अब्बा, एक वक्त मैं अपना बहुत कुछ गंवाने के बाद पूरी तरह परेशान हो गई थी जब मैं लगातार खुद से पूछ रही थी कि मेरे ही पिता क्यों…! उन्हें ही क्यों…! लेकिन यह आपके बताए रास्ते का हासिल है कि वाकयों को उसके बड़े दायरे में देखो और अपनी जिंदगी को भी बड़े फलक पर देखो। मैंने महसूस किया कि मेरी तरह तो हजारों हैं, मर्द, औरतें और बच्चे, जिन्होंने अपने सबसे करीबी और अजीज लोगों को खो दिया और वे भी यही पूछ रहे हैं कि क्यों उन्हें ही..!

बड़ी तादाद में बच्चे अनाथ हो गए और बड़ी तादाद में मां-बाप अपने बच्चों से महरूम हो गए। मैंने यह भी महसूस किया कि मेरी तरह के कुछ लोग गोधरा और कश्मीर में भी हैं। उनकी तकलीफ हमसे जरा भी कम नहीं है। उनका नुकसान हमसे कम नहीं हैं। उनकी मासूमियत भी हमसे कम नहीं है। इसलिए मैं उनसे पूछती हूं जो सत्ता में हैं। उन्होंने उस कत्लेआम को होने दिया था। और फिर समय-समय पर इंसानियत के खिलाफ अपराध होते रहे। और तमाम विनम्रता और संजीदगी के साथ मैं खुदा से पूछती हूं कि क्यों वे नहीं जो नफरत का पाठ पढ़ाते हैं? क्यों वे नहीं, जो सांप्रदायिक असहनशीलता फैलाते हैं? क्यों वे नहीं, जो उसकी बनाई दुनिया के खिलाफ हिंसा का प्रचार करते हैं?

मेरे प्यारे अब्बा, मुझे आपकी बात याद है कि दुनिया में बहुत दुश्मनी है, लेकिन बहुत सुकून, मेलजोल और प्यार भी है। दुनिया में दुख है, तकलीफ है, लेकिन सुख समृद्धि और आगे बढ़ने के रास्ते भी हैं। दुनिया में जंग और बर्बरता है, लेकिन भाईचारा, सुकून और शांति भी है। यह इस बात से तय होता है कि आप कहां से और कैसे इस दुनिया को देखते हैं।
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यह आपकी उम्मीदों और सकारात्मक सोच के साथ तैयार मेरी शख्सियत है कि मैंने देश में प्यार, भाईचारा, सुकून और सांप्रदायिक सौहार्द के हालात को देखना पसंद किया है, चुना है। मैंने यह भरोसा चुना कि गुजरात में हमने जो हिंसा और सांप्रदायिक असहनशीलता देखी, वह महज एक तात्कालिक विचलन थी और उसके गम जल्दी ही गुजर जाएंगे। आपस में बांटने के एजेंडे के साथ नफरत का कारोबार करने वाले हारेंगे और भारत में लोग अपने मजहब और नस्ल, रंग और जाति, सियासी बुनियाद या आदर्श की परवाह किए बिना एक दूसरे के साथ आएंगे, आपके और आपकी तरह के लाखों लोगों के उन सपनों के लिए जो एक, प्रगतिशील, समृद्ध, धर्मनिरपेक्ष और गर्व करने लायक भारत में बसता है।

मेरे प्यारे अब्बा, आपकी दी हुई सबक मुझे यह ताकत देती है कि मैं गुजरात कत्लेआम के दौरान हजारों बेघर हो चुके लोगों, औरतों और बच्चों की मदद के लिए आगे बढ़ूं, जो जिंदगी के बेहद असह्य और तकलीफदेह हालात में जी रहे हैं। मेरे दिल में किसी खास व्यक्ति या समुदाय के लिए कोई कड़वाहट नहीं है। मैं आपके दामाद नाज़िद हुसेन के साथ हूं और अपनी काबिलियत के मुताबिक बेसहारा लोगों की मदद के लिए बहुत बेहतर काम कर रही हूं। हमारे साथ कई लोगों, संस्थाओं और संगठनों की भी मदद है। हम लोगों के पुनर्वास, उनकी सुरक्षा की गारंटी और गुजरात में इंसान सुनिश्चित करने के लिए काम कर रहे हैं।
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हमें हिम्मत दीजिए अब्बा! और इस देश को भी हौसला दीजिए, जिसके सम्मान के लिए आपने बिना किसी भेदभाव और बिना किसी स्वार्थ के जिंदगी भर काम किया। हमें आशीर्वाद दीजिए और राह दिखाइए, ताकि हम हम आपके दिखाए रास्ते को साफ-साफ देख सकें, उस पर चल सकें। दया और संवेदना का रास्ता, एकता और अखंडता का रास्ता, शांति और सौहार्द का रास्ता, ताकि हम गुजरात की उस त्रासदी को दोहराए जाते नहीं देखें।
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शुक्रिया… हम आपसे प्यार करते हैं… हम हमेशा आपसे प्यार करेंगे… हम हमेशा आपको याद करेंगे…!

(समाप्त)

अनुवाद- अरविंद शेष

अब्बा, हमें हौसला और हिम्मत देना- 2

अब्बा, हमें हौसला और हिम्मत देना- 1
 
 

The post अब्बा, हमें हौसला और हिम्मत देना- 3 appeared first on SabrangIndia.

आपकी लाइब्रेरी में कानून, साहित्य, दर्शनशास्त्र, इंसानियत, धर्म, राष्ट्रीय एकता और आपकी अपनी कविताओं की हजारों किताबें जो आपने अपनी अगली पीढ़ियों के लिए संभाल के रखी थीं, वे आपको समझने के लिए काफी थीं। वे सब खाक में तब्दील कर दी गईं। आपके दफ्तर में अब गौरैया नहीं हैं, उनके घोंसले जला दिए गए। मुझे याद है कि आपने अपने दफ्तर में गौरैयों को घोंसला बनाने, अंडे देने, उनके चूजों को उड़ान भरना सिखाने के लिए कितनी मेहनत की थी। आप अपने दफ्तर की एक खिड़की हमेशा ही खुला छोड़ देते थे, तब भी, जब हम सब समूचे घर को बंद कर कहीं बाहर गए होते। सिर्फ इसलिए कि गौरैया हमारे घरों में आजादी से आवाजाही कर सकें। जब वे गौरैया घोंसला बनाने के दौरान कुछ गंदगी फैलाती थीं, तो दिन में कई-कई बार आप अपने दफ्तर की सफाई खुशी-खुशी करते थे। जब उन गौरैयों को नन्हे चूजे होते थे, तो आप घर के पंखे चलाने वाले बिजली के स्विच पर टेप लगा देते थे, ताकि गलती से वे चल न जाएं। पंखों से चूजों के घायल होने की बनिस्बत आप गरमी को बर्दाश्त करके काम करना पसंद करते थे। हम आज भी उन गौरैयों को याद करते हैं।

मुझे याद है कि एक युवक कालिया जब अपने पांवों के जख्मों की तकलीफ से तड़प रहा था, तो आप उसे डॉक्टर के पास ले गए और खुद उसके घावों की मरहम-पट्टी की थी। उसने बताया था कि जिस वक्त कोई उसे छूने तक के लिए तैयार नहीं था, तब आपने उसे कुर्सी पर बिठा कर खुद नीचे बैठ उसके पांवों को देख रहे थे और तब वह खुद को शर्मिंदा महसूस कर रहा था। उन सालों के दौरान आपने जिनकी मदद की, उनमें से दर्जनों लोग आपकी रहमदिली और उदारता की याद दिलाते हैं। उनमें से कई यह भी जानते हैं कि कैसे आप उन्हें घरों का रंग-रोगन करने, दरवाजों को पेंट करने, किचेन या टॉयलेट या घर में गैराज को नई शक्ल देने के बारे में बताते थे। यह सब इसलिए नहीं कि वह जरूरी था, बल्कि इसलिए कि आप चाहते थे कि वे अपनी जिंदगी को बेहतर बनाने के लिए खुद कुछ काम करें। वे सभी आपको याद करते हैं।

अब्बा, मैं जानती हूं कि अगर आप चाहते तो अपनी वकालत की प्रैक्टिस और अपने सियासी कॅरियर के जरिए काफी पैसे कमा सकते थे। लेकिन इसके बजाय आपने हमारे हिंदुस्तानी स्वभाव के मुताबिक बिल्कुल सादा रहन-सहन और ऊंचे खयालातों की जिंदगी चुनी। अगर आप चाहते तो एक बहुत ताकतवर और रसूखदार सियासतदां हो सकते थे। लेकिन इसके बजाय आप अपने गुरु और आदर्श महात्मा गांधी के मूल्यों के साथ बने रहे और आपने देश के लोगों के लिए काम करने का रास्ता चुना। सांप्रदायिक एकता और सौहार्द, राष्ट्रीय एकता और इंसानी गरिमा पर आपकी लिखी कविताएं आने वाली पीढ़ियों को रास्ता दिखलाती रहेंगी।

यह आपकी उम्मीदों और सकारात्मक सोच के साथ तैयार मेरी शख्सियत है कि मैंने देश में प्यार, भाईचारा, सुकून और सांप्रदायिक सौहार्द के हालात को देखना पसंद किया है। मैंने यह भरोसा चुना कि गुजरात में हमने जो हिंसा और सांप्रदायिक असहनशीलता देखी, वह महज एक तात्कालिक विचलन थी और उसके गम जल्दी ही गुजर जाएंगे।
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आपने न जाने कितने दिलों को छुआ। ज्यादातर हिंदुओं और मुसलमानों ने साथ आकर आपके लिए दुख जताया। आप शांति के एक दूत थे, इंसानियत और इंसानी गरिमा के पैरोकार थे। खुद को हिंदू मानने वाले चंद भटकाए गए लोगों ने गुजरात और गुलबर्ग सोसाइटी में आपके और हजारों मासूम निर्दोष लोगों के साथ जो किया, उस पर हमारे ज्यादातर हिंदू दोस्तों ने अफसोस और शर्मिंदगी जताई। गुनाह का एहसास और उसका बोझ अपने दिल पर लिए ये दोस्त अक्सर हमारे पास आकर गुजरात कत्लेआम के लिए हमसे माफी मांगते। मगर जैसा आप भी करते, उसी तरह हमने उन्हें कहा कि आप वे नहीं हैं जिन्हें इसके लिए बोझ महसूस करना चाहिए।

यह हिंदुत्व नहीं है। उस कत्लेआम के लिए यह हिंदुत्व जिम्मेदार नहीं और इस पर आरोप नहीं लगाया जाना चाहिए। भटकाए गए कुछ अतिवादी दरअसल चरमपंथी हैं और चरमपंथ के पीछे चलने वालों का अपना ही मजहब होता है। हिंदू दरअसल मासूम, रहमदिल, भगवान से डरने वाले और कानूनों के मुताबिक चलने वाले नागरिक होते हैं, ठीक उन मुसलमानों की तरह जिन्हें उन चरमपंथियों ने गुजरात में निशाना बनाया और मार डाला। हमने यहां और सभी जगहों पर अपने सभी दोस्तों को यही बताया है। हम उन्हें प्यार करते हैं, उनकी और हमारी तहजीब के लिए उनकी नेकनीयती की इज्जत करते हैं। यही तो आपने भी किया था। हम उनके सराकारों को साझा करेंगे और इस समाज और देश में फासीवाद और नफरत का जहर फैलाने वालों के खात्मे के लिए काम करेंगे।

(जारी)……

अब्बा, हमें हौसला और हिम्मत देना- 1

The post अब्बा, हमें हौसला और हिम्मत देना- 2 appeared first on SabrangIndia.

मैं पूर्व सांसद एहसान जाफरी की बेटी हूं, जिन्हें गोधरा घटना के बाद शुरू हुए गुजरात कत्लेआम के दौरान 28 फरवरी, 2002 को उनके ही घर में बर्बर तरीके से जला कर मारा डाला गया। मेरे लिए आज भी यह यकीन करना मुश्किल है कि अब वे नहीं हैं, उन्हें इस तरह बेवक्त हमसे दूर कर दिया गया, बेहद क्रूरता और बर्बरता के साथ। चूंकि उन्हें जिंदा जला दिया गया और हमें उनका शरीर भी नहीं मिला, तो मैं अब भी उनकी मौत के बारे में नहीं सोचती। गुजरे तमाम दिनों के दौरान मैं भरोसे और नाउम्मीदियों, भाईचारे और इंसानियत में अविश्वास, हमारी विरासत के मूल्यों और ज्ञान के साथ-साथ गुजरात में अधर्म या अनैतिकता और कत्लेआम के सरेआम नाच के बीच बेतहाशा झूलती रही। इस बीच मैंने अपनी जड़ों और मजहब का सामना किया। मगर मेरे पिता से मिले सबक और मेरे परिवार को मिली ताकत का शुक्रिया कि मैंने फिर से अपना भरोसा और संतुलन हासिल किया है। बहुत थोड़ा ही सही, मैं अपने दुख से उबर सकी हूं।
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बहुत थोड़ा, क्योंकि आज भी मैं अपने जज्बातों पर काबू रखने में नाकाम हो जाती हूं, जब मैं यह सब सोचने लगती हूं कि तलवार से कैसे उन्हें चीर डाला गया, वह आग जिसमें उन्हें जिंदा जला दिया गया, वे लोग जिन्होंने उन्हें मार डाला। लेकिन अब मैं आपके साथ अपने पिता की उन यादों को साझा कर सकती हूं कि वे मेरे लिए क्या थे, अपने परिवार, देश के लिए उन्होंने क्या-क्या सहा और कैसे हम सबको उन्होंने फख्र करने लायक बनाया।
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वे मेरे हीरो थे। जिस पल भी मैं आंखें बंद करती हूं, मेरे बचपन के दिनों से लेकर मेरी शादी और विदेश जाने तक की मेरी जिंदगी के तमाम दौर किसी रील की तरह बार-बार दौड़ने लगते हैं। उस जिंदगी में वे हर पल मेरे साथ थे, और अब जब मैं यह चिट्ठी लिख रही हूं, वे मेरी हिम्मत और हौसले की शक्ल में मेरे साथ हैं।
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मेरे प्यारे अब्बा, मैं आपसे बहुत प्यार करती हूं। हम सब आपसे प्यार करते हैं। हम सब आपको बहुत याद करते हैं। हम सब आपकी प्रतिबद्धता, आपके भरोसे, आपकी हिम्मत, आपके मूल्यों और त्याग के लिए आपका शुक्रिया अदा करते हैं। आपने हमें निस्वार्थी बनना और केवल खुद के बारे में नहीं सोचना सिखाया। अम्मी उस वाकये को याद करते हुए कभी नहीं थकतीं जब आप अपने पुराने घर के एक कमरे में सो रहे थे, तो एक लालटेन बिस्तर पर गिर गया था और बिस्तर में आग लग गई थी। उसी बिस्तर पर आप और अम्मी एक ओर सो रहे थे। अचानक महसूस होने पर आप जैसे ही जगे और आपने आग देखा, तो तुरंत बिस्तर पर से भागने के बजाय आपने अम्मी को जगा कर बचने के लिए कहा। लेकिन जब वे जगीं और आग देखा, तो तुरंत ही दरवाजे की ओर भागीं। उन्हें यह ध्यान नहीं रहा कि आप कहां थे और उन्हें क्या कहने की कोशिश कर रहे थे। अब इसके चालीस साल से ज्यादा गुजर चुके हैं, लेकिन अब भी वे उस वाकये को याद करती हैं और अफसोस से भर जाती हैं कि आग देख कर दरवाजे की ओर भागते हुए उन्होंने आपका हाथ क्यों नहीं पकड़ा।
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लेकिन अट्ठाईस फरवरी को उस वक्त वे घर में ऊपर थीं, जब आप पर बर्बरता ढायी गई और जिंदा जला दिया गया। आप तब उन सैकड़ों मर्दों, औरतों और बच्चों को बचाने की कोशिश कर रहे थे, जिन्होंने हिंसक और कातिल भीड़ से जान बचाने के लिए आपके घर में पनाह ली हुई थी। वह अफसोस अब उनके लिए बर्दाश्त करने के काबिल नहीं है। उन्होंने देखा कि कैसे एक अलग हालात में चालीस साल पहले का वह वाकया फिर से सामने आ गया।          (जारी)…..

The post अब्बा, हमें हौसला और हिम्मत देना- 1 appeared first on SabrangIndia.

First Published on Mar 5, 2014

Says film maker Rakesh Sharma:

"I've filmed inside the Gulberg society on multiple occasions – twice in 2002, once in 2007, and thrice in 2012. Each time, it is an eerie experience, standing inside the Jafri home, imagining February 28, 2002, with people packed inside seeking shelter. Mr Jafri desperately ringing up everyone he could. The mobs launching their multiple attacks…and that moment of decision when Mr Jafri decided to hand himself over to the mob, hoping all  others would be spared….

Here, in this sequence filmed in 2002, listen to the eyewitness accounts of the 2 young men who were helping Mr Jafri make calls. They specifically speak of calls to Sonia Gandhi and her political secretary, Mr Ahmed Patel of Gujarat. Presumably, they tried to reach Modi to arrange for protection to their own ex-MP. Listen to the boys speak of the call to Modi's office itself."

This is an excerpt from Final Solution, the national award-winning film that probes politics of hate. The film, premiered at the Berlin film festival, has over a dozen international awards, including the Berlinale's Staudte Prize (now known as the Golden Bear for Best Debut).

The original version certified by the Indian Censor Board (CBFC) was over 3.5 hours long. A year later, a shorter 2.5 hour version was made (separately certified by CBFC) for public screenings.

Mr Modi, in his responses to SIT claimed he did not know of the Gulberg massacre till late evening 830 pm. He also said that he did not know who Mr Jafri was. Narendra Modi's statement can be read here.

A little known fact: Less than a week before, Modi won his by-election from Rajkot  with a small margin of approx 12,000 votes. The rather spirited Congress campaign in the constituency was handled, among others, by Mr Ehsan Jafri, Congress leader and former Member of Parliament. (Zakia Jafri Protest Petition, April 15, 2013)

Narendra Modi has, by and large remained mum about the massacres, especially Ahsan Jafri and Gulberg Society  The first time was in an interview to Zee TV on March 1, 2002, just a day after the massacre. The second time was during his interrogation by the special investigation team (SIT) set up by the Supreme Court to examine the role of the chief minister and other senior officials – a demand that was made by Zakia Jafri, widow of former MP and prominent Gulberg society resident,  Ahsan Jafri, who was killed by the mob on February 28. Zakiua Jafri's complaint and plea were backed by citizens legal aid group, Citizens for Justice and Peace (CJP).

In both instances, his words are worth recalling.

To Zee TV, Modi cited press reports that Jafri had opened fire on the mob outside the housing society’s gates. Jafri’s ‘action’ of firing, Modi said, had angered the mob, leading to a ‘reaction’ in the form of the massacre. ‘Kriya pratikriya ki chain chal rahi hai. Hum chahate hain ki na kriya ho aur na pratikriya. (“What is happening is a chain of action and reaction. What I want is that there should be no action and no reaction”).

He then linked the riots to the original “action” at Godhra, in which train passengers had been killed on February 27, 2002:

“Godhra main jo purso hua, jaha par 40 mahilaon aur bachon ko zinda jala diya, is mein desh mein aur videsh mein sadma pahuchna swabhavik tha. Godhra ke is ilake ke logon ki criminal tendencies rahe hain, in logon ne pehle mahila teacher ka khoon kiya aur ab ye jaghanya apradh kiya hai jiski pratikriya ho rahi hai.” (“It is natural that what happened in Godhra day before yesterday, where forty women and children were burnt alive, has shocked the country and the world. The people in that part of Godhra have had criminal tendencies. Earlier, these people had murdered women teachers. And now they have done this terrible crime for which a reaction is going on.”)

Confronted with this damning ‘action-reaction’ theory by the SIT in 2010, Modi, who was still chief minister, said this by way of explanation:

“Those who have read the history of Gujarat would definitely be aware that communal violence in Gujarat has a very old history. Since long and even before my birth, Gujarat has witnessed series of incidents of such communal violence. As per available history, from 1714 AD to up till now, in Gujarat, thousands of incidents of communal violence have been recorded.

“So far as the Zee TV interview of 1st March 2002 is concerned, today, after a period of eight years, I do not recollect the exact words. But I had always appealed only and only for peace. I had tried to convey to the people to shun violence in straight and simple language.

“If my words cited in this question are considered in the correct perspective, then it would be evident that there is a very earnest appeal for refraining from any kind of violence. I deny all the allegations levelled against me in this regard.”

The SIT also asked Modi whether it was true that Jafri had called him to ask for help. Several residents of the Gulberg housing society – including Rupa Modi, a Parsi woman whose 14-year-old son Azhar went missing that day and is presumed dead – testified in court in 2009 that Jafri told her and others he had “called up Modi but had received only abuses in return”.

Modi’s reply to the SIT on this point:

“In this connection I would like to add here that no such phone call had been received by me.” (emphasis added)

Could Jafri’s call have been answered by one of the chief minister’s aides? Sadly, the SIT did not ask a follow-up question on this point.

Astonishing claim

The SIT also asked Modi: “Did you receive any information about an attack by a mob on the Gulberg society? If so, when and through whom? What action did you take in the matter?”

To this, Modi replied:

“To the best of my recollection, I was informed in the Law and Order review meeting held in the night about the attack on Gulberg society in the Meghaninagar area and Naroda Patiya.” (emphasis added)

A shocking claim, using any yardstick. The violence in Ahmedabad had started in the morning soon after the bodies of the kars evaks were brought to the Sola Civil hospital and two funeral processions with angry mobs alklowed. Nearly 200 Muslims had been massacred at both locations by the afternoon. Yet Modi was saying that as chief minister, he first learned of these attacks only at night! Despite the fact that Modi prefaced his answer with the tell-tale caveat “to the best of my recollection”, the SIT chose to accept his version at face value rather examining its plausibility based on other evidence on record.

The post Gulberg: When No One Responded to Ex-MP Ahsan Jafri’s Distress Calls (An Excerpt from Final Solution) appeared first on SabrangIndia.

I am the daughter of the former Member of Parliament, Ehsan  Jaffri, who was brutalised, burnt  in his own house and killed on February 28 during the Gujarat violence that took place in the wake of the Godhra incident. It was hard for me even to believe that he is no more, that he was taken away so untimely and with such cruelty and brutality. As he was burnt and we did not find his body, there is no closure for me on his death. During the past 5 months I have swung wildly between the extremes of faith and hopelessness, brotherhood and utter disbelief in humanity, our ancient values and wisdom, and the displayed dance of immorality and violence in Gujarat. Over this time, I even confronted my roots and religion. But thanks to the power of my father’s teachings and the support of my family, I have now regained my balance, overcome my grief, even if only partially.

Partially, because I still fail to control my emotions while thinking about the sword that ripped him, the fire that burnt him, the people who killed him. But I can now share with you my memories of my father, what he was to me, what he endured in the services to his family, his country, and how proud he has made us all.

He was my hero. The moment I close my eyes the entire period of my life from my early childhood to the day I got married and left my family in India, plays back. Repeatedly. He was with me every moment of that life and he is with me, in spirit, now as I write this letter.

My dear Abba, I love you. We all love you. We all miss you. We thank you for your devotion, your faith, your courage, your values, your sacrifice. You have taught us to be selfless and not put ourselves first. Ammi is never tired of recounting the incident when in the bedroom of your old house while you were sleeping, the small kerosene lamp on the side of the bed fell off and the curtain caught fire. You were sleeping on the side of the fire and Ammi was next to you. As the heat woke you up and you saw the fire, instead of jumping out of the bed immediately, you first woke Ammi up and asked her to get to safety. But when she woke up and saw the fire, she thinks she quickly jumped out of bed and ran to the door without even knowing where you were or what you were trying to tell her. It is more than 40 years since, but she still remembers and regrets that incident and feels guilty of putting herself first that day and not grabbing your hand as she ran to the door.
In the wake of what happened on February 28, as she was upstairs in the house while you were being brutalised and burnt in your efforts to save the lives and honour of over a hundred men, women and children who had gathered in your house seeking protection from the violent mob, the guilt has become unbearable for her. She sees that 40 year old incident replayed yet again if under different circumstances and with not so bearable consequences.

Thousands of books in your library, the books on law, literature, philosophy, humanity, religion, national unity and your own poems articulating your understanding of all that, have turned into ashes – the treasure you had safeguarded and saved for your children and grandchildren. The sparrows in your office are no more — their nests burnt. I remember how you used to encourage and assist the sparrows to make their nest in your office, lay eggs, rear their chicks and teach them to fly. You would keep one office window open all the time, even when we went out and locked up the entire house. Only so that the sparrows could get in and out freely. Several times a day you would happily clean the mess the sparrows made in your office in the process of making their nests. When the sparrows had little chicks, you would put a tape on the fan switch never allowing it to be turned on even by mistake. You would work in the heat rather than risk injuring the chicks by the fan blade. We also miss those sparrows.

Kaliya, the young boy who had foot infection, cries and recalls how you took him to the doctor and used to personally dress and bandage his wounds. He also talks of how he, whom no one else would even touch, used to feel embarrassed to sit on the chair while you would sit down and tend to his feet. Dozens of those whom you helped over the years also come and reminisce about your kindness and generosity. Many of them also know how you asked them to white–wash the house, paint the doors, or remodel the toilets, kitchen, or garage in our house, not because that was needed, but because you wanted them to work and make a living for themselves. They all miss you.
Abba, I know if you wanted, you would have earned a lot of money through your practice of law or your political career. But instead, consistent with our ethos, the Indian ethos, you chose to lead a life of simple living and high thinking. If you wanted, you could have become a very powerful and pragmatic politician. But instead, consistent with the values of your mentor and ideal Mahatma Gandhi, you chose to serve the people of our country. Your poems on communal unity, national integrity and human dignity will continue to guide generations.

Thanks to your optimism and my upbringing with a positive outlook, I choose to see love, brotherhood, peace and communal harmony in India. I choose to believe the violence and communal intolerance we saw in Gujarat was only an aberration that will soon pass.

You have touched many hearts. A majority of Hindus and Muslims have come together in mourning you. You were an apostle of peace and an advocate of humanity and human dignity. Most of our Hindu friends express regret and shame over what a few misguided radicals who believed they were Hindus did to you and to the thousands of other innocent people in Gulberg society and in Gujarat. Bearing a feeling of guilt, these friends often come and apologise to us for the Gujarat violence. But we tell them, as you would have, that it is not they who must feel guilty.

It is not Hinduism that is responsible for the carnage and should not be blamed. The misguided radicals were extremists, followers of extremism, which is a religion in itself. Hindus are as innocent, as kind, as compassionate, as God–fearing and law-abiding citizens as those Muslims who were made targets and killed in Gujarat by those extremists. We tell this to all our friends, here and everywhere. We love them, respect them and respect their sincerity and faith in our values just as you did. We share their concern and resolve to work together to eliminate the monster of fascism injecting and spreading the poison of hate in our society, our country.
Abba, there was a time when I was totally overwhelmed with my loss, when I repeatedly kept asking myself, why my father? Why him? But thanks to your teachings, the teachings of always seeing the bigger picture of events and the bigger picture of our lives, I have recognised that there are thousands of others like me – men, women and children – who have lost their near and dear ones and who are also asking why them? Scores of children have become orphans and scores of parents have become childless. I also recognise that some of the likes of me are in Godhra and in Kashmir. Their pain is no less than mine. Their loss is no less than mine. Their innocence is no less than mine. So I ask of those in power who have carried out this carnage and who from time to time commit such crimes against humanity, why us? And with all humility, humbleness and a sincere heart I ask God, Why not those who preach hatred? Why not those who spread communal intolerance? Why not those who propagate violence against His creation?

My dear Abba, I remember you telling me there is animosity in the world, but there is also peace, harmony and love. There is pain and misery in the world, but there is also happiness, progress and prosperity. There is fighting and brutality in the world, but there is also brotherhood, peace and tranquillity. It also depends upon where and how you look at the world. Thanks to your optimism and my upbringing with a positive outlook, I choose to see love, brotherhood, peace and communal harmony in India. I choose to believe the violence and communal intolerance we saw in Gujarat was only an aberration that will soon pass. The hate–mongers with a divisive agenda will be defeated and the people in India will come together, regardless of their religion or race, regardless of their colour or caste, regardless of their political orientation or ideology, to realise your dream and the dream of millions of others like you — that of a united, progressive, prosperous, secular and proud India.

My dear Abba, thinking about you and your teachings revitalises my resolve to go out and help thousands of those homeless men, women and children produced in the wake of the Gujarat massacre who have been suffering what is insufferable, who have been enduring, what is unendurable. I am not bitter against any individual, or community. Following in your footsteps, I with your son–in–law, Najid Hussain am working to the best of my capacity and capability, to help these destitute people. We have help from several individuals, institutions and organisations. We are working to provide those people rehabilitation, guarantee their safety and security and work to ensure justice in Gujarat.

Bless us Abba. And bless the country you served all your life with distinction, honour, and a selfless devotion. Bless us and guide us so that we can clearly see and tread the path you showed us — the path of kindness and compassion, of unity and integrity, of peace and harmony – so that we never have to see Gujarat repeated ever again. Thank you. We love you. We will always love you. We also miss you.  

Archived from Communalism Combat, September 2002, Anniversary Issue (9th), Year 9  No. 80, Bless us, Abba!            

The post Bless us, Abba! appeared first on SabrangIndia.

How intellectuals sell their soul

 
It is vacation time in the Supreme Court. Most of the lawyers and Honourable Judges are either out of town on a holiday or perhaps at tending to personal and social engagements. The pressure that a lawyer practising in the Supreme Court undergoes is by now a well-known phenomenon. It was on one such day last week that I received a call from an acquaintance in Gujarat. The state holds a special place in my heart. Apart from having many close friends, I obtained my postgraduate degree in Law from MS University, Vadodara.  

The call however disturbed the even tempo of last Sunday as my interlocutor informed me about a piece written by one Gunvant Shah in the Sunday supplement of the Gujarati daily, Divya Bhaskar. The caller was himself confused since Gunvant Shah is a well-known and well-respected literary figure in the state normally known for his balanced writing. He read out certain portions of the article and since there was a mention about Teesta Setalvad, whom I represent in the Supreme Court of India, it became imperative to write this article in response.

A bare reading of the article entitled “Karmsheel Juttu Bole Ke?” (“Does a sincere worker tell a lie?”) refers to Setalvad’s father Atul Setalvad and calls him a man of principle. It then proceeds to cite instances which, according to the author, establish that Setalvad under the grab of being a sincere worker has been telling lies.

It is first important to go back into the family history of Teesta as Gunvant Shah has already referred to her father. Very few people may now remember that she is the great grand-daughter of Sir Chimanlal Setalvad, an eminent advocate in the Bombay High Court during the British Raj. Such was the eminence of Sir Setalvad that in the aftermath of the Jallianwala Bagh massacre and the atrocities committed during the imposition of martial law in the then undivided Punjab, he was made a member of the Disorders Inquiry Committee which was appointed by the British Government to go into the causes of the disturbances.

It is to the fullest credit of Sir Setalvad and another Indian member, Sardar Sahibzada Sultan Ahmed Khan, Bar-at-Law, Member for Appeals, Gwalior State, that they had the courage to record a dissenting note to the findings with regard to the Jallianwala Bagh massacre and the imposition of Martial Law in Punjab.

Sir Setalvad’s son, that is Teesta’s grandfather, retired as a senior counsel in the Supreme Court of India after being the first Attorney General of Independent India. If it was the intention of Gunvant Shah to establish that though sired by a principled father Teesta did not uphold the same values, he should now fully realize that the family values of this lady are far deeper and beyond any horizons than Gunvant Shah could have ever imagined.

The communal colour of the article becomes apparent when he makes it a point to say that she is married to Javed Anand and lest readers may mistake the Anand surname as a Hindu one, he makes it clear by suffixing ‘Begum’ to Teesta’s name. In a cleverer manner, he refers to Javed’s own article published in the Indian Express (March 16, 2010) to make the point that within the Muslim community Teesta is referred to as a ‘mujahid’.

Gunvant Shah is a respectable name in the Gujarati literary scene. He is the author of many seminal works which are well regarded and well read. Without any doubt he must realize that honesty is of two types and that intellectual honesty is by far the most important and superior to any other form of honesty which can be measured in rupees and/ or paise. Therefore can Gunvant Shah honestly say that in citing the above example it was not his intention to convey that it is because Teesta married a Muslim that she is espousing the case of the victims of communal riots, one of the most horrific that ever happened in India after 1947? Does he realize that Teesta neither changed her name to adopt a Muslim name nor converted to Islam?

The dishonesty of the author may have been intentional or unintentional. I would like to presume it was the latter, else how could he cite the example of Kausarbanu, a pregnant woman whose belly was torn upon by a sword during the riots and about whom relying on the evidence recorded by the SIT, Gunvant Shah proceeds to call Teesta a liar. I say that Shah has made this statement by mistake because he perhaps does not know the SIT on whose credibility he lays such a store by, stands discredited in the eyes of apex court to the extent that two Additional Director Generals of Police of the SIT, namely Shivanand Jha and Geeta Johri have been directed to stay out of the same. The latter has already been exposed for her deliberate failure in the investigation of Sohrabuddin case now being investigated by the CBI. The second point Gunvant Shah has completely forgotten is the Tehelka expose, which was telecast in the last quarter of 2007 where the perpetrator himself has admitted to the crime on camera.
The most unfortunate aspect of the article by this eminent author is his reference to the Sohrabuddin case. He states: “24 (AK 56) rifles, 27 hand grenades, 550 cartridges and 81 magazines were found”. He further writes, “…so was this man a Sufi fakir?” The figures of arms and ammunitions seized way back in 1995 from a village in Madhya Pradesh can only have been given to him by the authorities of the (Gujarat) state government. We may not however split hair on this issue, what is important is the obfuscation of facts. If this was true, those who supplied information to Gunvant Shah should reconcile the fact that Soharabuddin’s role was that of a petty criminal, who neither supplied these weapons nor used them but was part of a family or a gang to whom these weapons were entrusted for safe keeping.

It is not the intention here to give Sohrabuddin the benefit of doubt. He was tried, convicted and released. The law of the land had taken its course. The point however is different. Is it the contention of the Gujarat police that such a criminal should have been liquidated in cold blood?

If public spirited citizens and votaries of civil society are to justify their existence in this country, they need to expose as vigorously as possible, and preferably outside the judicial forum, intentional misuse of state power to suppress crimes of serious nature

The initial FIR registered by the Gujarat police mentioned that Sohrabuddin had come to kill Narendra Modi. The evidence now available establishes that the encounter was a fake. Can Gunvant Shah explain to the people of Gujarat how he views the motivation of a politician in power who through at least six fake encounters (figures could be actually as high as three times this number) has tried to paint for himself a macho image to help him realize his naked ambition of becoming the Prime Minister of India?

It is often said that perception is more important than the reality, more so where public perception is concerned. In the cacophony of “…Sohrabuddin, Sohrabuddin, Sohrabuddin…”, that innocent woman Kauserbi (his wife) is completely forgotten. On that fateful night in November 2005, when officers of the Gujarat police intercepted the bus travelling from Hyderabad to Hubli and wanted to take away Sohrabuddin alone, this loyal and courageous lady refused to let him go alone and clung to him thereby forcing the Gujarat police to bring her to Ahmedabad. The state has since admitted that she was killed.

Is it realized that extinguishing of this human life was not even brought on record, even as another, one more, fake encounter? And yet the state government opposed the transfer of the fake encounter case to the CBI, contesting it tooth and nail for three years. On each hearing, it sent the additional advocate general and the secretary to the CM to remain present in the Supreme Court. Shah should have analysed this reluctance on part of the Gujarat administration and opined whether it amounts to obstruction of justice in one form or the other.

It may well turn out that this could be one of the most horrendous cases this country has ever seen where a self-seeking political executive has used unscrupulous elements in the police in a dastardly manner. One year and two months later when it was realized that an interim report was sent to Supreme Court in December 2006, prima facie admitting that the killing of Sohrabuddin was a fake encounter, Tulsi Prajapati, a crucial eye witness, was in gross misuse of the judicial process brought on a transfer warrant from Udaipur and killed near Ambaji, Banaskantha district, Gujarat.

Two points need to be mentioned here. In his article why has Gunvant Shah remained quiet about the killing of Kauserbi and secondly why has he remained silent about the similar cold blooded liquidation of Tulsi Prajapati? The state government’s own CID (Crime) has arrested several police officers including the superintendent of police,  Vipul Aggarwal in the said crime. If Teesta is a begum by virtue of her marriage to Javed Anand, what is Tulsi’s religion? Muslim, as he was a close associate of Sohrabuddin or Hindu, because his mother is one Narmadaben?

Gunvant Shah is an author and I am a lawyer. We both represent those sections of our society that are vital for the well-being of a healthy democracy. Both speak and write in the public domain and therefore it is critical for both to be sure of facts and the canvass on which they are operated. It would be naive for anyone to presume that Gunvant Shah was not aware of the entire circumstances. Therefore, it can only be said that if he wrote an article of this nature that is under discussion he has done a great disservice to the state by lending his name to issues which are far more complicated and serious than his literary background can even began to fathom.

I do not write in defence of Teesta, she can more than take care of herself. This response is actually a call to all law-abiding citizens to sit up and take notice of what is happening in the state of Gujarat. If public spirited citizens and votaries of civil society are to justify their existence in this country, they need to expose as vigorously as possible, and preferably outside the judicial forum, intentional misuse of state power to suppress crimes of serious nature. Let the citizens ask why the state sent the chief secretary, home secretary and the DGP to meet the director, CBI with regard to the criminal investigation of the Sohrabuddin case as reported by several newspapers, to convey to the chief of the Central agency that following the orders of the Supreme Court, according to these worthies, is going against the public opinion in Gujarat.

This is an unprecedented move never heard of before. A former DGP of Gujarat is already in the dock for obstructing justice. This is an investigation ordered by the Supreme Court after three years of deliberation. The state itself arrested 14 police officers of Gujarat and Rajasthan. When the CBI arrested one more police officer, Abhay Chudasma, DCP (Crime), there is an immediate uproar that it is going against sentiments of the people of Gujarat. Is it not for the governor of the state to take notice of the fact that the affairs of the government of Gujarat are conducted under rules framed as per Article 166 of the Constitution of India and therefore, by what administrative or constitutional propriety and under whose instructions or with whose connivance did the chief secretary, home secretary and the DGP proceed to Delhi to meet the CBI director?                  

Archived from Communalism Combat, June 2010 Year 16    No.152, Cover Story 1        

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