In 2013, the government of Bangladesh introduced a policy for the socially and economically disadvantaged communities and categorised them into three types- Dalit, Harijan, and Bede. The policy defines ‘Harijan’ as “people who are known as ‘harijan’ in the society and do not hesitate to introduce themselves as ‘harijan’” (Department of Social Service, 2013)[i]. It is tragic that most of these communities still remain at the margins and government and activists still bear the name which has been widely rejected by the same communities in India.

Immigrants without any identity

The Dalit question in Bangladesh has remained highly unaddressed, just like in Pakistan where the entire issue is considered one related to ‘Hindus’ alone without fair representation in any field except in ‘sanitation work’. Though there is no official data about the exact numbers of Dalits in Bangladesh yet roughly it is estimated to be between 5.5 million to 6.5 million. The Bangladesh Dalit narrative now excludes the native Bangla speaking communities like Namashudras who have been better represented and ‘well off’ relatively to the immigrant Dalits though it is also a fact that Bangladesh too does not have any constitutional safe guard for Dalits on the question of representations in the government services and within politics.

The Dalit movement in Bangladesh is still at its nascent stage. The native Namshudras do not feel part of it. Many Bangladeshi Dalit leaders have accused members of the Namashudra community behaving like caste Hindus and practicing untouchability against them. So, the Dalit movement in this country has emerged out of the basic needs of the ‘migrant’ untouchable communities. It is important to understand that the ‘term’ migrant is being used for non-native Bengalis who were brought in to Bengal by the British in 1870.

The non-Bengali Dalit groups who generally speak in Hindi, Utkal, Deshwali and Telegu had migrated into or were brought in to East Bengal before 1947 from Uttar Pradesh (UP), Andhra Pradesh, Rajasthan, Bihar, Orissa, and Madras. They worked as cleaners, tea gardeners (1853-54), jungle cleaners, and other cleaning jobs in the middle part of British Rule (1838-1850).

To be frank, the British brought in these different groups particularly the Sweepers in to Bengal from not only Uttar Pradesh, Rajasthan, Bihar, Odisha but also from the southern states like Madras Presidency. Unbeknown to many, a number of people living in the slums of Dhaka are Telugu speaking who migrated from Andhra Pradesh, in past part of Madras Presidency. Most of the menial sanitation work was done by these communities hence they faced not only contempt but isolation due to nature of their ‘job’. Interestingly, the Dalit movement too is divided at multiple levels: not merely on the basis of native Dalits and Dalit immigrants but also among the immigrants themselves, wherein those engaged in sanitation work are also categorised as ‘Harijans’.

Sanitation workers or Safai Karmcharis include communities engaged in manual scavenging: Raut, Hela, Hari, Dome, Domar, Telegu, Lalbegi, Banshphor, Dusadh, Chhatraira, Balmiki, and others.

The other Dalit Communities in Bangladesh

Apart from the Sweepers, there are five other categories of Dalits in Bangladesh. They are following:

Tea Plantation Workers: Bangalee, Bauri, Robidas, Tanti, Khodal, Karmokar, Bhumij, Bihari, Nayak, Mridha, Bakti, Chasha, Ghatuar, Goala, Gour, Kumri, Mushohor, and others:

Leather Processing Workers Rabidas, Rishi and others

Pig Rearing Kaiputra or Kwara

Brick Kiln Workers: Kol, Rajbhar and others

It is not that the native Bangla people do not face discrimination but the differences seem to be growing. The Bangali Dalits are those who are native like Namashudras and others, still well represented in the services, jobs and educated in comparison to immigrant ones. Secondly, all of them are actually more organised on community lines and not as a ‘Dalit’ which actually is just a decade old phenomenon.

Non-Bengali Dalits

The non-Bengali Dalit groups who generally speak in Hindi, Utkal, Deshwali and Telegu migrated or brought in to East Bengal before 1947 from Uttar Pradesh (UP), Andhra Pradesh, Rajasthan, Bihar, Orissa, and Madras. They worked as cleaners, tea gardeners (1853-54), jungles cleaners, and other cleaning jobs in the middle of the British Rule (1838-1850).

Telugu’ came from predominantly from Madras Residency and most of them were Mala, Magida, Chakali etc and are known as Madrasi. Most of them live in the slums of Dhaka and tea gardens of Sylhet and other such areas. The number of Telugu speaking Dalits is not less than 40000 in Dhaka.

The other Dalits who migrated from United Province are known as Kanpuri as most of them hailed from Allahabad and Kanpur. Bihari’s are already known as Bihari, a term also used contemptuously: Bihari Muslims were also considered against the liberation movement.

A number of Native Dalits actually migrated after Jogendranath Mandal had openly supported the Muslim League call for a separate nation. In fact, places like Sylhet today are in Bangladesh because of massive campaign carried out by Mandal during the referendum. Interestingly, the Muslim majority areas like Karimganj actually voted for being part of India! In any case, the Bangladesh Dalit and Excluded Rights Movement says, Dalits in Bangladesh can be divided into two groups. A section of Dalits who were brought to the country during the British rule to work as cleaners and forest clearing and tea plantations. And, another section who have been children of this country for thousands of years but are considered as ‘low caste’ in the eyes of the so-called society based on birth and profession. These are the fishermen, barbers, washermen, blacksmiths, cobblers, Kalu, Majhi, Zola, butchers, hunters, gardeners, Bede, Dhuli etc. Dalits are considered upper caste in the mainstream society and untouchable by others. Despite their significant contribution to the country’s economy, environment, and social development, they are the most economically and socially deprived Dalit community.

Is the issue of caste discrimination an internal matter for Hinduism in Bangladesh?

The crisis of Dalits in an Islamic society or where the Muslims are a majority showcases a kind of betrayal of the entire ‘ideology’ of the Dalit-Muslim alliance which the Muslim League actually purported to profess during its Partition movement, to ensure that a preponderant region/areas from both Punjab and Bengal become part of Pakistan.

History thus teaches us this lesson: that Dalits and minorities whether it is Muslims or Hindus, are only safe under a secular constitution. Once the constitution becomes theocratic and appeases majoritarianism, there are scant chances of the minorities getting any success. Dalits in both Bangladesh and Pakistan actually faced a dual (double) victimhood. First, they were a minority and then they were also Dalits. It is not that the Muslims loved them and provided them respect. The sanitation work in Pakistan as well as Bangladesh is purely ‘reserved’ for the Harijan communities. There are pockets where untouchability does not exist while in a majority of the northern areas like Dinajpur, Rajshahi, Khulna etc., they do face untouchability. People from the Harijan community are not allowed to drink tea or eat at the hotels in many places, says 85 year-old, Manek Lal Dom, from Bhola. He adds that they don’t face discrimination of any kind within Bhola because a number of persons now working as sewage cleaners there hail from the Muslim community too.

The Bihari Dalits or Bhojpuri Dalits who migrated to undivided Bengal were actually invited or taken by the British as sweepers, cleaner, tea plantation workers, labour for picking up dead bodies and doing all kinds of menial work. They came here leaving all possessions. The only thing they had with them was their ‘faith’, they had otherwise nothing to own. Most of them came to Bangladesh in 1930s. Manek Lal Dom’s grandfather came here as a sweeper and he was born in Bhola. Now, Bhola is the largest island in Bangladesh in the Bay of Bengal.

Unlike in India and to some extent in Nepal, the Dalit movement in Bangladesh has to function within the periphery of ‘majoritarian politics’.  In Pakistan, most of them are used to portray Hindus as the worst kind of racists as well as by confining injustices s those ‘inside’ Hinduism. Some Pakistani organisations even organize Ambedkar Jayanti events every year and invite Ambedkarites and other human rights scholars to speak. Interestingly, the entire event is not focused at helping the Dalits in Pakistan but becomes a tool of anti-India propaganda resulting in neglect of the local Dalit activists and leaders. In Bangladesh, the situation is slightly bit better as civil society mobilisation in Bangladesh has been far superior to Pakistan. However, the Dalit movement still does not have autonomy as it has in India especially because it lacks the strength to organise resources at their own. There are administrative issues too. The presence of Dalits particularly the Bhojpuri speaking immigrants, Harijans, Rabidasis, inside Bangladeshi Parliament or in various structures of state is almost nil.

Dalits not even a minority

Dalits are not even a minority in any true sense. Minorities have a right to own their language, establish their institutions, and press for an inclusive politics among others. The Bhojpuri minorities in Bangladesh do not even know their native language. The only thing they have is their ‘traditional’ festivals and family events. They speak in Bhojpuri and can sing Bhajans. They have their own temples in certain places and they worship but cannot either read or write Bhojpuri or Hindi. Bangladesh came into being for the language movement, yet it is ironic that it does not care to protect the languages of those who immigrated? Frankly, Dalits are not even considered equal citizens otherwise this question would have always raised that they must have their own language and schooling in their native language schools. A majority of them are thoroughly landless.

Manek Lal Dom’s grandfather migrated from Darbhanga in Bihar to undivided Bengal. He was born in Bhola, Bangladesh’s biggest island on the Bay of Bengal. They were responsible for maintaining the cleanliness in the city. The work was harsh and harder. Since the 1930s, till this day in Bhola, Manek Lal Dom lives in a rented house. This is a government rented house for which they pay about 80 Taka per month. Plus of course, more than a 1000 taka for electricity and 500 taka for water too every month. This from a salary of TK 6000 per month. Imagine, a family that came over more than 100 years ago, but still does not have a house of its own to live. That result is people living in the street or open spaces.

Biggest victim of state sponsored eviction

Actually, ‘Harijans’ in Bangladesh face the threat of eviction as they don’t have any residential papers and live at the ‘mercy’ of the state. The fact of the matter is that during the partition, a large number of refugees including the Dalits came to India from East and West Pakistan but the sanitation workers were not that fortunate as leaders wanted them to be there. If they are not there then who would clean their toilets, is said to be an argument of a ‘great leader’ during the partition movement. The gross failure of the respective governments everywhere is that the city cleaners never got the right to a life with dignity. Rather than honouring their hard work and acknowledging the discrimination they face daily both at the hands of the authorities as well as common people, Hindus and Muslims alike, these Harijans face threat of evictions any time. An eviction happened in Dhaka’s famous Miranzila Harijan colony on June 11, 2024 where they had been living for generations. “Although the authorities claimed they will evict 87 families, they are planning to evict more than 120 families,” said Nirmal Chandra Das, secretary general of Bangladesh Harijan Oikya Parishad.[ii]

As a research paper narrates the story of Dalit ghettoisation within Dhaka. ‘The Dalits have been ghettoised in 27 hubs (12 are prominent) in and around Dhaka. A very few of them could establish their career outside the precincts. They are not unified as they have internecine strife, which is an obstacle before obtaining enough social capital to secure their collective interests. As a result, they could flourish themselves as successful individual entrepreneurs.  The Dalits of Bangladesh (experience) regimented patriarchy. But in Dhaka the women enjoy relatively more freedom. This opens another frontier of dilemma. They become educated, and due to the open media, they know the world faster, but finally, they discover that their world is confined to their precinct. They discover their capability failures and newer types of intersectionality every day.  “It is better to be born an idiot, rather than handicapped conscious beings”- said a Dalit girl to me. Her name was Anuradha. I heard it with a friend and sighed’[iii].

Many people might ask, why can’t these people stay elsewhere? Why do they live in the slums of Dhaka? I have visited these slums in Dhaka and can only say that the circumstances that they live is simply ‘unliveable’. Most of the time, they are surrounded by filthy water where mosquitos and other insect fly around and a heavy stink make things impossible to stay on. I saw the similar conditions in Bhola when I visited Manek Lal Dom’s house. There was no electricity. Dom said that they can’t any house on rent outside as none of the owners want to give them house on rent so most of the people end up staying on the street and roads as they don’t have the capacity to buy a house for themselves.

Imagine a community which was brought to clean human excreta has not got a place to live and frankly live as non-citizens of the country. If even after working for nearly 40 years, the salary is 6000TK then it reflects a highly iniquitous social order. When the issue of Dalit was being used as a Hindu subject then why have the leaders of two independent countries not pushed for a better lot for them? They could have shown, by example, that societies which are Islamic do not recognise birth-based differences and that they would do their best to bring the marginalised to the mainstream, but that never happened.

A report in Bangladesh suggested that many of the ‘Harijans’ are now changing their names as well as surnames so that they are not identified by caste. The report says the Telugus are now using the title, to be seen as a native Bangladesh. I witnessed this in Bhola too where most of the youth had Bengali sounding surnames. The friend who took me various places and son of a Bhojpuri Harijan put down his surname as De. When he came to the hotel to meet me, we were speaking in English and he was speaking with my Bangladeshi friend in Bangla. After some time, I realized that he was not well versed in English. These friends asked me whether I understand Bangla to which I replied that I can understand a bit. After some time, I just casually asked whether he understand Hindi or watch Hindi movies or serials which are popular. I was shocked to hear that this friend told me that he knows Hindi well and his ancestors came from Darbhanga in Bihar!

‘The Global Forum of Communities Discriminated on Work and Descent, report 2023 entitled ‘The Situation of Dalits in Bangladesh: Country Report says that, ‘ The literacy rate among male and female Dalits is 48.3% and 38.7% respectively which is far behind Bangladesh’s national literacy rate of 74.66%. Most of the Dalits live in designated housing settlements built on common land i.e. Khas land and 56% of Dalit households do not have any land.[iv]’

Unprotected and isolated

The biggest crisis for the sweeper or the Harijan community in Bangladesh is that the state has no protection for them. No encouragement to enter services other than sanitation work. The community itself has been pushed into the margins, limiting their struggle to better housing and more sanitary jobs in various government services including municipalities or big city corporations. While the ‘reports’ always try to suggest that it is only the Hindus who discriminate against them, none else. A very similar approach by Pakistani Dalit Rights groups is evident, too, who feel comfortable narrating the Brahmanical history a ‘Dalit’ without ever questioning their own rulers and authorities on the steps taken to combat structural discrimination. In fact, no report in Bangladesh has, so far, spoken about the job reservation for the Dalit community, particularly Harijans, in non-sanitation work. In fact, today, that job too is under attack: similar to various municipalities in India, it has been reported that a number of non-Harijans pay money to get the better paid sweeper’s job in various municipalities and government offices and then sublet the work to the Harijans on petty remuneration. In fact, due to these irregularities Sheikh Hasina government promised to ‘ensure’ 80% reservation in the sanitation work for the Harijan community. This was opposed and the so called ‘revolution’ in Bangladesh actually created more insecurity among Dalits particularly the Harijan community as they are not clear whether there will be a protection for their job in government departments particularly for sweepers as well as sanitation work.

Babul Das (56), a sweeper from Madarbari Shebok Colony in Chittagong, said: “Our children do not get white collar jobs even though they have the qualifications. It would console our heart if even one of us got an official job. But unfortunately, this never happens. Sweeping is the only profession, no matter whether we want to stick to it or not. Our destiny is sweeping, though this too is uncertain nowadays[v].”

Ironically, the stigma, discrimination continues to ‘track’ them despite living in a different society. The issue of Dalits is not merely that of being part of a hierarchical Hindu caste order but those who claim not to have anything to do with the caste system and birth-based discrimination, actually, have to answer more as the conditions under their leadership and society is perhaps worse. Dalits in Islamic Bangladesh and Pakistan, have no voice of their own.

A newspaper report in Bangladesh says, ‘Brought into the Bengal region by the British government from Madras, Kanpur, Hyderabad and some southern areas of what is now India, this sweeper community consists of people who are known as Harijans. They were chosen for the job and brought here as cleaners because of their status as ‘Dalits’ or ‘low class’ Hindus. Although they left their place of origin, the stigma surrounding their identity did not leave them[vi]’.

While I was not able to visit these localities in Dhaka myself, other researchers have found out that ‘Dhaka city has six sweeper colonies where they live a vulnerable life. These are: Ganoktuli, Dayaganj, Dhalpur, Sutrapur, Agargaon and Mohammadpur sweeper colonies[1].In Dhaka city, the Telegu  Sweepers are the large in number, they are concentrated mainly in four ghettos or quarters, known as :(1) Wari or Tikatuli Sweeper quarters; (2) Dhalpur Sweepers quarter, officially named city Palli; (3) Gopibag sweepers quarter, and (4) Muhammadpur Sweeper quarter. All the quarters are located within the perimeter of Dhaka city[vii].

There are few other areas, for example, Wari (Tikatuli), Babu Bazar, Dhalpur, Gopibagh and Mohammadpur, where the Harijan sweepers are largely concentrated. Over one lakh sweepers live in the Ganaktuli Sweeper Colony located on a piece of 20 acres of land by the side of the Border Guard Bangladesh (BGB) Headquarters at Pilkhana[viii].

It is equally important to know that most of the ‘Harijans’ did not migrate to East Bengal, as it was then called during pre-partition days but were taken there, either by the Mughals in the 16^th century or later by the British in the 19^th century. Motive: to carry out sanitation and sweeping work for their cantonments and other institutions of the Raj.

‘In the nineteenth century, for example, fifty sweepers were brought from Kanpur by the British Government to clean public toilets which were constructed in Dhaka for the city dwellers by the Ordinance No. 7 of 1870. In 1905, however, more sweepers were required with the establishment of Dhaka as the capital of East Bengal. The sweepers used to carry out the task of cleaning the city on daily basis.[ix]’

Absence of concrete data  

Ironically, we don’t have exact figures for manual scavenging in Bangladesh. If you ask activists, most of them will deny its existence but the fact is the entire country does not even have the flush toilet system. If that is the reality, how does the entire sewage system work? We also have not seen any sewage system reports or any of deaths in sewage cleaning operation in Bangladesh. A report published last year by Down to Earth, actually revealed that manual scavenging still persist in many parts and most of those engaged in it are those who were brought in by the British from Uttar Pradesh and Bihar.

‘There are around 800-1,000 Dalits in Lalmonirhat (Rangpur division).They are all involved in activities related to sanitation. Some 50-60 are actively engaged in manual scavenging. Their ancestors were non-Bengalis who were forced to migrate from the northern and southern parts of India (present-day Bihar, Uttar Pradesh and Andhra Pradesh) to East Bengal (now Bangladesh) under the pretext of permanent government jobs by the British before the 1947 Partition of the subcontinent’[x].

Sadly, there is no data or monitoring of death in sewage or septic tank as well as number of people engaged in manual scavenging. A research paper reported that ‘Total 136 person died in 5 years from 2014 to 2018 in Septic Tank according Bangladesh institute of labour studies’[xi].

Glossy reports –to the contrary–suggest that Bangladesh became almost open defecation free in 2019.

Bangladesh is almost open defecation free (about 99% achieved). Basic sanitation coverage is 64%, safely managed sanitation is currently 36.4% in rural areas. (Source: Multi Cluster Indicator Survey, MICS, 2019 report by BBS and UNICEF)[xii]. World Bank data too show that there is zero open air defecation in Bangladesh[xiii] but a report published by Daily Star, Dhaka says that while Bangladesh has definitely succeeded in reducing the open-air defecation yet, this has not reached at zero level. Actually, such reports that Bangladesh has succeeded in achieving the target of zero open air defecation have been appearing in the global media since 2016 but the reality is far from this. If NGOs, academics and activists make this a priority concern, a different story could emerge, as evident from the account published by Daily star, Dhaka, which says ‘Over 21 lakh people in Bangladesh engage in open defecation in the absence of public toilets, raising the risk of health hazards via the transmission of a wide range of diseases, says a Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics report. It further says that, the number of people practicing open defecation in Rangpur is 7.35 lakh, while it is 1.24 lakh in Dhaka’[xiv].

Bangladesh Dalits and the Excluded Rights Movement

The Bangladesh Dalit and Excluded Rights Movement is working harder to empower the Dalits and Harijan communities. The effort is not merely movement based but also provides decent alternative to the community engaged in sanitation work. It is working deeply in the communities in different parts of the country and new young leaders are emerging from the community. BDERM also used international solidarity and has presented reports on the conditions of Dalits at the international forums too. However, it needs to be careful and could expand its reach if the movement grows in diversity and autonomy followed by building up a confederation of various organisations working on the issue. Of course, the approach should not confine to merely ‘agitational work’ but also positive work, skill development as well as ensuring their representation in government services, educational institutions and most importantly seeking their involvement and engagement in non-sanitation or non- sweeping occupations. BDERM has been net-working with international solidarity as well as Indian organisations like Safai karmchari Andolan but also building up national solidarity and doing advocacy for the rights of Harijans with the government. BDERM has a network of over 17 NGOs and 2000 individuals and has been working at the international forum along with International Dalit Solidarity Network. They have been demanding a National Dalit Rights Commission but things have not moved much. Bangladesh must also think of enacting an Anti-Untouchability and Anti-Manual scavenging law but that would only be possible if the activists and the government think that the issue is serious and requires this. If they instead all remain in denial mode then, it this becomes difficult. For that to happen, academics, media, NGOs, social movements must focus on gathering data and monitoring violation of cases particularly related to untouchability, manual scavenging, septic tank or sewage deaths and other issues of those working as sweepers in municipalities and other private and government institutions.

The new Dalit movement in Bangladesh is making every effort in the right direction but it needs more strength to build a community leadership. Intellectuals and activists cannot satisfy themselves by dismissing this as a ‘caste system’ and the ‘internal problems’ of Hindus. They are citizens of Bangladesh and need full protection. So far, I found the demand by them was for a dignified housing and government job as Safai Karmcharis, for which the earlier government had fixed a quota of 80% for the Harijan community. Even this is not implemented. The result is non-Harijans are getting jobs which are relatively better paid but keep the children of Harijans as absentee cleaner, a practice very much prevalent in India too.

Moreover, as we demand in India, the government must ensure reservation for children of Harijan communities in the non-sanitation work. They must get equal opportunity to progress and for that their children must get preferential treatment in the form of affirmative action. Most importantly, government must prohibit the use of the term Harijans, which is purely demeaning and also the biggest mental block of the community to think beyond sanitation work. Right now, the threat is to their livelihood through mechanization as well as hijacking of their jobs by others through corrupt practices. All reports suggest they face the biggest threat of eviction and a majority of them despite living there in the third or fourth generation do not have a house of their own.

For long the issue of Dalits has been side tracked but now the situation demands the government focus on their emancipation through constitutional provisions banning untouchability and caste discrimination in all forms and practice. Some positive measures need to be taken including job reservation, education, health, housing and land redistribution. Will the Dhaka government act and respect the sacrifices of the Harijan community people who make Bangladesh clean and yet do not have access to safe and clean drinking water and living conditions? Let us hope that the government of Bangladesh will act positively and provide dignified alternative to one of the most marginalized communities, called Harijans in Bangladesh.

[i] Social Exclusion and Multiple Discriminations of Harijan Community in Rajshahi, Bangladesh by Goelam Mohammad Nur, Md Redwanur Rahman, S M Shaffiuzzman and Kamrun Nohar Sona. https://www.ijcrt.org/papers/IJCRT2309644.pdf

[ii]  No Home for Harijans by Md Abbas, Daily Star, June 11,2024 https://www.thedailystar.net/news/bangladesh/news/no-home-harijans-3631801

[iii] The Dalits in Dhaka: where the society has doubled their marginalization, 24.10.23 – Dhaka, Bangladesh – Pressenza New York,  https://www.pressenza.com/2023/10/the-dalits-in-dhaka-where-the-society-has-doubled-their-marginalization/

[iv] Situation of Dalits in Bangladesh : Country Report 2023

https://globalforumcdwd.org/landmark-report-documents-harsh-reality-of-cdwds-of-bangladesh/

[v] Tanvir Hossain, Daily Star, Dhaka March 19, 2013 https://www.thedailystar.net/news/the-sweepers-a-socially-excluded-community

[vi] Beyond destiny: The new generation at Dayaganj sweeper colony look forward to a different future by Aziz Hakim, August 30, 2022, The Business Standard, Dhaka

https://www.tbsnews.net/features/panorama/beyond-destiny-new-generation-dayaganj-sweeper-colony-look-forward-different

[vii] Human Rights Conditions Of Horizon (Sweeper), Community In Dhaka, Bangladesh, a legal review, 2010

https://www.lawyersnjurists.com/article/human-rights-conditions-of-horizon-sweeper-community-in-dhaka-bangladesh/

[viii] The Harijans of Bangladesh: Living with the injustice of Untouchability, by Prof Dr Md Rahmat Ullah, published by Empowerment of through law of the common people, Dhaka P 14

[ix] Ibid P 55-56

[x] In a corner of Bangladesh, manual scavenging is impacting a treatment plant’s sustainability by Sarim, Down to Earth, 9 January 2024.

https://www.downtoearth.org.in/water/in-a-corner-of-bangladesh-manual-scavenging-is-impacting-a-treatment-plant-s-sustainability-93793

[xi] Septic Tank accidents in Bangladesh are rising: Few facts and thoughts by Safwatul Haque Niloy, WASH Coordinator, OXFAM in Bangladesh, April 2024

379986519_Septic_tank_accidents_in_Bangladesh_are_rising_Few_facts_and_thoughts/link/66252f1cf7d3fc287472e944/download?_tp=eyJjb250ZXh0Ijp7ImZpcnN0UGFnZSI6InB1YmxpY2F0aW9uIiwicGFnZSI6InB1YmxpY2F0aW9uIn19

[xii] People’s Republic of Bangladesh Country Overview 2020

https://www.sanitationandwaterforall.org/sites/default/files/2020-12/2020_Country-Overview_Bangladesh.pdf

[xiii] World Bank Data, Bangladesh

https://data.worldbank.org/indicator/SH.STA.ODFC.ZS?locations=BD

[xiv] 21 lakh people in Bangladesh practice open defecation: BBS, Daily Star, Dhaka, November 19, 2022 https://www.thedailystar.net/news/bangladesh/news/bangladesh-lags-behind-sanitation-3173416

The post The ‘Harijans’ of Bangladesh: Victims of constitutional neglect and social isolation appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The letter was sent in Gujarati and we have translated it into English. Kindly highlight the venomous and terrorising tactics of the VHP (a member of the Sangh Parivar). The derogatory language used against no less a personality than Dr. Ambedkar and also all Dalits, speaks of their total disregard for all norms of democratic governance and the decorum of the Constitution. We urge you to take a serious view of this and look into the matter at your end, to stop such flagrant flouting of democratic norms.

Yours Sincerely, Behavioural Science Centre Team
 
THE SECOND OPEN LETTER OF TRUE RAM SEVAKS
(The second open letter of the true devotee of Lord Rama)

Let the Ambedkarite Harijans who oppose the Hindutva ideology understand. We will not let them mix with even the soil of Hindustan; today time is in our hands.

Hindutva is the ideology of true Hindus (and) it never accepts the Harijans who are the off-spring of the untouchable Ambedkar.

The Ambedkarite Harijans, Bhangis, tribals and the untouchable Shudra castes who believe in (respect) Ambedkar do not have any right to give speeches or criticise the Hindutva ideology in Hindustan, because, as a dog raises its leg and urinates when there is a pillar or a hill in its way, in the same way, whenever there is a question or discussion related to the Hindutva ideology, these Ambedkarites, Harijans, Bhangis, Adivasis and other untouchable low castes sling their dirt on the Hindutva ideology or show their own caste (their low birth) by speaking abusively (about it).

Now Hindutva has become aware and it is time to teach these Ambedkarites, untouchable Harijans a lesson. Not even the miyans (Muslims) can come to their aid now.

Understanding the Hindutva ideology requires a large heart. What will these untouchable Ambedkarites, who raise their leg and urinate, understand of the Hindutva ideology?

The fact that  honourable Narendra Modi has gained a large victory in Gujarat has been because of the Hindutva ideology, not because of the untouchable Harijans, (or because of) the Ambedkarite ideology. Narendrabhai has gained victory single- handedly in Gujarat because he explained the true ideology of Hindutva, what he will do for Hindutva, in the ektayatra (unity march).

The true Hindu Sangh sevaks, the true Hindu soldiers of Bajrang Dal and Dr. Pravin Togadiaji of Vishwa Hindu Parishad also had a major contribution in making  honourable Narendra Modi win, the speeches that they gave about the true Hindutva ideology were extremely important and to the point and because of this Modibhai has single-handedly gained victory in Gujarat.

Publisher: Vishwa Hindu Parishad, 11, Mahalaxmi Society, Paldi, Karnavati-380 007
Printer: Allied Offset Printers (Guj.) Pvt. Ltd. Kalidas Mill Compound, Gomtipur, Karnavati-380 021

NOTE: It is not insignificant that Dalits who were manipulated and misused in last years genocide, are today the target of the VHP’s venom.
On March 28, 2003, to protest against the passage of the Gujarat government’s new Anti-Conversion law, 10 Dalit women activists belonging to the Council for Social Justice jumped into the well of the Assembly in protest. Besides, seven statewide protests were also staged by this Dalit organisation all over the state. Ironically, the ruling BJP and the opposition Congress supported the Bill. Clearly, Dalits  opposing Hindutva are threats to the VHP who then launched a filthy tirade against them.

Valjibhai Patel, senior advocate and founder of CSJ, recalls how an earlier attempt to get such a law passed in 1972 also followed the brutal communal carnage of 1969, when the ruling Congress had brought in this legislation.                 

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Nature was undiscriminating in the staggering death and devastation she wrought on Gujarat. But as international and national aid pours in, disturbing reports of caste, class and communal bias in its distribution continue to surface. Among other things, this could mean scant attention to the rehabilitation of craftsmen from worst-hit Kutch – a region famed for its rich and vivid handicraft tradition

Devastation, death and despair bring out the best, and the worst, in us. So it has been with Gujarat, a state that symbolises the latest paradigm of modern India — brazen communalism and urbanisation stalking hand–in–hand with aggressive globalisation and depletion of natural resources. The killer earthquake measuring 8.0 on the Richter scale, which shook the state to its roots, proved to be a brutal leveller. 

Vankars (weavers), ajrak printers, all the Kutchi karigars who’s rich tradition of hand crafts spans weaving, block printing, intricate bandhni leather crafts, metalworking and woodwork, were severed from their livelihoods as much as the flourishing Patel business class. Migrant and landless labourers had their lives snatched away as much as salt pan workers. Among the survivors in urgent need of relief and rehabilitation were Harijans (the scheduled castes among the vankars in Gujarat still refer to themselves as Harijans, instead of Dalit) and Muslims, as much as upper caste Hindus — Rabaris, Darbaris, Bhanushalis, Patels. 

It was a Republic Day that few in Kutch (Bhuj, Anjar, Bhachau), Ahmedabad, Rajkot, Jamnagar, Surendranagar and more than 600 villages around are likely to forget. The tremors that reverberated across the state and impacted neighbouring Maharashtra, too, came shortly before 9 am.
The official R–Day functions in Gandhinagar, Ahmedabad and Delhi – chief minister Keshubhai Patel and entourage saluting the tricolour, Gujarat High Court judges feasting on a lavish lunch after the traditional flag hoisting and Prime Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee and his cabinet at the official R–Day parade — continued stoically undisturbed by the crash of cement and concrete until well past mid–day. By then, much of Bhuj, Anjar and Bhachau towns had already been reduced to rubble. Even smaller townships in the Kutch and Saurashtra regions had lost most of the pucca dwellings. 

Today, rough estimates put the loss of life at close to 50,000. Gujarat joins issue and cause with Orissa in the east of the country that suffered a human tragedy of similar proportion when it was devastated by not one, but two, cyclones 18 months ago. In material terms, the loss in Gujarat has been officially computed at over Rs. 20,000 crores.

The sluggishness of government response — epitomised in Doordarshan’s non–acknowledgement of the ‘event’ until 24 hours later — to the sheer scale of the loss in human and material terms is reflective of how distant the State — central and state governments alike — have become from the real concerns and rights of people, the very people from whom they seek legitimacy.  Not only that, arms of the State in India today have distinctly partisan political and economic agendas that violate the core and spirit of Indian democracy and Constitution. It is a factor that influences responses in times of war and peace, disaster and normalcy.

A myriad images spring to mind when we reflect on the past three weeks of media glare – photographs, television images and reams of printed copy. There are the spontaneous stories of human bonding, the instinct and desire to rise above narrow mind–sets. Stray accounts of RSS workers in their khaki shorts and Muslim boys working together for rescue and relief were reported in the first few days after the disaster. Sadly, reports of sectarian mind-sets prevailing over common pain and suffering followed. Which are the ones that shall endure?

Republic Day 2001 was a Friday. A call was given through the khutba (sermon after Friday’s Juma namaaz) at the Al Fazal Mosque in the Juhapura area in the outskirts of the old city of Ahmedabad that all help should be rendered to the needy as speedily as possible. Even before the call from the mosque, 15–20 Muslim boys had rushed to the neighbouring Hindu–dominated Vejalpur locality in their bid to rescue the occupants of the Shiv Society apartments that had collapsed.

Days later, a spontaneous procession of a few hundred Muslim women dressed in burkhas, walked the streets of Ahmedabad — a city scarred by the wounds of otherness and division — praying to Allah to bring succour to Gujarat, a state affected by tragedy once too often. The march moved ordinary Ahmedabadis to tears.

However, after the initial days of such spontaneous display of undiscriminating solidarity in the face of unprecedented human tragedy, Communalism Combat began receiving complaints (from different parts of Gujarat) of exclusion from relief by marginalised sections, areas and populations. The caste–based marginalisation excluded traditional karigars and artisans from the ambit of relief and rehabilitation. And, in tune with the ascendant discourse of Gujarat as the “laboratory for a Hindu rashtra”, discrimination was also influenced by the religion of the affected.  Strange are the ways of seeing. The pall bearers of the Hindu rashtra ideology, that conjures images of military prowess gained through blood–soaked trishul and sets us back by several centuries into rank medieval discourse, has little to offer to the traditional karigars of Kutch. Karigars whose link with the past is so palpable and enduring. 

For example, in the pots crafted by the late master potter Suleimanbhai Mohammad. Or, the famed ajrak print process of the Khatris of Dhamadka. To the national award winner Khatri karigars, Mohammadbhai Siddik and Abdul Razzak goes the credit of reviving the natural dye process that had passed unnoticed to Sindh and Multan and bringing recognition, national and international awards, fashion and tourism to Dhamadka. Glitzy ‘Miss World’ outfits crafted in bandhni (tye and dye), in a technique so fine, are also notched to the credit of Ali Mohammad Isha from the region. Pooplibehn of Dhordo is another name recalled and remembered as a bandhni karigar of the highest calibre.

Hajaram is an upstart ajrak painter whose natural inclination for colour and blocks led him to acquire the technique of the famous ajrak printing from the local Khatris of the famed Dhamadka, 54 kilometres from Bhuj. Even before the devastation wrought by the earthquake, his village, like scores others in Kutch, had been reeling under a two–year–old drought, forcing people to buy food from the market, a practice alien to them. 

Today, Hajaram is a survivor of the quake that has left him bereft of five close family members. His workshop and home are badly damaged. Dazed and disoriented with the loss of family, home and workplace, he is busy trying to rebuild his own life and that of 150 other similarly affected families. 
Everything is under rubble. No heavy machinery has been brought to clear the debris. Dhamadka is on the international map thanks to the ajrak printers. But, today, no attention is being paid to the vibrant karigars who have brought the region fame and richness. 

Dhamadka and Anjar also suffered a quake in 1956; in 1912, too, the region was affected by a seismic shock. Nature, as the karigars, the landless labourers, the fishermen and women of Kutch know it, has rarely been kind to this stark region. In such an environment has sprouted the rich, philosophic, fiercely independent and enterprising Kutchi character.

Hajaram, Ghulam Hussain Oomer, Zakaria-bhai, Rameshbhai Savani, Vankar Premji Velji, are names that today represent the timeless crafts of the Kutch region, reflective of Kutchi khumari, of pride laced with self–respect. This karigar community, comprising of Muslims, Harijans and Hindus dotting the Kutch landscape, has remained marginalised from both relief and rehabilitation. Villages like Manpar, Adoi and Chaubari and 170 more around Bhuj are reduced to material nothingness, will schemes for rehabilitation allow the re-birth of these since they are home to vibrant local populations?

Emotional succour and limited support has come from some individuals and institutions associated with and interested in the crafts and culture of the region. These include Shrujan, an enterprise that supports design and craft in many villages run by Chandabehn Shroff. Sohan, a co–operative handicrafts enterprise linked for over four decades to the region with Prabhabehn Shah and Malti Jhaveri ‘in charge, is also attempting need-based assistance. Reeth with Anela Jasuja and Kalashetra with Judy Frater — a foreigner who has made Kutch her home — are other organisations in Mumbai trying to intervene sensitively. 

Meanwhile, the karigar communities have quickly gone about finding their own solutions. Ramesh Savani, is a karigar in batik from Mandvi that fortunately escaped the worst. But that has not made Savani complacent. He has been busy trying to help Hajaram and the Khatris from Dhamadka who have suffered the worst.

If Kutchi karigars are completely sidelined with little attention being paid to the revival and rehabilitation of their rich and enduring crafts tradition, there are increasing complaints from other parts of the state, too — especially Saurashtra (Morbi near Rajkot) and Surendranagar districts — of bias against minority sections in relief distribution and worse. 

“At a time like this, everything and everyone should transcend prejudices and narrow mind–sets. But in Gujarat today, these prejudices are fanned officially”.

Activists of the VHP and RSS have allegedly been insisting that irrespective of their religion, all must chant ‘Jai Sri Ram’ before they are given food at the relief camps. Both the VHP and the RSS have hotly denied the latter charge. Meanwhile, Communalism Combat has independently been receiving complaints of blatant bias being displayed by some Gujarat ministers, like Fakirbhai Vaghela, in the distribution of tents and cash doles. 

(The Gujarat government last week announced a cash compensation of Rs. 1,00,000 per deceased to surviving family members. In case of the surviving families of the nearly 400 school children from Anjar who died while participating in a Republic Day parade, the compensation amount has been increased to Rs 1,10,000 per death, since the children died while on ‘patriotic duty’).

When Vaghela, the minister for social welfare in the state cabinet, toured his constituency — in Surendranagar district bordering Kutch — on February 3, he crudely ignored Muslim–dominated areas. As we go to press, nearly three weeks after the killer quake, thousands remain subjected to the vagaries of bitter cold. Vaghela is accused by local residents of insisting that the RSS get credit for the material distributed in relief. He was also reportedly angered to find local residents having started medical relief operations cutting across community. He allegedly stopped them from doing so and took charge of the civil hospital forcibly. Hindu and Muslim residents thereafter have submitted a joint memorandum to the local mamlatdar urging that at times of crises the administration should work to unite and not divide people. 

Surendra Vanrajsingh Jala, from Kherali village in the Surendranagar district (located in Vaghela’s assembly constituency), spoke with anguish to CC, about the hoarding of relief materials and the fact that ‘backwards’ and Muslims were not being given relief. “The maximum damage from the region has been in Paldi and Halvat. Citizens of the town, from all communities, have been united in their protest against the minister’s attempts to divide people on the basis of religion. Villagers have made representations in this connection to the collector and to the chief minister and home minister protesting against this attitude.” 

Jala also revealed that in neighbouring Watwan, also in Surendranagar and the constituency of BJP MLA Dhanraj Kela, locals had looted the godown where relief materials had been hoarded at night instead of being distributed to legitimate claimants.

“For the past two weeks we residents of Dasada have been told that tents have been distributed,” complains Aslam Malik, a member of the Lok Janshakti party, “but we have not received a single tent and women and children are still sleeping out in the open.” 

Concurs Anwarbhai Pathan, a resident of Paldi: “So much relief material has been diversified or dispersed through the RSS–controlled bajaar samitis. Odhu village is nearly finished, all homes damaged, people are still sleeping out in the open. Members of the RSS, like Rashmibhai Rawal, Dilipbhai Khejadia, Bharat Painter, Vanvaji Thakore are being favoured with relief material that does not, then, reach anywhere else.”

The writ that the RSS and VHP over the state administration can be gauged from their ability to influence scrutiny of accusations of discrimination at the very highest level. The governor of Gujarat, Sundersinh Bhandari was scheduled to visit  Surendranagar following reports of discrimination, especially in Dasada, on February 19. Pressure from the RSS and Vaghela compelled him, at the last moment to cancel the visit, reliable local sources informed CC.

While CK Koshy, relief commissioner of Gujarat was unavailable for comment, PN Roy, in charge of relief operations at Anjar — one of the worst affected towns — categorically repudiated such allegations, at least in Anjar where he has been in charge. “There have never been allegations, now or ever, of the IAS being communal. Rest assured, we have taken extra care to ensure that distribution and responsibility is handled only by organisations with unimpeachable credentials. We will not let people be discriminated against,” he told Communalism Combat. 

On the day CC spoke to Roy, he had been honoured with an international award for his efforts, by an American relief agency. The citation praises Roy’s efforts for ‘excellence in International Major Disaster Management.’

“As in wars laws do not remain silent, so too in calamities and at times of crises, laws in general and constitutional rights, human rights and humanity cannot remain silent,” Girishbhai Patel, of Lok Adhikar Sangh told Communalism Combat. “We, too, have received complaints of caste– and community–based discrimination which we are looking into, case by case. But we can expect the worst from this government that is a victim of its own mindset.”

The present BJP government came to power in March 1998, publicly touting its Hindu rashtra agenda. On April 15–16, 1998, barely a month after chief minister Keshubhai Patel took the constitutional oath, the first attack on churches and Christians began. Three months later, Muslims in rural and semi–rural areas of Randhikpur and Sanjeli were targeted. 

In between, in June 1998 came the first killer cyclone that not only cost the Kandla region 10,000 lives, but also left the central government–run Kandla Port Trust squabbling with the state government on the crucial issue of relief and rehabilitation. Even then, within just a few months of saffron–hued governance in the state, there were detailed accounts of Muslim fishermen and migrant saltpan workers suffering from discrimination and bias. An official report by the Kandla Port Trust brought out recently, evaluating the proposed rehabilitation of 3,500 homes reveals that two–and–a–half years later, not more than 20 homes have been built! 

The Kandla cyclone, like the Gujarat earthquake, had raised serious questions of inept disaster management. Then, too, the Lok Adhikar Sangh had petitioned the court pointing out the total incompetence of the state government, despite scientific warnings, in dealing with natural calamities. “The government, instead of responding to the questions that had been raised, replied with reams of computer paper,” says Patel. Despite being a pioneer of public–spirited litigation, he has not gone to court this time. “I have lost complete faith in the judiciary. The two–year–old petition would have been relevant today. But what have the courts done to expedite its hearing? It is still pending. We had asked why the control rooms were inadequately staffed, why the staff that was there was not trained to handle proper co–ordination. What did we get in reply? Accusations and counter accusations between the Kandla Port Trust and the state government!”

Father Cedric Prakash of the Ahmedabad–based St Xaviers Social Service Society, a resident of Gujarat for 23 years, has been active in relief and rehabilitation work through many of these tragedies. The day after the earthquake, RSS volunteers physically stopped him from entering a building in Ahmedabad where people were trapped. Initial consignments of official aid, valued at a few million dollars, have been rooted through the St. Xaviers Society and Jan Vikas Collective along with some other NGOs. Their efforts at distribution of the material, that included heavy military tents etc. was acknowledged in a letter from the US ambassador, Richard F Celeste. 

Says father Prakash, “Look, caste discrimination is there everywhere. But what are the kinds of signals that come from the top? At a time like this, everything and everyone should transcend prejudices and narrow mind–sets. But in Gujarat today, these prejudices are fanned officially. While many people are bravely trying to transcend the confines of religion, here are organisations actually fanning differences with the blessings of the state.”
The Delhi–based All India Milli Council has also set up four camps in Gujarat to provide relief ad rehabilitation. In its initial report, it also made mention of bias in reaching of relief to survivors in Gujarat. However, while addressing a press conference in Ahmedabad on February 16, the group made a clear distinction between representatives of the RSS and VHP and ordinary Hindus who felt angered by the politicisation of relief operations.
Giving an example of attempts to make Muslims chant ‘Jai Sri Ram’ before being given food at a relief centre in the Kutch region, representatives of the Council told the media that many Hindu survivors in the camps also refused the offer of food in protest against this kind of coercion. 

Alongside communal bias, the scenario in Gujarat post–earthquake has revealed sharp and visible caste–based discrimination and prejudice. Tikar, a badly affected village in Surendranagar district happens to be the home of the brother of Sam Pitroda. When he arrived there in early February to convey his offer to re–construct the whole village, the Patels bluntly told him that while re–building the village, caste distinction would have to be strictly followed! This means that Dalits would continue to be discriminated against, continue to be subjected to the practice of untouchability and denied common and equal access to water and grazing lands.

Adhoi village, also in Surendranagar district, is also witnessing similar schisms. Valjibhai Patel, Council for Social Justice, told Communalism Combat that his organisation is co–ordinating relief effort in 90–100 camps in the district with no help from outside. The extent of caste prejudice has forced his organisation to approach the Gujarat High Court with a public interest petition. 

The governor of Gujarat, Sundersinh Bhandari was scheduled to visit  Surendranagar following reports of discrimination, especially in Dasada, on February 19. But pressure from the RSS and Vaghela compelled him, at the last moment, to cancel the visit.

“We have already collected affidavits from Dalit women from the village who have testified to the organisation of food and other rehabilitation items on a caste–wise and discriminatory basis. Even temporary shelters are being constructed on caste lines. Our plea to the court is that whenever re-built, an ideal village should emerge here within which Dalits, Muslims and Hindus intermingle and live together, not separated by discrimination.”

Serious questions about human rights issues in the context of a natural calamity have surfaced in the wake of the quake. What is the responsibility of the government towards human lives in terms of disaster management? That is, its response to warning signals of impending disasters. Also in the norms that it does or does not set for the powerful construction lobby that stands exposed for criminal and negligent conduct in Ahmedabad and Bhuj — especially in urban construction. Will the guilty builders of Ahmedabad and Bhuj be punished? There were huge individual investments made in the buildings that have collapsed. Who will bear the tab of compensation? 

Like Valjibhai’s petition, two other citizens’ interventions in court seek greater transparency and accountability from government. The first, filed by former chief justice of Gujarat High Court, Justice Bipinchandra Divan and other prominent citizens of Gujarat, has demanded accountability from government in the distribution of aid. On February 17, 2001 this PIL achieved success with Justice Dharmadhikari passing a pathbreaking order giving the reliefs that the petitioners had sought: all money received in aid would be put in a separate account (so as not to be diverted for purposes other than relief and rehab of survivors) and a district judge would monitor disbursal at every stage. 

International and national aid for Gujarat, from foreign governments, UN agencies and independent organisations, has been enormous. “If fairly distributed, aid can comfortably look after all the affected survivors of Gujarat for a year, but it is just not being distributed well,” says Martin Macwan, a leading rights activist who heads the Ahmedabad–based Navsarjan. 

Another petition filed by senior advocate Haroobhai Mehta on behalf of SAMVAD seeks criminal action against 55 builders named by aggrieved persons in private complaints filed in Ahmedabad. Some groups are also contemplating filing yet another PIL on the question of increasing and visible bias in the disbursal of relief.
Says Mehta: “Serious human rights issues have arisen after the calamity. The right to life is a guaranteed right. This means that the right to be rescued efficiently and quickly is itself the right of every human being. Chief minister Keshubhai Patel and home minister Haren Pandya have themselves admitted that one whole day lost was lost; the rescue actually started on the second day. For 24 hours there was nothing. Who will bear this responsibility? Even today the debris has not been cleared. Bhachau is still buried under cement and concrete rubble. It will be months before it is cleared.”

Inept governance that inspires little confidence, be it for the relatively privileged urban middle class or the utterly marginalised sections of quake-hit Gujarat, and a prejudicial mind–set sum up the response of the present political leadership to the calamity. 

“Immediate relief and supplies through official channels has been influenced by political considerations, the mainline versus interior bias and the poverty–caste–religion ratio,” says Macwan. Interestingly, the vocal voluntary and non–governmental sector that is always at the receiving end of governmental and administrative wrath, was open enough to work with any and all groups, until increasing reports of exclusion and bias began creeping in. The sheer scale of the tragedy that left none untouched governed this maturity. 

But was this approach rewarded? Says Macwan, “Above all, the mind-set of the present political dispensation shows up in nonsensical ways. At a recent meeting at the chief minister’s house where I was present, the general secretary of the Vishwa Hindu Parishad espoused the setting up of spiritual centres as part of their rehabilitation package! Now, this is really angering. Are we thinking of religion, or food? There are people who are still living out in the open after 21 days. 

“The fact that this mind–set can surface even at a time of a tragedy of the grossest magnitude, reflects the nuisance value of this ideology and mind–set. We have been part of different non–governmental and voluntary associations like the Janpath Initiative and the KMVS. We have in the past put aside ideological differences. This time, too, that was our approach. “Even now we feel that we should strive to look at everything as a basic human rights issue. There is the crucial question of rehabilitation. Government figures put the total loss at around Rs. 20,000 crore. The last cyclone had caused losses worth Rs. 10,000 crores. How are the people of Gujarat going to cope?

“If the RSS has a plan of rehabilitation totalling Rs. 15,000 crores, let them do it. We will be with them. But let a concrete plan emerge. And all we say is that everyone must benefit from the rehabilitation package. There must not only be a policy of equality but also an aim of social equity. Creating conditions of equity means accepting that gross inequity prevails. The question is, do they have the strength to go beyond their mind–set?” 

Hindus sweep Masjid before handing it to Muslims
Agencies/Ahmedabad

Overwhelmed by the gesture shown by Muslims in providing succour to the quake–hit people of Gujarat, Hindus swept and scoured a Shahi Masjid and invited them to offer namaaz at the place of worship, situated in the communally sensitive Khadia area of the city.
Earlier, Muslims were scared of going to the mosque because of the area’s long–history of communal riots, said Amjad Ali Rajput, Rajpur ward chief of BJP’s minority cell here Thursday.
“However, the good Samaritan job done by Muslims in providing all possible help to their Hindu brethren had an impact and the Hindus of the locality on Sunday washed and cleaned the mosque before inviting us to offer prayers,” he said. 
Since then Muslims have been offering prayers at the Khadia Shahi masjid five times a day without any hesitation or fear, Amjad said.

‘BJP govt wants RSS, VHP to get all the credit’

Girishbhai Patel
Lok Adhikar Sangh
Ahmedabad

It is a clear–cut strategy of the BJP that, at the cost of it’s own reputation, the government machinery should not work but the VHP and RSS should get credit for any relief and rehabilitation. Gujarat is crying for a different kind of leadership that can respond to the assaults by communalism and globalisation. Congress does not have people of vision and the BJP has no people, it has only mobs.
This government is functioning like a religious organisation. I am sure that large numbers of temples will come up in reconstruction!
Medha Patkar and myself have surveyed the situation. We feel that there is a surfeit of relief. But instead of awakening a scientific spirit among people, except for some established NGOs, relief is being distributed mostly by the RSS and the VHP and the Jamaat–e–Islami. In many villages, the Sai Baba Samiti and other religious and sectarian organisations have reached.
The real problem is going to be of reconstruction. To this end, some of us (Medha Patkar, Justice Ravani and myself) have made a public appeal: Let us seize this opportunity to reconstruct villages in a way that they become self–sustainable villages, in a way that they reflect the traditional framework, while not perpetuating the tradition–based caste discriminations. Let us not rely on corporate structure. We need to show vision and courage on the caste question, we cannot perpetuate discrimination.
We are privileged by a sharp constitutional vision on the question of equity, social justice and non–discrimination. We must not replicate the past.
This tragedy also brings into sharp focus the consequences of the new development paradigm that we have so blindly adopted. In Gujarat, we have had two cyclones, persistent drought. And yet, those who make decisions on our behalf do so at the cost of lives and resources. How do we build up an economy that does not cause so much damage to the people?

‘We don’t know when government help will come; we have to help ourselves’

Ramesh Savani
‘Batik’ craftsman
Mandvi, Kutch

“What is needed most is chappars, for temporary houses. Mandvi was spared but Dhamadka, Kothdi village, and similarly Daneti, Dudhai, Chobari are completely and severely damaged. We have just been to Bhavnagar and surveyed the ship-breaking yard and the scrap there. The malba (scrap) contains sheets of ply and other material that are lightweight yet durable, useful for our homes. We are planning to buy these in bulk, hire a lorry and take them to Dhamadka for our craftsmen, the Khatris and Hajaram. We don’t know when government help will come. We have to help ourselves. Our women and children are suffering sleeping out in the cold, how long can they do so? ”

‘Even three weeks after the damage we have received no relief’

Devji Premji
Vankar, Harijan 
Bhujodi village, Kutch

“Though our village is only nine kilometres away from Bhuj proper, even three weeks after the damage we have received no relief and only one visit from the Sai Baba Samiti. There are 200 vankars in the village. Seven or eight lives have been lost and nearly 30–40 per cent of the looms has been damaged. Ours is a total population of about 3,300; we have 1,900 Rabaris and 1,300 vankars. We need talpatris (covers for roofs) but not made of plastic as they melt in our heat, and columns made of material that do not attract white ants!”
‘The mamlatdar is selectively disbursing relief material only to the RSS and VHP’ Aslam Malik
Social worker Dasada, Surendranagar “We have completed a survey of 15 villages including Dasada, Vanod, Adhiraniya, Dhama, Jejuwada, Jenabad, Odhu and Patdi (a township of 20,000). This area is also within the constituency of an MLA and a minister hence the anger of people is palpable. It is the same story everywhere. These are villages dominated by Muslims and Dalits. Patdi is barely 90 kilometres from Ahmedabad; but the mamlatdar is selectively disbursing relief material only to the RSS and VHP. In Patdi, the mamlatdar goes on saying that 150 tents have been distributed, the collector dishes out a figure of 3,500. But where have the tents gone? They have not reached the people.  Locals have demanded a survey by the executive magistrate — the 92 villages under him should be visited. Where are the 5,000 that have been sent to the district collector, news of which has appeared from official sources in the press?”

‘The Muslim fisherfolk and Harijans from the Rann of Kutch have no one to help them’

Fr Cedric Prakash
St Xaviers Social Service Society
Ahmedabad

“Our team is also discovering villages which are out of the pale of relief, where people are still outside in the open. These are in the Rann of Kutch, the Nalya and Lakhpat villages. These villages have Rabaris, Darbars and Muslim populations. Now some influential communities like Darbars have connections outside. The Bhanushali community has samajs in Mumbai, they can garner help. But the Muslim Kolis (fisherfolk) and Harijans have no one to help them. Now, how has the RSS helped here? They have taken up one solitary village consisting of 350 people to concentrate on; this village has mainly Darbar families whom they want to help!” 

‘There are complaints that in common langars, Dalits and Muslims were asked to stand last’

Haroobhai Mehta
Senior advocate
Ahmedabad

“A general bias is visible. Maliya town near Morbi in Rajkot has a 60 per cent Muslims population, so here the government moved slowly. We have also received complaints that in common langars, Dalits and Muslims were asked to stand last. There was another example of the Mudra Masjid in Kutch district where Muslims who were receiving aid from the administration were physically stopped by the RSS and the VHP. There have also been reports of relief being diverted to trucks with the BJP Lotus or the RSS emblem. The whole issue is also of the reconstruction model which should not hurt the cultural setting and milieu of the people. But at the moment the whole situation is completely anarchic.”

‘The BJP government is blatantly in favour of the privileged sections’

Valjibhai Patel
Council for Social Justice
Ahmedabad

“In Adhoi village in Surendranagar, 80 per cent of the pucca houses were destroyed; 20 Dalits died as did some Kolis and Muslims. The Patels who are very prosperous have rehabilitated themselves on the other side of the highway and called the new settlement Udaipur. But there has been not even any elementary relief for the more marginalised sections. No tents have been received; people are still sleeping out in the cold. 
The Patels want the Dalits out. Why? The Dalits are living on good fertile land. The Patels are eyeing this land.
Our PIL will be filed in a few days. We want the court to apply the Indian Constitution in directing that in official rehabilitation efforts, an ideal village gets created. 
The BJP government is blatantly in favour of the privileged sections. The chief minister made a statement that was reported in the Sandesh (February 14) saying that those with more land and who own dairy cattle deserve more spacious home and land in rehabilitation schemes. A rehabilitation packet announced by the government gives 35,000 each under the Sardar Awaz Yojana for slum dwellers to rebuild homes, while big bungalow owners have been given Rs. 100,000 without interest!” 

Archived from Communalism Combat, February 2001 Year 8  No. 66, Cover Story 1

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