram Mandir being built at the spot.
 
 

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The Supreme Court today suggested the mediation route to resolving the long-pending “sensitive” and “sentimental” Ayodhya dispute.

“These are issues of religion and sentiments. These are issues where all the parties can sit together and arrive at a consensual decision to end the dispute. All of you could sit together and hold a cordial meeting,” said the bench headed by Chief Justice JS Khehar while hearing a petition filed by BJP leader Subramanian Swamy.

The apex court has set March 31 as the date by which the parties to the dispute must respond whether the idea was acceptable to them.

While the BJP has reportedly welcomed the suggestion, the Sunni Waqf board, a party in the dispute has said it was in favour of a judicial pronouncement from the apex court where the matter has been pending for decades.

“The parties should resolve the issue amicably by talking to each other. We welcome this step and I believe they should have talks outside the court,” BJP spokesperson Sambit Patra said in New Delhi, PTI reported.

“We are ready for a settlement, let a temple and a mosque be built,” Swamy told India Today news channel  while insisting that the disputed site was the birthplace of Lord Rama, a temple must be built there. “A mosque can be built anywhere”, he added. Lawyer Zafaryab Jeelani struck a different note saying, “27 years of talks have been useless.  

Meanwhile VHP leader Pravin Togadia has demanded that the BJP-led NDA government pass a law in Parliament for the building of the Ram Temple at the disputed site while Samajwadi Party leader from UP, Azam Khan has welcomed the apex court’s suggestion.

“If all stakeholders on both sides can arrive at a mutually acceptable consensus based solution, it will go a long way in ensuring lasting peace, goodwill, mutual respect and brotherhood. Otherwise, Supreme Court should adjudicate the issue on merits,” Congress’ chief spokesperson Randeep Surjewala said.

Justice Khehar even offered to mediate on the controversial issue if the parties to the dispute were agreeable. All parties should consider appointing mediators to sit across the table and settle the issue. If need be a principal mediator could be appointed by the apex court, he added.

In 2010, the Lucknow bench of the Allahabad High Court had given its verdict on the long-standing Ayodhya Ramjanmabhumi-Babri Masjid issue for a three-way division of the disputed area, between the Sunni Waqf Board, the Nirmohi Akhara and the party for ‘Ram Lalla’. The aggrieved parties — Sunni Waqf Board and the All India Hindu Mahasabha — however appealed in the Supreme Court which ordered a stay on the High Court ruling.

Swamy had approached the apex court last year urging a speedy verdict on the long-pending Babri Masjid-Ram Janmabhoomi dispute. In blatant violation of the Supreme Court orders and the assurances given to it, the Babri Mosque was demolised on December 6, 1992 by 'kar sevaks' who belonged to various organisations committed to Hindutva ideology.

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