The phenomenon of Godi media beginning in the months before 2014 took us back considerably to propaganda. This time it was worse than in Old India and more damaging. On Doordarshan, the Opposition was merely ignored; it was not daily vilified and attacked and called anti-national. On Doordarshan, even when it was in the hands of hypocrites, minorities were not the constant target and distraction was not the only game. In New India this became the daily fare of the channels and remained so for a decade. But a third shift has now come and while it is relatively recent it is so fully established that the government is moving to gain control over it. That shift is the rise of independent journalists using social media to reach large audiences. This includes the set of people known as content creators, who might not necessarily be journalists by background but engage with current affairs through humour, particularly satire. How large are their audiences? Have a look at the numbers. On YouTube, independent journalists have as much reach as news channels. Punya Prasun Bajpai (47 lakh subscribers), Ajit Anjum (61 lakh), Abhisar Sharma (67 lakh) and Ravish Kumar (1.1 crore) can rival entire news networks. Times Now (53 lakh subscribers), Republic (62 lakh) and India Today (93 lakh) are in the same region. Dhruv Rathee (2.3 crore subscribers) has as much reach as Zee News (3.6 crore). Indeed in many ways the reach of the independent voices is more because of the concentration of their content on one specific daily issue. The average Ravish Kumar video gets over 10 lakh views while the average one from Zee gets a few thousand, because there are so many of them. Distribution of these clips through WhatsApp further amplifies the independent voice’s reach. The sharing of advertising revenue by social media networks like YouTube affords these individuals the opportunity to be able to do their work outside of a corporate space.

In addition to the journalists, a set of humourists has risen to comment on our times. They are the product of the stranglehold of Godi media and the suffocation people have felt of having propaganda inflicted on them. A few names are worthy of mention, like Bhagat Ram, Ms Medusa, Meghnad, Garima, Ranting Gola, Shyam Rangeela and Urvish Kothari, all of whom I follow and greatly admire and whose work I enjoy. Unfortunately for the government there are few quality creators on the other side. This is because propaganda and sycophancy are not good ingredients for humour. Godi creators tend to produce content that is sullen and angry and for this reason generally ignored.

It will take an academic paper or a book to examine the effect of the independent voices on our democracy. There is to my mind little doubt that they have managed to loosen the monopoly of the Modi government on narrative.

It is for this reason that the government has moved to throttle the voices of the creators and independent journalists. This is being done through the broadcast bill a draft of which is being circulated. Essentially it seeks to regulate everyone who is on social media because that is the only way in which the government can interfere, block and ban content it doesn’t want seen. The government is also trying to go after independent websites like The Wire, Scroll, Newslaundry and Newsminute.

Because these creators are independent individuals on social media, they cannot be licensed or regulated in the way that news channels can. This is why the government is attempting to do this with the broadest of definitions that will affect every single person using social media. The intent might be to use the law in targeted fashion but that will not be how it will turn out. Bad laws produce bad outcomes.

Will the Modi government be successful in pushing the regulation through? It will not. This is not the same place we were last year. There are too many obstacles for it and too many points of resistance. Even if it had been passed in the previous Parliament through brute force it would have been a total mess in implementation. The Prime Minister and his Cabinet will be compelled to do what governments in other democracies must: listen to criticism from citizens tolerate it and even learn from it. In doing so, perhaps they can also get a laugh out of the material, as many of us so often do.

Courtesy: Orissa Post

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“I am watching ‘Ramayana’, are you?”, asked Union Information and Broadcasting Minister Prakash Javdekar in a tweet where looks happy and relaxed as he watches the television serial he relaunched on Saturday, March 28. The minister posted this blissed out photo of him in his posh living room, to show his followers, and his bosses, that he had delivered on his promise re-telecasting the television serial over 30 years after it debuted on national broadcaster Doordarshan, that was the only television channel available them. However, the tweets appears to have been subsequently deleted, possibly after receiving flak from tweeple.

Prakash Javadekar seems to have deleted this tweet.
He must have received an angry call from Modi – “Yaar, I said people must be provided with adequate cereals. CEREALS. Not serials.” #Ramayan pic.twitter.com/3WsHeKT2wQ

— Ramesh Srivats (@rameshsrivats) March 28, 2020

When the whole world is fighting against the outbreak of COVID-19, Prakash Javadekar, Minister of Environment, Forest and Climate Change is sitting idle at home and watching Ramayan. Not only this, he can be seen encouraging others including PM to do the same. @narendramodi pic.twitter.com/U4PEBcSJEV

— Deepika Singh Rajawat (@DeepikaSRajawat) March 28, 2020

Here is the picture that Javadekar had originally tweeted. 

The Doordarshan social media team followed up by reposting the minister’s announcement on their own social media platforms.

HMIB @PrakashJavdekar watches re-telecast of #Ramayana on #DDNational.
WATCH NOW!!@MIB_India#StayHomeStaySafe #IndiaFightsCorona pic.twitter.com/5Gm78kaY7R

— Doordarshan National (@DDNational) March 28, 2020

The many exclamation marks and excitement from official handles soon encouraged many social media users to post photos of themselves watching the 1980s serial, made by Ramanand Sagar.  The serial had a cult following when it was first telecast, and the lead actors, Arun Govil, and Deepika Chilka, playing Ram and Sita, were even worshipped by fans and devotees when they made public appearances. Now as the nation observes the 21-day lockdown in an attempt to flatten the Covid-19 contamination curve, television viewership, and internet usage has seen a surge. Of course those who have televisions and also have smart phone and quickly ensured #Ramayana was the  top social media trend in India, where the Covid-19 transmission cycle has been progressing. DD National will now telecast the serial for two hours twice a day: 9-10am, and 9-10pm. The Minister tagged Prime Minister Narendra Modi, and other official handles when he made the crucial announcement of this telecast schedule.

Please tune in to @DDNational at 9 am & 9 pm to watch ‘Ramayan’ and @DDBharati at 12 noon and 7 pm to watch ‘Mahabharat’ today and everyday.#StayHomeStaySafe #IndiaFightsCorona@narendramodi @PIB_India @DDNewslive @DDNewsHindi

— Prakash Javadekar (@PrakashJavdekar) March 28, 2020

But, Doordarshan didn’t just stop at Ramayana. Determined to deliver a religious double whammy, it has also decided to telecast the Mahabharat!

#Mahabharat on #Doordarshan!!
WATCH NOW –
Your favourite show #Mahabharata on DD Bharati. pic.twitter.com/uHmoHdkNOO

— Doordarshan National (@DDNational) March 28, 2020

REFRESH your memories!!
Watch #Mahabharata on DD Bharati NOW#Doordarshan pic.twitter.com/ezzFCbRnW0

— Doordarshan National (@DDNational) March 28, 2020

Mahabharat will be telecast at 12 noon and 7 PM. 

Meanwhile the Deccan Herald reports that the Vishwa Hindu Parishad, has also asked people to chant “Jai Shri Ram” to invoke divine powers to win the war against coronavirus. “We appeal to the entire country to invoke the intervention of divine powers in this difficult hour. For only half an hour, each and every family should collectively remember their Ishta Daiva and chant on a Japa Mala (a string of 108+1 prayer beads)” the DH quotes the VHPs nationwide call to follow the rituals.

The VHP, other right-wing supremacist organisations, as well as Hindutva outfits have told people how this was a time to invoke the divine, chant mantras, ring bells, blow conch shells to generate ‘cosmic’ vibrations’ that will kill disease causing elements and ‘negative energies’. Some like Chakrapani Maharaj led by example and hosted ‘gaumutra’ drinking ‘parties’ to tell followers that cow urine and cow dung had magical powers that provide divine vaccination against the new Coronavirus. 

Such Hindutva calls were also endorsed by Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) members including a legislator from Assam, Suman Haripriya who was convinced that cow urine and dung could treat COVID-19. She was mocked online, but it is not known if the political party took any action against her. 

Television news channels did their bit by inviting religious leaders and gurus to come and share their ‘spiritual’ views on the pandemic. “Corona Doesn’t Want to Kill You,” said Jaggi Vasudev, hailed as Sadhguru by his followers, many of whom are celebrities. Yoga teacher and businessman Ramdev was also a guest called by television news.

It is noteworthy that Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath had himself defied the national lockdown on March 25 when he was the main participant in an elaborate ceremony conducted to move, and consecrate the idol of Ram to a new structure in Ayodhya. The idol will be housed here till the Ram Temple is constructed.

“The first phase of construction of the grand Ram temple was completed today… Moved the idol of ‘Ramalala’ in a temporary structure near Manas Bhawan,” Yogi Adityanath had posted. Adding that he had also given an offering of Rs 11 Lakh as a contribution to the temple construction. 

Ramanand Sagar’s Ramayan was first telecast in January 1987, and those who grew up in the 80s remember how it was almost like a religious event. As only some middle class houses had televisions, entire neighbourhoods would congregate and watch it almost like prayer services, and religious programmes are watched today. They would sit appropriately dressed, with the more traditional covering their heads respectfully, and watch the story of Ram as told in the Ramayana unfold on the screen. It is said the streets were empty on Sunday as everyone was home watching the latest episodes.

Over 30 years later, the streets are empty today as well, if you do not count the migrant workers still walking  hundreds of kilometers from cities across the country to return to their villages. You will also have to discount the thousands crowding around places where humanitarian volunteers and governments are distributing food and essentials to those facing starvation and penury. Most of all doctors, nurses, and other healthcare workers, pharmacists, and delivery boys are probably too busy to watch any television at all.

Related:

TV serials and the rise of Hindutva

The post Using Corona pandemic as an excuse to don fresh Hindutva masks? appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Image Courtesy: Scroll.in

On July 19, Indranil Bhattacharya, Dean (Films) of the Film and Television Institute of India (FTII) was suspended for “an anti-government Facebook post” and on disciplinary grounds. He was also issued three show-cause notices.

Bhattacharya wanted to apply  for a posting at the Jamia Millia Islamia (JMI) in New Delhi. His advocate Sunip Sen told the court that Bhattacharya’s application will be routed through the Director of FTII. Sen also alleged vindictive action on the part of the Centre because Bhattachatya had complained to the Central Vigilance Commission (CVC). 

In 2013, Indranil Bhattacharya had filed a complaint with the Central Information Commission (CIC) under the Right to Information Act, 2005 (RTI Act), alleging serious omissions by FTII, Pune. “The complaint pertained to the public authority’s poor compliance to the RTI Act and its provisions and also a complete disregard for Section 4 of the RTI Act regarding suo motu disclosure.”

By the time the complaint was heard by the CIC in 2017, Bhattacharya further submitted that his only complaint was a lack of total compliance with Section 4 of the RTI, but that a large degree of improvement had been made in four years. The CIC concluded that it found no evidence of malfidelity. It also suggested that the Director, FTII hold workshops for officers and staff on the key feature of the RTI Act.

Slamming the behaviour of the Centre in the matter of the suspension of Bhattacharaya from his faculty position, Justices Gautam Patel and Satyaranjan Dharmadhikari of the Bombay HC reminded the respondents of the institution’s prestigious history. The court has directed FTII to forward his application to JMI.

Courtesy: Indian Cultural Forum

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Before the Independence Day, the DD Tripura had recorded a speech ofManikSarkar, the CM of the state, which was to be telecasted on 15^th August in their channel. But a day prior to the scheduled telecast, the PrasarBharti sent a letter to the CMO Tripura, saying that the speech was not in keeping with the “sanctity and solemnity attached with the occasion” and that they will be showing the speech only if the CM agrees to reshape it to suite their line.

Before coming to the question as to whether this can be done or not, let’s ask if this the ‘co-operative federalism’ that our Prime Minister refers to every time he speaks? Because what we see here is not co-operation but an untowardcompetition taking place. A communal outfit like the RSS is trying to compete with democratically elected governments to curb the constitutional provisions and make the country run in their terms. And what is even more horrifying is that some of the central governmental agencies and autonomous organizations, running out of tax-payers’ money are brazenly siding with the RSS, in this ‘competition’.

If anyone would have felt that ManikSarkar has made any provocative or unconstitutional statement in his speech, which infringes upon the Indian Penal Code, then one could have used the constitutional provision to take action against him. But what right do the sarkaribabus, including the CEO of the PrasarBharti have, to take policy decisions to the extent of trying to censor the head of an elected government?

After this issue emerged in the public domain and questions started to get raised, apologists of the government tried to put up a feeble defense saying that it might have been an act done by one or few ‘over enthusiastic staffs’ working for DD Tripura, and that the central government cannot be blamed for this. However had that been the case, then as one would expect, the Information & Broadcasting Ministry would have come up with a clarification statement, apologizing for the incident and condemning the so-called ‘over enthusiastic employees’ for showing this unconstitutional audacity of trying to censor an elected Chief Minister.

This time the PrasarBharti had a problem in broadcasting the Tripura C.M.’s speech as it contained certain statements which, they felt, were not in keeping with their ideas. But as one would remember, in 2014, soon after NarendraModi assumed office, this same PrasarBharti went out of its way to broadcast the VijayaDashami speech of the RSS chief Mohan Bhawat. And Mohan Bhagwat clung to the opportunity to do what he does the best. He propagated hatred. Throughout his speech he went on from spewing venom against the Minorities and Dalits to giving lessons to women living in this country as to how to live a ‘sanskari’ life. Clearly, the present policy makers of the PrasarBhartifind communal bashings and hate speeches more worthy of being givena platform to than voices advocating plurality, inclusivity and human rights in this country.

The Supreme Court judgement on basis of which the PrasarBharti was formed clearly read, “It should be operated by a public statutory corporation or corporations, as the case may be, whose constitution and composition must be such as to ensure its/their impartiality in political, economic and social matters and on all other public issues. It/they must be required by law to present news, views and opinions in a balanced way ensuring pluralism and diversity of opinions and views.” So what we see here is not only a violation of that judgement but also a major departure from the basic idea of having a free broadcasting media like the PrasarBharati. Now we know that any voice not falling in line with the dominant narrative will not be allowed to use the common broadcasting infrastructure of this country.

ManikSarkar, one of the longest-serving Chief Ministers of India is accepted across political lines as someone who indubitably epitomizes sense, sanity and honesty in Indian politics. If this voice of sanity is stifled by forces desiring hegemonic control, thenalong with it, the silent majority who strive for peace, national unity and harmony in this country are momentarily stifled. And if they become convinced that the democratic system has become non-functional in this country that does not augur well for the development of motherland.

And finally, there’s not much disagreement on the fact that PrasarBharti’s actions reflect the Central Government’s intentions. So if they cannot accept some of the statements of ManikSarkar, it means that the government at the center is finding them unacceptable. And what exactly are those statements? They are the ones in which the CM of Tripura had asserted the need to protect the Idea of India. A bunch of bureaucrats trying to teach an elected Chief Minister what is to be said is outrageous. But what is more alarming is the fact that PrasarBharti found those parts of the CM’s address ‘unacceptable’ which spoke of combating the politics of communal genocide and upholding the secular values enshrined in the Indian constitution. The Modi government not being comfortable with ManikSarkar’s speech yet again asserts the fact that at present the Indian Constitution is not in safe hands. After all, why does the CM of Tripura have to be censored if he speaks of India being a pluralistic and diverse society? What is wrong if a chief-minister urges upon the people of his state to unite and safeguard the secular fabric of the society? Why should a Chief Minister not say that killing human beings in the name of protecting cows is unacceptable? So if the Central Government thinks that something is wrong in these statements, then it yet again tells the people of India that something is seriously wrong with the Central Government.

(The author is MemberDYFI, West Bengal State Committee)
 

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In another move of the Modi government in censorship of diverse and dissenting political opinion, the speech of the chief minister, Manik Sarkar of the Left Front government in Tripura was not aired as us customary on Independence Day.

The Prasar Bharati and under it, both Doordarshan and All India Radio refused to broadcast the customary Independence Day address of Tripura chief minister Manik Sarkar, advising him to “reshape” the speech after it was recorded by the chief minister.

The public broadcasters did not air Sarkar’s six-minute speech which was scheduled to be aired at 6.30am on Tuesday after the Sarkar government refused to make changes.

Sarkar, in his unaired speech, a copy of which is available with sections of the media was reportedly slated to have said, “Unity in diversity is India’s traditional heritage. Great values of secularism have helped in keeping Indians together as a nation. Today, the spirit is under attack. Conspiracies and attempts are underway to create an undesirable complexity and divisions in our society; to invade our national consciousness in the name of religion, caste and community, by inciting passions to convert India into a particular religious country and in the name of protecting the cow.”

The Tripura CM, who has commandeered the north-eastern state for the last 19 years, also said, “These unholy tendencies cannot be harboured or tolerated. These disruptive attempts are contrary to the goals, dreams and ideals of our freedom struggle. The followers of those who are not associated with the independence movement, rather sabotaged the freedom movement, were servile to the atrocious, plunderer and merciless British, aligned with the anti-national forces having decorated themselves today in different names and colours are striking at the root of unity and integrity of India.”

Dooordarshan is not the private property of the BJP or the RSS. Its refusal to broadcast Tripura CM’s speech is undemocratic and illegal, said Sitaram Yechury, general secretary of the party, sharply criticising the move of Doordarshan under the Modi regime not to telecast the Indpendence Day speech of Tripura chief minister, Manik Sarkar.

” The PM can repeat homilies to cooperative federalism while instructing all his cronies to black out voices of the Opposition, including an elected CM. If this is not authoritarianism and undeclared Emergency, what is? This will be fought back by the CPI(M), people of Tripura and all citizens of our country,” he tweeted.

Meanwhile, the Polit Bureau of the CPI(M) strongly condemns the refusal by the Doordarshan and All India Radio to broadcast the customary Independence Day address of Manik Sarkar, Chief Minister of Tripura.

The Doordarshan and All India Radio had recorded his speech for the occasion. However, they subsequently informed him that the speech cannot be carried as it is and asked him to “reshape” it.
This is a gross infringement on the right of a Chief Minister to address the people of his state on Independence Day. The statement issued by the CPI-M said that “this act is reminiscent of the Emergency days and goes beyond as it seeks to gag the elected Chief Minister of a state. The Central Government is trampling upon the autonomy of Doordarshan/AIR and Prasar Bharati by such acts of censorship.”

The Polit Bureau has demanded action against those responsible for prohibiting the broadcast. The Modi Government should stop treating the Prasar Bharati as a department of the Ministry of Information and Broadcasting, the statement said.
 

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गौरतलब है कि गुरुवार को पत्रकार सत्येंद्र मुरली ने पूरी जिम्मेदारी के साथ कहा था कि पीएम मोदी का अभिभाषण रिकॉर्डेड नहीं था। उन्होंने लाइव कुछ भी नहीं कहा था। साथ ही उनका आरोप है कि इस भाषण में बाकायदा एडिटिंग भी की गई थी। 
 
बता दें, ‘राष्ट्र के नाम संदेश’ देते हुए पीएम मोदी ने कहा था कि आज मध्य रात्रि यानी 8 नवंबर 2016 की रात्रि 12 बजे से वर्तमान में जारी 500 रुपये और 1,000 रुपये के करेंसी नोट लीगल टेंडर नहीं रहेंगे। यह मुद्राएं कानूनन अमान्य होंगी।

मोदी सरकार ने दावा किया कि नोटबंदी का फैसला पूरी तरह गोपनीय था और इस निर्णय की घोषणा से पूर्व इसके बारे में सिर्फ प्रधानमंत्री, वित्तमंत्री समेत आरबीआई और वित्त मंत्रालय के कुछ अधिकारियों को जानकारी थी।
 
वित्त मंत्री अरुण जेटली ने मीडिया को बताया कि 8 नवंबर को शाम 6 बजे आरबीआई का प्रस्ताव आया, शाम 7 बजे कैबिनेट की बैठक बुलाई गई, जिसमें मोदी ने मंत्रियों को ब्रीफ किया और रात 8 बजे प्रधानमंत्री मोदी ने राष्ट्र को संबोधित करते हुए घोषणा कर दी।

ये भी पढ़ें : दूरदर्शन पत्रकार का दावा 8 नवंबर को नरेंद्र मोदी का 'राष्ट्र के नाम संदेश' लाइव नहीं था, बल्कि पूर्व रिकॉर्डेड किया हुआ था

पत्रकार का कहना है कि पीएम मोदी ने ‘राष्ट्र के नाम संदेश’ को मीडिया में लाइव बैंड के साथ प्रसारित करने को कहा था, जिसे देश के तमाम चैनलों ने लाइव बैंड के साथ ही प्रसारित किया। पीएम मोदी ने यह सिर्फ दिखावा किया कि मानों उन्होंने अचानक ही रात 8 बजे राष्ट्र को संबोधित किया हो।

उन्होंने कहा ‘देश की जनता को भरोसा दिलाने के लिए कि प्रधानमंत्री मोदी ने मामले को बेहद गोपनीय रखा है, इसलिए यह अचानक घोषणा वाला नाटक किया गया, लेकिन ऐसा बिल्कुल नहीं था’।

पत्रकार ने सवाल उठाते हुए कहा है कि 8 नवंबर 2016 की शाम 6 बजे आरबीआई से प्रस्ताव मंगवा लेने के एक घंटे बाद यानि  शाम 7 बजे कैबिनेट की बैठक हुई जो मात्र दिखावा थी, जिसे मोदी ने ब्रीफ किया।
 
उन्होंने कहा ‘मोदी ने कैबिनेट बैठक में बिना किसी से चर्चा किए ही अपना फैसला सुना दिया। यह वही निर्णय था जिसे पीएम मोदी पहले ही ले चुके थे और रिकॉर्ड हो चुका था। ऐसे में केंद्र सरकार द्वारा THE GOVERNMENT OF INDIA (TRANSACTION OF BUSINESS) RULES, 1961 एवं RBI Act 1934 की अनुपालना किस प्रकार की गई होगी? इस मामले में क्या राष्ट्रपति को सूचना दी गई?’
 
पीएम मोदी के खिलाफ आवाज उठाने वाले सत्येन्द्र मुरली का आरोप है कि “संविधान व नियम-कानूनों को ताक पर रखकर पीएम मोदी ने देश को गुमराह किया है और अपना तुगलकी फ़रमान थोपते हुए, देश में आर्थिक आपातकाल जैसे हालात पैदा कर दिए हैं। पीएम के फैसले के चलते देशभर में सैंकड़ों लोगों की मौत हो चुकी है।”

Courtesy: National Dastak

The post पत्रकार सत्येंद्र मुरली के दावे पर बात करने को तैयार नहीं DD appeared first on SabrangIndia.

• 8 नवंबर 2016 को प्रधानमंत्री नरेंद्र मोदी का 'राष्ट्र के नाम संदेश' लाइव नहीं था, बल्कि पूर्व रिकॉर्डेड और एडिट किया हुआ था.
• इस भाषण को लाइव कहकर चलाया जाना न सिर्फ अनैतिक था, बल्कि देश की जनता के साथ धोखा भी था.
• 8 नवंबर 2016 को शाम 6 बजे आरबीआई का प्रस्ताव और शाम 7 बजे कैबिनेट को ब्रीफ किए जाने से कई दिनों पहले ही पीएम का 'राष्ट्र के नाम संदेश' लिखा जा चुका था.
• मुद्रा के मामले में निर्णय लेने के रिजर्व बैंक के अधिकार का इस मामले में स्पष्ट तौर पर उल्लंघन किया गया है.
• इस बारे में RTI के जरिए पूछे जाने पर (PMOIN/R/2016/53416), प्रधानमंत्री कार्यालय ने जवाब देने की जगह टालमटोल कर दिया और आवेदन को आर्थिक मामलों के विभाग और सूचना और प्रसारण मंत्रालय को भेज दिया. RTI ट्रांसफर का नंबर है – DOEAF/R/2016/80904 तथा MOIAB/R/2016/80180.
• यह रिकॉर्डिंग पीएमओ में हुई थी, लिहाजा इस बारे में जवाब देने का दायित्व पीएमओ का है.

 
प्रधानमंत्री नरेंद्र मोदी ने ‘राष्ट्र के नाम संदेश’ देते हुए कहा कि “आज मध्य रात्रि यानि 8 नवंबर 2016 की रात्रि 12 बजे से वर्तमान में जारी 500 रुपये और 1,000 रुपये के करेंसी नोट लीगल टेंडर नहीं रहेंगे यानि ये मुद्राएं कानूनन अमान्य होंगी.”

केंद्र सरकार की तरफ से दावा किया गया कि यह निर्णय पूरी तरह गोपनीय था और इस निर्णय की घोषणा से पूर्व इसके बारे में सिर्फ प्रधानमंत्री, वित्तमंत्री समेत भारतीय रिजर्व बैंक और वित्त मंत्रालय के कुछ ही अधिकारियों को मालूम था.

वित्त मंत्री अरूण जेटली ने मीडिया को बताया कि 8 नवंबर को शाम 6 बजे आरबीआई का प्रस्ताव आया, शाम 7 बजे कैबिनेट की बैठक बुलाई गई, जिसमें मोदी ने मंत्रियों को ब्रीफ किया और रात 8 बजे प्रधानमंत्री मोदी ने राष्ट्र को संबोधित करते हुए घोषणा कर दी.

पीएम मोदी ने ‘राष्ट्र के नाम संदेश’ को मीडिया में लाइव बैंड के साथ प्रसारित करने को कहा था, जिसे देश के तमाम चैनलों ने लाइव बैंड के साथ ही प्रसारित किया. पीएम मोदी ने देश की जनता को बरगलाने के लिए ऐसा दिखावा किया कि मानों उन्होंने अचानक ही रात 8 बजे राष्ट्र को संबोधित किया हो. यह अचानक घोषणा वाला नाटक इसलिए किया गया, ताकि देश की जनता को भरोसा हो जाए कि प्रधानमंत्री मोदी ने मामले को बेहद गोपनीय रखा है, लेकिन ऐसा हरगिज नहीं था.

मैं बतौर दूरदर्शन समाचार में कार्यरत पत्रकार सत्येन्द्र मुरली जिम्मेदारीपूर्वक दावा कर रहा हूँ कि 8 नवंबर 2016 को प्रधानमंत्री नरेंद्र मोदी का 'राष्ट्र के नाम संदेश' लाइव नहीं था, बल्कि पूर्व रिकॉर्डेड और एडिट किया हुआ था.

8 नवंबर 2016 को शाम 6 बजे आरबीआई का प्रस्ताव और शाम 7 बजे कैबिनेट को ब्रीफ किए जाने से कई दिनों पहले ही पीएम का 'राष्ट्र के नाम संदेश' लिखा जा चुका था. और इतना ही नहीं मोदी ने इस भाषण को पढ़कर पहले ही रिकॉर्ड करवा लिया था.

8 नवंबर 2016 को शाम 6 बजे आरबीआई से प्रस्ताव मंगवा लेने के बाद, शाम 7 बजे मात्र दिखावे के लिए कैबिनेट की बैठक बुलाई गई, जिसे मोदी ने ब्रीफ किया. किसी मसले को ब्रीफ करना और उस पर गहन चर्चा करना, दोनों में स्पष्ट अंतर होता है. मोदी ने कैबिनेट बैठक में बिना किसी से चर्चा किए ही अपना एक तरफा निर्णय सुना दिया. यह वही निर्णय था जिसे पीएम मोदी पहले ही ले चुके थे और कैमरे में रिकॉर्ड भी करवा चुके थे. ऐसे में केंद्र सरकार द्वारा THE GOVERNMENT OF INDIA (TRANSACTION OF BUSINESS) RULES, 1961 एवं RBI Act 1934 की अनुपालना किस प्रकार की गई होगी? क्या इस मामले में राष्ट्रपति महोदय को सूचना दी गई?

मोदी ने संविधान व नियम-कानूनों को ताक पर रखकर देश की जनता को गुमराह किया है और अपना एक तरफा निर्णय थोपते हुए, देश में आर्थिक आपातकाल जैसे हालात पैदा कर दिए हैं. इस निर्णय की बदौलत देशभर में बैंक कर्मियों, बच्चों, वृद्धों, महिलाओं समेत सैंकड़ों लोगों की मौत हो चुकी है और सिलसिला है कि थमने का नाम ही नहीं ले रहा. पूरे देश में बैंकों और एटीएम मशीनों के बाहर लंबी-लंबी कतारें लगी हुई हैं. आज देश का आम आदमी, गरीब, मजदूर, किसान एवं मध्यम वर्ग से ताल्लुक रखने वाला व्यक्ति इन कतारों में लगा हुआ है. जबकि पीएम मोदी ने अपने भाषण में कहा कि “भ्रष्टाचार में लिप्त और काला धन रखने वाला व्यक्ति आज लाइनों में लगा हुआ है, जबकि आम आदमी, गरीब, मजदूर, किसान चैन की नींद सो रहा है.” मोदी के इस वक्तव्य की चारों ओर जबरदस्त आलोचना भी हो रही है.

आज देशभर में लोग प्रधानमंत्री नरेंद्र मोदी को कोसते हुए उन्हें हिटलर और तुगलक जैसी संज्ञा दे रहे हैं. देश की जनता कह रही है कि मोदी ने इस निर्णय के बारे में अपने चहेते, यार-दोस्तों को पहले ही जानकारी दे दी थी. बसपा की राष्ट्रीय अध्यक्ष बहन मायावती एवं अन्य विपक्षी दलों के नेताओं ने भी राज्यसभा में इस बात को भली-भांति उजागर किया था. यहाँ तक कि कई बीजेपी नेताओं और समर्थकों ने भी पीएम मोदी पर देश के खिलाफ साजिश रचने का आरोप लगाया है, जिसके वीडियो क्लिप सोशल मीडिया और यूट्यूब पर वायरल हो चुके हैं. दिल्ली के मुख्यमंत्री अरविंद केजरीवाल ने दिल्ली विधानसभा में प्रधानमंत्री मोदी पर घूस लेने और नोटबंदी की सूचना अपने चहेते पूंजीपति यार-दोस्तों को लीक किए जाने के गंभीर आरोप लगाए हैं, जिस पर बीजेपी और आरएसएस ने चुप्पी साध रखी है.
 
इस सबके बीच विरोधाभासी बात तो यह भी है कि केंद्र सरकार और आरबीआई ने कालेधन और भ्रष्टाचार को रोकने के लिए उच्च मूल्य वाले 500 रूपये और 1,000 रूपये के नोटों को बंद करने का तर्क देते हुए 8 नवंबर को भारत के राजपत्र में कहा है कि "भारतीय रिजर्व बैंक के केंद्रीय निदेशक बोर्ड ने सिफारिश की है कि पांच सौ रूपये और एक हजार रूपये के अंकित मूल्य के बैंक नोट वैध मुद्रा नहीं रहेंगे…यह देखा गया है कि उच्च मूल्य के बैंक नोटों का उपयोग गणना में न लिए गए धन के भंडारण के लिए किया जाता है जैसा कि विधि प्रवर्तन अभिकरणों द्वारा नकदी की बड़ी वसूलियों से परिलक्षित है.”

लेकिन, इसके ठीक दो दिन बाद यानी 10 नवंबर को बाजार में 2,000 रूपये का नोट आ गया. और इसी के साथ केंद्र सरकार और आरबीआई द्वारा उच्च मूल्य के नोटों को बंद किए जाने के पीछे दिए गए उपरोक्त तर्क के साथ विरोधाभास पैदा हो गया है, क्योंकि केंद्र सरकार 500 रूपये और 1,000 रूपये से भी अधिक उच्च मूल्य का नोट यानि 2,000 रूपये का नोट लाई है. इतना ही नहीं, बाजार में 2,000 रूपये के जाली नोटों के अलावा जम्मू-कश्मीर में मारे गए आतंकवादियों से नए नोट भी बरामद किए जा चुके हैं. इस घटना ने केंद्र सरकार के दावों को धक्का पहुंचाने का काम किया है और अब मोदी सरकार कटघरे में खड़ी है.

एक तथ्य यह भी है कि आरबीआई के पास 10 हजार रूपये तक के नोट छापने की अनुमति है. पूर्व में इसके अंतर्गत एक हजार रूपये से ऊपर सीधे 5,000 रूपये और 10,000 रूपये का ही नोट छापा जा सकता था, लेकिन वर्तमान में 2,000 रूपये के नोट की नई सीरीज गांधी की फोटो के साथ छापी गई है, तो जाहिर है कि इसकी अनुमति से संबंधित एक्जीक्यूटिव ऑर्डर, नोटिफिकेशन आदि जारी किए गए होंगे, लेकिन आज तक जनता इन संबंधित एक्जीक्यूटिव ऑर्डरों, नोटिफिकेशनों आदि को देखने में नाकाम रही है.

एक तरफ तो भारतीय रिजर्व बैंक का स्पष्ट रूप से कहना है कि भारत की कैश आधारित इकॉनोमी है अर्थात देश के अधिकतर लोग कैश में ही लेन-देन का कार्य करते हैं, वहीं दूसरी तरफ केंद्र सरकार नकद लेन-देन के खिलाफ है और नोटबंदी के बाद बैंको से नकदी निकासी पर शिकंजा कसते हुए लोगों से चेक, एटीएम, मोबाइल वॉलेट, इंटरनेट बैंकिंग इत्यादि द्वारा लेन-देन करने को कहा जा रहा है.

 
आज देश की जनता खुद को ठगा सा महसूस कर रही है. मेरा मानना है कि मोदी द्वारा लिए गए एकतरफा, पक्षपाती, विरोधाभासी और संदेहास्पद मकसद वाले इस तानाशाही निर्णय की वैधानिकता को माननीय न्यायालय के समक्ष कानूनन चुनौती दी जा सकती है.
पीएमओ को चाहिए कि वह RTI के सवालों का सीधा जवाब देकर RTI एक्ट, 2005 की अनुपालना करे.

(सत्येन्द्र मुरली, पत्रकार एवं रिसर्चर )
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The post दूरदर्शन पत्रकार का दावा 8 नवंबर को नरेंद्र मोदी का ‘राष्ट्र के नाम संदेश’ लाइव नहीं था, बल्कि पूर्व रिकॉर्डेड किया हुआ था appeared first on SabrangIndia.

 The day, declared as the New Republic Day, was a national holiday. This, the first anniversary, was more special because of the historical Abhishekaa (enthronement) of Lord Ram’s idol in the Ram Mandir at Ayodhya. There would be a two-hour long ceremony at the Ram temple which the Doordarshan national channel would telecast live a little later in the morning. Watching the telecast was obligatory. Wilful transgression was punishable, with a fine of Rs 5,000 at the least; the transgressor could also end up with a year in jail. 

And there was no escaping the telecast. Secret, strategically located ultra-powerful video sensors scanned all the houses within its range. The goings on in any room of any house was fed to the computers in the West-Central monitoring station of the Politpo (the Political Police). The sensors could even detect the particular channel a TV set was tuned to, its sound volume and the number of persons watching. 

The computers continuously sifted the signals so received and, on detecting any infringement, alerted the nearest Politpo patrol van whose occupants would raid the offending house and, at their discretion, arrest the head of the household. INDAFONO — acronym for Indian Americans for the New Order — a Stanford based NGO with vast financial and intellectual resources — had developed what was known as a EVAWS (Electronic Vigilance and Warning System) and which was a twin of the ‘Peeping Tom’ used extensively by the CIA. George Orwell must be happy in his grave to find that his 1984 had at last arrived. 

Shaila had nothing to fear though. Her husband, Vinay, was conformity personified — no infringement possible in the Salgaokar household. Thank goodness, Shaila thought, the digital wizards had not yet devised something to read one’s mind through the EVAWS. 

The telecast was to start at 6.02, which meant she had to finish her morning rituals and chores by 6.00. She really had no time to waste. She glanced at the framed 1foot by 2½ feet parchment hanging on the wall as a matter of habit. The parchment listed in beautiful calligraphy in green characters on a background of saffron, the rituals to be observed by every Hindu family. The rituals were a part of the Codes of the New Order. Of course, in the New Order everyone was a Hindu — Hindu Hindus, Sikh Hindus, Buddhist Hindus, Jain Hindus, Islamic Hindus, Isaai Hindus, Zoroastrian Hindus and, she sighed, even the innocent tribal Sing Bongian Hindus. 

Hindus other than the Hindu Hindus were accorded minority rights for an interregnum of five years to prepare themselves to merge fully into the Hindu mainstream. The rituals were part of the Common Civil Code which all Hindus had to observe.

Shaila went to the bathroom, washed and showered, came out and dressed in a light green white sari with a red border and a matching red-green blouse. Her thoughts went back to that fateful day in her life almost a year earlier. 

That was the day she had reached the high point, qualified to be anointed by the New Order. She had been persuaded by Vinay to make a bid for the title, Adarsh Nari of the New Order (ANONO), class I — because it brought privileges. To start with, an automatic elevation of Vinay and herself to class I membership of the RJJP — Rashtriya Jana Jagran Party — the supreme party of the New Order constitutionally elected to rule Samyukta Rashtra of Bharatvarsha in perpetuity. Membership opened the door for further privileges — enrolment in the VIP quota for a government flat in a posh central district of Bombay, entry to her son Madhav into the coveted Adolf Bal Brigade and scholarships for studies in the best of schools, colleges and professional institutions. 

She was close to be crowned an ANONO but had pulled out just short of crossing the Rubicon. She withdrew because she had found she could not carry on compromising with a system she hated so deeply. Indeed, she would rather face an official enquiry and a fresh loyalty test, incur her husband’s displeasure, even suspicion, than go through conscience chewing pretences. 

At one point, she had come close to ending her life to escape the pain and frustration that the charade of an Adarsh Nari was causing her. But she had drawn back from the brink and decided to reassert herself and all she had believed in. The Hindutva zealots had not destroyed just a few Muslim places of worship; they had set about uprooting the centuries old liberal, tolerant, inclusive culture and ethos of India — all in the name of Ram. But their Ram was not her Ram — the good, gentle, gracious, god-like king Ram she had seen depicted year after year by the yatra troupe that performed the Ramayana every summer in Bilaspur in Chattisgarh where she spent her childhood and youth. 

The end of one mental strife brought the beginning of another. Wasn’t she still compromising with the evil system? Had the time not come for active, if covert, defiance of the Order as some of her friends had done and joining the Underground Resistance? Exposure would earn her 14 years in a Reformation camp from the Court of Discipline or even a summary trial by the Court of Sedition and the firing squad.

She had mentally braced herself for the plunge but there was that one tie she could not break — Madhu, her son. However, she had to see Balram, the West Central cell leader of the resistance, as early as possible. She would get her childhood friend Sushma, already an established member of the Underground, to send a signal to the leader. She must contribute to the cause even if in a small measure. 

One of the obligatory rituals for a Hindu woman was to visit the Siddhi Vinayak temple early every Tuesday morning. It was there, mingling amidst the sea of devotees, that she would meet Sushma to pass on her request for an audience with Balram. 

She looked at the clock. It was 5.15. She had to awaken Vinay with the Swami Vandana (invocation or worship of husband), or otherwise he would miss the live telecast; he was more excited about it than even Madhu. She brought a mug of water from the bathroom and roused her husband from his sleep. As was his habit, Vinay slid down the bed to dangle his foot off the bed. Shaila sprinkled some water on his feet and wiped them with her hair. That over, she asked Vinay to wash up and get ready for the Surya Vandana (invocation to the Sun). It was Madhu’s turn next to be woken up. 

She took out the official manual, Nitya Karma Padhhati (The Book of Daily Rituals), flagged the page for Surya Vandana for Vinay and proceeded to the kitchen to prepare breakfast. The Rashtriya Sarvabhauma Sadhu Sansad (the National Supreme Synod of Clerics or the RSSS) had ordained that the anniversary day being an occasion for joyous celebrations, the usual food and drink restrictions had been waived for the day. 

Surya Vandana was over a minute or two before 6.00. Vinay and Madhu entered the drawing-cum-dining room and occupied the dining chairs facing the TV set mounted on the wall in front. The DD English national channel was already airing a prelude to the live telecast of the Abhisheka that was due to start in about half-an-hour. 
The prelude was anchored by Swami Sayamachari, the versatile Goebbelsian TV propagandist from Mumbai who anchored programmes of national importance, especially programmes aimed meant to  ‘sell’ the New Order to the general public. The time was 6.02. If Mumbai was gloomy and overcast, Ayodhya was swept in golden sunshine. Sayamachari was seen on the screen commentating in excellent English: “My brothers and sisters and the children of the nation, in the 30 minutes to follow, I shall take you on a holy parikrama of ancient Ayodhya.  Come with me and share my pride and joy in getting acquainted with the capital of the New Order.”

The screen flashed a map of India dotted by a plethora of mini saffron swastikas, each representing a Hindu holy place. For background music, the producer of the programme had selected an instrumental rendition of a Tagore song — “Arup Tomar Bani”.

The screen cuts to a panoramic view of river Sarayu with moored boats lining the banks as far as one could see in either direction. 

“Friends, we shall return to the river in due course because it is here that today’s holy ceremony will begin. But for now, let’s start on our parikrama. Not the Antargrahi (daylong) or the Panchakoshi (5 mile) or the Chaturdashkoshi (28 mile) parikramas. Those you must undertake yourselves to earn the punya (spiritual virtue) of a lifetime. I shall take you on a helicopter flight through what makes Ayodhya the holy city that it is”.
(For the next 25 minutes, viewers are given a round of Ramkot, Hanuman Garhi, Kanak Bhawan, Mani Parbat, Treta-ke-Thakur, Nageshwarnath temple). 

Finally, a camera mounted on another helicopter zooms to the Swami’s face, his intense burning eyes boring into his viewers: 

“Brothers and sisters, drink the cups of joy and pride, bathe in the glory of your Hindu heritage and promise to the nation, to the RSSS and RJJP— the guardians of the New Order — and finally to yourselves, that, you shall never, ever let the pseudo-secularist traitors snatch this glory away from you again. Friends, there is unfinished business yet — Ayodhya, Mathura and Kashi were just the beginning — there are other holy places which have to be recovered for the Hindu nation. Take a pledge now that you will not rest till the unfinished business is over. Take a vow, when in the city of Lord Ram — even in your TV yatra —, to destroy these evil heretics once and for all just as our Lord destroyed the evil that was Ravan. Garv se kaho, Hum Hindu hein. Jai Hindutva, Jai Shri Ram.” 

The Swami pauses for effect. Vinay claps. Shaila feels a shiver down her spine. Madhu looks at his parents, wonder in his eyes. Then the anchor speaks, ever so gently, “Friends, the moment is approaching for the Abhisheka ceremony to begin. In the meantime listen to some devotional music.” Interlude — The Resistance
Balram grinned and looked at his two companions as Swami Sayamachari finished the first part of his peroration. They did not know what he was saying as the sound was switched off. Raghuvir, the baby-faced, plump, counter-EVAWS expert of the West Central Cell of The Resistance — himself a product of the Silicon Valley — grinned back at his leader. The third person in the room Krishna, removed her headphones, wiped the sweat off her face with the sleeve of her kurta and said under her breath, – “Oh, you should have heard the pompous Nazi humbug, he is going to make a million converts with this show of his today. Someone should shoot the bastard.” 
Balram kept looking at the TV set and said under his breath.

“No Krishna, no talk of shooting, not even in jest. We want to mount a psychological warfare against the evil New Order. We will make it impossible for them to govern. We don’t shoot, certainly with a firearm. 
“Raghu, we have had the TV mute for more than 30 minutes now. There is no probe yet. Do we hope your digital decoy has worked?”

Raghuvir, whispered back, “I would not be certain yet. The Politpo has a whole bag of tricks up their bloody sleeves. It just may be that they are giving us a long rope to hang ourselves. We may have to wait for a while yet.”

“Well Raghu dear, if this baby of yours works, we will have to make a presentation to the Central Cell at Delhi and ask for authorisation and money to make some 200 of them for distribution among the branch Cells. Where will they find all that money, I don’t know. As it is, we are woefully short of radio equipment.” 

He looked at Krishna, then at the small brief case lying open on the floor revealing a set of tools and said: “If and when the knock comes Krishna, don’t forget the usual drill. Delay opening the door on some pretext such as looking through the peephole, asking who it was twice and then fiddling with the latch. That will give Raghu enough time to jump to the TV with a tool or two, cut the sound from inside and fool around with the set as if he was trying to repair the sound system. We will also tell them we have been recording the show in our VCR for later viewing.”

“I hope they will not take the TV away to their Lab for a closer look”, said Raghu.
Balram replied, “In that case we go underground, that is, if they don’t take us away along with the TV. Sam will then activate the stand by 
He looked back at the TV.
“I see there is something afoot. Let’s watch and see what is cooking.” 

End of Part 2 

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