Based on household consumer expenditure survey (HCES) in order to ascertain “living standards” across India, the state-wise estimation of average monthly per capita consumption expenditure (MPCE) suggests that Telangana, Himachal Pradesh, Haryana, Karnataka, Tamil Nadu, Kerala, Uttarakhand, Andhra Pradesh and Maharashtra – including two major smaller states, Delhi and Goa and several Union territories – have higher MPCE in urban areas.

Worse, while Gujarat’s urban MPCE – estimated at Rs 6,683 – is a little above the national average, Rs 6,521, the state’s rural MPCE, Rs 3,820, nearly half of the state’s urban MPCE, is below the national average (Rs 3,860). The states which have better rural MPCE than Gujarat’s are – Kerala, Himachal Pradesh, Tamil Nadu, Punjab, Andhra Pradesh, Telangana, Haryana, Uttarakhand, Karnataka, Rajasthan and Maharashtra, apart from other important smaller states like Delhi and Goa and several Union Territories (click here for full table).

Explaining the concept of per capita income or per capita (overall) expenditure which has been used, the top Government of India document says, it is “used for comparison of average living standards between countries, between regions, and between social or occupational groups.” It adds, “MPCE, therefore, is defined first at the household level: household monthly consumption expenditure, divided by household size. This measure serves as the indicator of the household’s level of living.”

“Next”, states the document, “Each individual’s MPCE is defined as the MPCE of the household to which the person belongs. This assigns to each person a number representing his or her level of living. The distribution of persons by their MPCE (i.e., their household MPCE) can then be built up, giving a picture of the population classified by economic level.”

Released by the Ministry of Statistics and Programme Implementation’s National Sample Survey Office (NSSO) last week, the household surveys were carried out between August 2022 and July 2023 in as many 1,55,014 rural and 1,06,732 urban households in order to ascertain living standards India. Of these, the surveyors – who were divided into 10 panels – visited Gujarat’s 5,726 rural and 5,560 urban households.

While estimating living standards, if the survey offers all-India estimates of MPCE across 10 different classes each for rural and urban areas across India, ironically, it does not offer state-wise MPCE of different classes, making it impossible to ascertain the average living standard of the poorest of poor sections versus those who are in the top stratum of society, for instance, in Gujarat. These are likely to be known in June 2024 only, i.e. after the Lok Sabha elections, when the full HCES report is likely to be released.

Meanwhile, allegations have been made that the Fact Sheet has been released alongside the Niti Aayog interpretation ahead of the Lok Sabha polls in order to take political mileage. Top economist Prof Arun Kumar says that, based on the Fact Sheet data officials have claimed that poverty in India has declined to less than 5% of the population is poor. However, the alleged fall in poverty is based on current prices, without taking taking into account inflation.

According to him, “At current prices, the increase in average consumption looks impressive. It increased 164% in rural areas to Rs 3,773 (from Rs 1,430 in 2011-12) and in urban areas by 146% to Rs 6,459 (from Rs 2,630 in 2011-12). But most of it is due to inflation. Adjusting for inflation, the real increase is 40% and 33.5% for rural and urban areas, respectively. This is in 11 years.”

Stating that the Fact Sheet does not make any reference to poverty eradication, nor is there suggestion of any poverty line given by the HCES, economists wonder, how is the value judgment made by Niti Aayog – that poverty has fallen? Asks Prof Arun Kumar, “What is the poverty line that is being used to claim that poverty has declined? Poverty has to be defined as ‘minimum social necessary consumption’. This is space and time specific. So, it keeps changing.”

Thus, he says, “The World Bank has changed its poverty line recently from $1.9 to $2.15 per person per day. This amounts to about Rs 26,000 per family of five per month. Even adjusting for nominal dollars, it would be about Rs 10,000 per family per month. If this poverty line is considered, then the number of poor would be much more than the 5% being quoted by officials.”

Offering a breakup suggesting the difference in standard of living between different classes, the Fact Sheet gives the following data, “The bottom 5% of India’s rural population, ranked by MPCE, has an average MPCE of Rs 1,441 while it is Rs 2,087 in the urban areas. The top 5% of India’s rural and urban population, ranked by MPCE, has an average MPCE of Rs. 10,581 and Rs 20,846, respectively.”

It further notes, “Among the states, MPCE is the highest in Sikkim for both rural and urban areas (rural – Rs 7,731 and urban – Rs. 12,105). It is the lowest in Chhattisgarh (rural – Rs 2,466 and urban – Rs 4,483). The rural-urban difference in average MPCE, among the states is the highest in Meghalaya (83%) followed by Chhattisgarh (82%). Among the Union Territories, MPCE is the highest in Chandigarh (rural – Rs 7,467 and urban – Rs 12,575), whereas, it is the lowest in Ladakh (Rs 4,035) and Lakshadweep (Rs 5,475) for rural and urban areas respectively.”

Courtesy: Counter View

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The much touted ‘Gujarat model’ is facing a backlash from the poor and vulnerable farmers in the state of Gujarat. A study called ‘Gujarat’s Agricultural ‘Miracle’: At What Cost?’ by Persis Ginwalla and Sagar Rabari provides evidences on the lacklustre performance of the Gujarat government in augmenting its irrigation potential. The study shows that, despite the numerous apparent efforts by the Government of Gujarat (GoG), even today more than 50% of the agriculture in Gujarat is rain-dependent. Further, the much-talked about irrigation projects have been a failure with almost 64% of it being dependent on the groundwater sources like wells and tubewells. This poses a big question on the sustainability of such an agricultural model and exposes the grave threats on the environment in the long-term. Not only this, the out-of-pocket expenditures of the farmers have increased manifold for carrying out drilling work and using electric motors for extracting water from the ground. Predictably, the GoG has left no stone unturned to conceal its failed model by obfuscating the reports and misleading the citizens.

Growth of Irrigation:

According to the Agriculture Census 1995-96, 63.94% of the total operational holdings were wholly unirrigated which rose to 67.84% in 2000-01. Since then, there has been a steady decline. Similarly, the percentage of holdings receiving irrigation (wholly and partly) rose to 23.93% in 2000-01 from 20.39% in 1995-96 and has been on a rise since then.

In the previous decade, there has been a minor increase in the overall land holdings and the area under irrigation while a net decrease in the unirrigated holdings. Thus, there has been  a significant improvement in Gujarat’s irrigation coverage which is a major reason for its substantial agricultural growth. The following table gives a summary of the same:

 
Despite of the impressive gains, half of the Gujarat’s agriculture continues to be rain-dependent or groundwater dependent.

Source of Irrigation:

Irrigation can happen through the surficial sources such as canals and tanks or through groundwater sources such as wells and tubewells. Surficial irrigation is preferable over groundwater irrigation as the former is more sustainable.

 
According to the above table, Gujarat’s irrigation model is majorly dependent on the groundwater sources that account for 62.41% of the total irrigation while only 21.34% comes from the surficial sources. Strikingly, over the past two decades, there has been a steady increase in the tubewell irrigation with a simultaneous decline in well irrigation. This is a cause of concern as the farmers have to now spend more on drilling and electricity operations which reduces their already low profits. Further, this indicates a steady depletion of the groundwater table.

Thus, the GoG’s successful efforts have come at the cost of over dependence on the groundwater sources putting a big question on the sustainability of such an agricultural model. Further, the farmers continue to dig deeper and use electric motors which shifts their status from ‘marginal, small or medium’ farmers to ‘large’ farmers. This reduces their electricity subsidies and increases their out-of-pocket expenditures.
The GoG’s initiative to revive the groundwater through its Sujalam Sufalam Yojana has contrararily increased the areas under the dark zones as the rate of extraction is higher than the recharge rate and the amount of water pumped into the canals is insufficient.

The groundwater depletion in Gujarat has reached an alarming level with one Central Ground Water Board (CGWB) study putting Gujarat among the top 15 states with depletion in water tables in wells between 2007 and 2016. The study states, “According to the information provided by the Union ministry in the Lok Sabha, the analysis of 799 wells in Gujarat conducted by the Central Ground Water Board (CGWB) suggested that 473 wells (59%) across the state had registered a depletion in water levels from 2007 to 2016… Of the 25 blocks defined by the CWGB, 23 are overexploited in the state. The worst affected areas are the districts in North Gujarat where depletion is more than 100% — meaning that more water is extracted from the ground than is replenished. Against the national average of 62% of groundwater resources used, Gujarat uses 72%. About 80% of this is used for irrigation. In Gujarat, the exploitation ranges from 30% to 150%.”

State of Surface Water Irrigation:

As mentioned earlier, it is essential to develop surficial sources to have a sustainable and an environment-friendly irrigation system. For this to happen, the surface water should be harnessed in the dams and transmitted to the canals which has been tried by the GoG; one of its biggest project being the Sardar Sarovar Dam. According to the data of Narmada Water Resources and Water Supply (NWRWS) department, the maximum irrigation potential realised in Gujarat has not exceeded 76% which was achieved in 1996-97. The CAG report of 2016 reiterates this wherein it examines 22 irrigation schemes which have achieved an average irrigation of only 24%. It indicts the GoG saying, “There was no long term action plan for water conservation activities. Instead, the Department took up water conservation works, mainly, canal lining and desilting of dam reservoirs in a piecemeal manner. The average CCA achieved was only 24 per cent as against the CCA created for the irrigation under 53 Irrigation Projects during 2011-12 to 2015-16. This indicated sub-optimal performance in the water conservation activities.”

Even in the case of the Sardar Sarovar Dam, only 640,000 ha. of irrigation potential has been created as of 2017-18 as compared to the planned potential of 18,45,655 ha. It means that the GoG has been able to achieve only 34.67% of the total potential. Even after 17 years, the canal network remains unfinished and the most important component of the canal network, the sub-minor canals, are at a mere 53.5% as per the NCA Annual Report of 2016-17.

Almost, 22% (57 of the 252) of the blocks have been declared as ‘dark zones’.

Misleading Reports and Obfuscation Strategies:

The GoG, through its ‘success’ reports, has tried to deliberately mislead the farmers and boast about its success. Few of the instances are:
“The ultimate irrigation potential through the surface water is assessed at 48.11 lakh hectares which includes 17.92 lakh hectares through Sardar Sarovar (Narmada) Project. Similarly, with respect to groundwater resources, it is estimated that about 20.04 lakh hectares can be irrigated. Thus the total ultimate irrigation potential through surface & groundwater is estimated to be 68.15 lakh hectares. The total irrigation potential of surface water created up to June-2017 works out to 90.62% of ultimate irrigation potential whereas maximum utilisation works out to 68.25% of the irrigation potential created.” (Socio-Economic Review, Gujarat State, 2017-18)

It is reporting on “irrigation potential created” and how much area “can be irrigated” as opposed to how much is actually realised on the ground, on which it is suspiciously silent.

Another example of its misleading reporting is the NCA Annual Report of 2016-17 which says:

“Overall 100% Main Canal, 99.90% Branch Canal and Sub-Branch Canal other than KBC, 80% of Kachchh Branch Canal, 40% Sub Branch Canal of KBC, 90% of Distributaries, 78% Minors, 100% Sub-Minors under conventional system and 41% Sub-Minor under UGPL are completed for creating irrigation potential of 79% up to Minor level and 53.50% upto Sub-Minor level up to March, 2017.”

Here, they admit to having created an irrigation potential of upto 53.5%  (987,425 ha.) but only 34.67% (640,000 ha.) has been actually provided with irrigation water. What about the rest of the 3,47,425 hectares? Where is the water going?

Conclusion

Thus, it is amply clear that the augmentation of the irrigation potential has been achieved through the extraction of groundwater sources, posing adverse impacts on the long-term sustainability of agriculture and at the expense of the poor farmers. The GoG is merely trying to gain vote banks through its much touted ‘Gujarat model.’

With growing unrest, joblessness and rural distress, the much touted ‘Gujarat Model’ is increasingly looking like a PR exercise and little else. This study has clearly highlighted the problems that face the farming communities of Gujarat and agriculture in general, bringing into focus yet another major area where the ‘Gujarat Model’ is coming across as a colossal failure. Even as the state and central governments claim a higher agricultural growth rate compared to the other states, it continues to face backlash from vulnerable farmers. Gujarat stands on a distant ninth position amongst all states in farmer’s income with their average monthly income being a meagre Rs. 3,573. Farmer’s unrest is prevalent, especially in the rural regions, tremors from which were felt by the ruling BJP  in assembly elections of 2017. Regrettably, in elections 2019, farmers distress is not even an election issue for the opposition parties.
 

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The other two states, which saw a rise in illegal mining cases are Madhya Pradesh, by 1.86%, from 13,627 to 13,880, and Rajasthan 7.76%, from 3,661 to 3,945.

The data further show that, between 2010 and 2017, while “model” Gujarat saw 41,699 illegal mining cases, the rise over the years has been stupendous. In 2009, in Gujarat, 4,020 illegal mining cases were reported, which rose to 8,325, a whopping 107.09% rise.

The report also reveals that of Gujarat’s 6,499 illegal mining cases reported in 2016, FIRs were lodged in just 84 cases.

Revealing this, an authoritative report, based in data provided in Parliament, says, “Mining is considered illegal when it is done without a license or outside the licensed area and when more than the permissible amount is extracted.”

Coming down heavily on illegal mining, the Supreme Court in August 2017, had said that mining companies, which operated without environmental clearance, should pay compensation equivalent to 100% of the value of the minerals extracted illegally. Following the verdict, in February 2018, the apex court quashed all 88 mining leases in Goa ‘hastily’ renewed by the state government in 2015 to “benefit private mining leaseholders”.

Pointing out that these “these developments point to poor governance and resource management across the country”, the report, authored by Lalit Maurya, Sobhojit Goswami and Isha Bajpai, says, if one takes into account illegal mining cases since 2009, Maharashtra “tops the list of states”, witnessing a “28 per cent increase from 26,283 in 2009-10 to 33,621 in 2015-16.”
 

 

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गाय क्यों बचानी है, इसके तर्क अद्भुत हैं. बंदर मांस नहीं खाता तो इंसान को भी मांस नहीं खाना चाहिए.
सबसे अद्भुत तर्क यह है कि दूध का सेवन करने से अन्न कम खाना पड़ता है और इससे टट्टी में बदबू कम आएगी.

यह शाकाहार का घोषणापत्र है.

खैर, किताब का आधा हिस्सा यह बताता है कि गोरक्षिणी सभाएं कैसे काम करेंगी. चंदा कैसे आएगा वगैरह…. मैं कितना बताऊं. ऑनलाइन उपलब्ध है. पढ़ लीजिए.

अच्छा है कि उसी गुजरात से गोरक्षिणी सभा का खेल खत्म हो रहा है… कुछ दिन तो गुजारिए गुजरात में!

अमिताभ असली. 
गाय की लाशें असली.

The post गुजरात से शुरू, गुजरात में खतम! appeared first on SabrangIndia.

पिछले कई बरसों से हम गुजरात मॉडल , इसके झूठ और अधूरे सच से जुड़ी कहानियां सुन-सुन कर थक चुके हैं। यह बात याद रखना जरूरी है राज्य में 2002 के जघन्य मुस्लिम नरसंहार के  दाग मिटाने के लिए 2007 के बाद इस मॉडल की बिक्री और और मार्केटिंग शुरू हुई।

ऐसा नहीं है कि दूसरी सरकारों और राजनीतिक पार्टियों के दौर में सरकार में बैठे बड़े लोग और सत्ता के केंद्र रहे संस्थान अल्पसंख्यक विरोधी पूर्वाग्रह से अछूते थे। 1969 में अहमदाबाद , 1970 और  1984  में बांबे-भिवंडी , 1983 में नेली, 1987 में हाशिमपुरा  और 1989 में भागलपुर  के बर्बर दंगों के दौरान राजनीतिक संस्थानों के पूर्वाग्रह दिख चुके हैं।  लेकिन  2002 में गुजरात में जो हुआ वह 1984 में दिल्ली के सिख दंगों के दौरान भी नहीं हुआ था। उस दौरान गुजरात में दंगाइयों और राज्य के बीच हद दर्जे की मिलीभगत दिखी। इस मिलीभगत ने ही इस बड़े दंगे को फैला दिया। राष्ट्रीय मानवाधिकार आयोग की रिपोर्ट और अभी भी चल रहे जाकिया जाफरी केस (20 जुलाई से इसके फिर शुरू होने की उम्मीद है) इसके सबूत हैं।

 पिछले साल गुजरात मॉडल एक बार फिर बेपर्दा हुआ, जब एक युवा और बिल्कुल अनुभवहीन लेकिन राजनीतिक तौर पर ताकतवर पटेल समुदाय से जुड़े नेता हार्दिक पटेल ने सरकार को चुनौती दी। हार्दिक के नेतृत्व में हुए विरोध प्रदर्शनों ने गुजरात के मॉडल की पोल खोल दी। देेश में पिछले कुछ साल से चले आ रहे नव उदारवादी नीतियों की वजह से रोजगार की रफ्तार कम रही है। गुजरात इस ग्रोथ मॉडल का प्रतीक बन कर उभरा है। हां, इस मॉडल में कुछ लोगों और कॉरपोरेट घरानों ने अकूत संपत्ति बनाई है।

 गुजरात के इस विकास मॉडल के बावजूद ओबीसी पटेल जाति के लोगों में हताशा और बेरोजगारी है। उनके पास नौकरियां नहीं हैं। क्या देश को इसी गुजरात मॉडल की जरूरत है? क्या अगले साल चुनाव का सामना करने जा रहे उत्तर प्रदेश, पंजाब या फिर गुजरात को विकास का यही मॉडल चाहिए।

पिछले एक सप्ताह से गुजरात सचमुच जल  रहा है। यह भयानक आग सौराष्ट्र के उना से शुरू हुई। मरे हुए जानवरों की खाल उतारने के आरोप में चार दलित युवकों को लोहे की छड़ों से पीटा गया। कार की जंजीर से बांध कर पुलिस स्टेशन तक घसीटा गया। हमला करने वालो ं ने उनका वीडियो बना  कर उसे वायरल कर दिया। हमलावरों ने उन पर गोहत्या का आरोप लगाया। हमला करने वाले  दरबार जाति के लोग थे। उनका  आरोप था कि ये लोग गाय को मार उसकी खाल निकाल  रहे थे। जबकि सौराष्ट्र में रहने वाले दलितों के अपने बोन मिल हैं और जहां मरे हुए जानवरों का चमड़ा उतारा जाता है । राज्य में गो-हत्या और बीफ बेचना अपराध है। लेकिन मरे हुए जानवरों की खाल उतारना अपराध नहीं है। फिर भी बेकसूरों को इसकी सजा दी गई।

एक सप्ताह पहले ऐसी ही एक घटना पोरबंदर के सोधना गांव में हुई जहां दबंग जाति की एक उग्र भीड़ ने रामा सिंगराखिया  नाम के एक दलित की गला रेत कर हत्या कर दी। जाने-माने दलित आंदोलनकारी और सीनियर एडवोकेट वालजीभाई पटेल ने सबरंगइंडिया को बताया कि पिछले कुछ महीनों के दौरान दलितों पर ऐसे कई हमले हुए हैं लेकिन राज्य के राजनीतिक नेतृत्व या सरकार ने अब तक इन घटनाओं की कड़ी निंदा नहीं की है।

पिछले दो-तीन दिन से उना की घटना का भारी विरोध हो रहा है। लेकिन कथित राष्ट्रीय अखबारों में इसका आंशिक कवरेज ही दिखा है। कश्मीर के मामले में एक्सपोज हो चुके टीवी एंकर चुप हैं। साफ है कि यह राष्ट्रीय नहीं कारोबारी (कॉमर्शियल मीडिया है) मीडिया है। 

अब इंडियन एक्सप्रेस औैर कैच न्यूज की कुछ खबरों ने इस घटना के एक खतरनाक पहलू को उजागर किया है। उनकी खबरों में कहा गया है कि दलितों पर हमला करने वाले आरोपियों में से एक मुस्लिम युवक के पिता ने कहा कि हमलावरों ने पिटाई करने के लिए उसके बेटे पर दबाव डाला ताकि लोगों को यह पता चले कि गौ-रक्षकों के साथ मुसलमान भी हैं।

इन घटनाओं के बाद ही आरएसएस प्रमुख मोहन भागवत हिंदुओं के सिपाहियों के बचाव में कूद पड़े। गुजरात में विश्व हिंदू परिषद की इकाई ने भी दलितों की इस बर्बर पिटाई की निंदा की। आखिर क्यों? 2002 में राज्य में मुसलिमों के खिलाफ हमले में दलितों को ही मोहरा बनाया गया था। सांप्रदायिक ताकतों ने अपनी गंदी साजिश को अंजाम देने के लिए दलितों का ही इस्तेमाल किया था।  उस दौरान हिंदुत्व के सिपाहियों की तरह उन्हीं का इस्तेमाल किया गया था।  मेहसाणा, आणंद, दाहोद और पंचमहल जिलों में मुस्लिमों पर हमले करने वाले पटेल समुदाय के लोग थे। लेकिन शहरी इलाकों में हिंसा के लिए दलितों का इस्तेमाल किया गया।

बहरहाल, इस घटना के पीछे की असली साजिश मुद्दे को एक बार फिर मुस्लिम विरोधी बना देना है। दलितों  की पिटाई के मामले में पूरे राज्य में आंदोलन  उठ खड़ा हुआ है। ट्रैफिक रोका गया, बसें तोड़ी गईं, टायर जलाए गए। सुरेंद्रनगर कलेक्ट्रेट समेत कई आला अफसरों  के दफ्तरों  में गाय के कंकाल फेंके गए। बीएसपी प्रमुख मायावती ने संसद में मामला उठाया।  गुजराती टीवी चैनलों ने शांति की अपील की।  इसके बावजूद  पिटाई के लिए गिरफ्तार किए गए नौ लोगों को दलितों  ने गौ तालिबान का सदस्य कहा। आखिर इस पर हमारे कॉमर्शियल टेलीविजन ने बिल्कुल चुप्पी क्यों साध ली?

अब इस बात को खुले तौैर पर स्वीकार करने का वक्त आ गया है कि इस हमारा कॉमर्शियल टीवी मीडिया देश के लोगों के राजनीतिक सरोकारों की नुमाइंदगी नहीं करता।  कश्मीर में विरोध प्रदर्शन और फिर उसके दमन के मामले में हम इस मीडिया की खामी देख चुके हैं। यह मीडिया सिर्फ पहले से तय राजनीतिक और और कॉरपोरट सुर अलाप रहा है। यह राष्ट्रीय शर्म का मामला है।      

The post गुजरात मॉडल और हिंदू राष्ट्र के दलित appeared first on SabrangIndia.

In 2015 the Gujarat Model stood exposed when a young, raw leader of the state’s otherwise politically powerful Patels, Hardik Patel, led a protest that showcased the hollowness of the claims. Jobs are hard to come by in any case over past years under neo liberal India, but Gujarat epitomizes ‘jobless’ growth. A few select individuals and corporate houses amass disproportionately high assets; they also fund and feed their select man and men in the political class, but even communities like the Patels who are among the OBCs in Gujarat, bear the heat and anger of frustration, unemployment, joblessness. Is this the model the country wants or needs? Is this the development that Uttar Pradesh, or Punjab, or even Gujarat that go to the polls next year want?

Over the past week, Gujarat has been burning. Literally. It began with a horrific incident at Unha, Saurashtra. Four Dalit youths who skin dead animals for a living were thrashed with iron rods, chained to a car and dragged to a police station, their ordeal captured on video by their assaulters who accused them of slaughtering a cow. The victims were targeted assaulters from the Darbar caste that accused them of killing a cow for the purpose of selling beef when all that the Dalit youths had done was skin a cow that was already dead.  Dalits from Una town in Saurashtra owned a Bone Mill and had been skinning animals for that purpose. While slaughtering cows and selling or consuming beef is banned in the state, skinning of dead animals is not illegal.

This incident comes fast on the heels of another gruesome attack on Dalits about a week ago: Rama Singrakhiya, a Dalit, was allegedly hacked to death by a dominant caste mob in Sodhana village of Porbandar district. Leading Dalit campaigner and senior advocate Valjibhai Patel told Sabrangindia that there had been a series of such attacks in past months and yet no words of sharp condemnation from the state’s political leadership.

In the latest attack on July 12, reportedly, a vigilante group pounced on the four, beat them up with iron rods and sticks and chained them to their car before leaving them at Una police station. The car had the nameplate of a Shiv Sena member.

The accused also filmed the assault. The video taken by the assaulters themselves has since gone viral on social media. Though a large crowd had gathered at the place, no one seemed to forward to rescue the Dalits. A video is said to have gone viral on the social media.

Since yesterday protests have been raging all over the state, newspapers have  covered them partially (though not in the ‘national’ editions) and yet television anchors –already exposed for their irresponsible role in Kashmir – have been silent. This is not a national but a commercial media. Now we have confessions reported by The Indian Express and Catch news that tell an even more sinister tale. The father of one of the nine people arrested in Una, Gujarat, for the assault on Dalits they accused of cow slaughter, alleged on Tuesday that his son, a Muslim, had been forced by the others to beat up the Dalit men to prove Muslims are just as anti-beef as gau rakshaks.

 The boy's father reportedly said: "I had sent my son out to buy bananas from a shop near the bus station. But as he reached there, Pramodgiri Goswami and others came there in their car and pulled the four Dalits out of the vehicle and tied them to the car. My son stopped there out of curiosity. While he was watching from a distance, others in the gau rakshak group asked him to take a turn to beat up the Dalits and thereby show that Muslims also stood against cow slaughter… Pramodgiri thrust a strip in his hands and exhorted him to beat up the Dalits."

In a nutshell, this innocent bystander was compelled by a set of hoodlums—out to protect the cow mother –to beat and thrash Dalits. How cynical can you get? The boy's father said he had evidence on video to prove his claim. The boy is 17 years old, says The Indian Express. He was arrested on Monday night and sent to Rajkot's Observation Home for Boys. The man said: "I admit that he has beaten up the Dalit brothers and, therefore, he is guilty. But he was made to be part of the conspiracy without him knowing what it would mean."

 Kiritkunar Joshi, deputy superintendent of police (SC, ST Cell), said: "The teenager is a friend of another accused named Deepak Shiyal. The boy had gone to Mota Samadhiyala riding pillion on Shiyal's motorbike. But, as of now, there is no evidence that the boy beat up the Dalits in Mota Samadhiyala also."

Quick to come to the rescue of the foot soldiers, Mohan Bhagwat of the RSS and even Gujarat’s Vishwa Hindu Parishad has condemned this ugly beating of Dalits. Why? As we saw in 2002, it is Dalits who have been used and abused to carry out the filthy designs of communal forces, against the state’s Muslims. They are the foot soldiers of the Hindu Rashtra. Except in the districts of Mehsana, Anand, Dahod and Panchmahals where many Patels were among the accused, in the urban areas it is Dalits (including Chharas) who were used as mobs for violent ends.

But what is truly conspiratorial and sinister about the fallout now, sinister designs to turn this issue into Muslim-bashing once again, that even despite agitations all over the state, despite the fact that traffic was stopped on highways, buses broken down, tyres burned, three truckloads of cow carcasses dumped at the Surendranagar Collectorate, carcarsses of cows dumped in other government offices; des[ite the fact that Mayawati, leader of the Bahujan Samaj party raised the issue in the Rajya Sabha and the upper house of Parliament was adjourned yesterday; despite the fact that Gujarati television channels appealed to people for peace; Nine persons were arrested in what Dalits are terming as part of the ‘Cow Taliban’ the commercial television media is utterly silent. Why?

It is time to loudly acknowledge that this television commercial media does not represent democratic concerns or the Indian people and in fact, as we have recently seen –in its coverage of the protests and subsequent repression in the Kashmir valley– is actually beating to pre-determined political and corporate drums. This is a matter of national shame.
 

The post Dalits in the Hindu Rashtra, A Close Look at the Gujarat Model appeared first on SabrangIndia.