This organised rhetoric, amplified at political rallies and religious gatherings, lays the ideological groundwork for the Union’s policy of nationwide profiling, detention, and covert deportations of suspected foreign nationals. The present escalation was triggered in April 2025 by Operation Sindoor, a military operation targeting cross-border terror camps, which catalysed a wave of jingoism and a new national purpose in spotting, detaining, and deporting illegal immigrants. This has led to a coordinated drive where more than 1,500 people were “pushed out” into Bangladesh in five weeks between May – July 2025. The scale and manner of these deportations – the absence of formal orders, access to legal aid, or verification by Foreigners Tribunals – reveal a disturbing trend of expulsions without due process.

The result has been a targeted attack on largely poor migrant workers from West Bengal who moved to cities such as Mumbai, Delhi, and Ahmedabad in search of jobs. Those working in the unorganised sector, such as domestic workers, vegetable vendors, and rickshaw pullers, are frequently targeted by individuals and groups affiliated with the Hindu far-right. Families say that men and women are being picked up in sudden raids, transported to Assam, and coerced across unguarded sections of the border by the Border Security Force (BSF). From lawful citizens vanishing in midnight raids to migrant workers being harassed, humiliated, and forcefully evicted, the pattern of systemic persecution demonstrates a calculated effort to terrorise Bengali-speaking Muslims working in different parts of the country under the pretext of them being Bangladeshi infiltrators.

This report tracks the incidents of hate speech during August – September 2025. The data shows a systemic, ideologically-driven campaign that leverages historic tensions and is enabled by state complicity. With elections approaching, this orchestrated fear-mongering reflects a calculated political strategy to stigmatize minorities, displacing democracy with majoritarianism. The rhetoric and tropes, from Gazwa-e-Hind to Love Jihad, are strategically deployed to create a climate of conspiratorial fear. The propaganda is designed to foster a public imagination in which the targeted community has no place in ‘Bharat,’ the Hindu Rashtra.

The Multiplier Effect: How Propaganda Works to Manufacture Consent

The sequence of raids and deportations targeting Bengali Muslim migrant workers is sustained by organised propaganda. The BJP’s campaign during the 2024 Lok Sabha elections is a crucial case study to understand how the ‘infiltrator’ rhetoric, initially used to popularize an electoral agenda, was given fire by the highest political figures. Even prior to 2024, in fact playback to 2014 and even before, the right wing party’s persistent rhetoric of “orchestrated demographic change” through “illegal immigration (the term ghuspetiya is the most weaponised adjective of the same) has been carefully used at election time, to fuel insecurities and cause voter division.

On April 21, 2024, Modi delivered one of his most inflammatory speeches at Banswara, Rajasthan, invoking the “infiltrator” bogey as a dog whistle against Muslim citizens. The speech remains publicly available on his YouTube and Facebook pages, where it has garnered over one million views.

“When they (the opposition) were in power, they said that Muslims had the first right to the properties of the state. This means that they would collect these properties and give them to the ones who have more kids (insinuating Muslims). They will give it to the ghuspaithiye (infiltrators). Do you want to give away your hard-earned money to the intruders? These urban naxals will not even spare the mothers and sisters or their mangal sutra. They will go that far.”

– Narendra Modi, Speech at Banswara

Modi continued to replicate similar hate speeches across India during the election campaign, delivering 63 hate speeches between April 21 and May 30.^[1]

This was followed up by Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath. In a May 21, 2024 speech in Shravasti, he declared, “After conducting an X-ray of your wealth, they will distribute it to infiltrators—Bangladeshi infiltrators, Pakistani infiltrators, or any other Muslim infiltrators.”

 National leaders such as Narendra Modi and Amit Shah, along with powerful regional figures like Yogi Adityanath and Nitish Rane, seed this rhetoric from the top. This is seamlessly woven into campaign strategies and state addresses. Their authoritarian stature lends immediate credibility to the narrative, with every local election speech reaching nationwide audiences.

Once their signal words are introduced into political discourse, the rhetoric spirals outward. “Infiltrators” soon became common parlance among Hindu far-right and mainstream Indian media.

Concentrated ownership of mainstream media makes it a hyper-competitive market where survival depends on government approval. Furthering outrage and violence through disinformation makes the business of the media (both mainstream and digital) profitable. The ‘marketplace of ideas’ is a contest to see which channel can amplify hate and hysteria the loudest.

Leading the amplification is Sudarshan News’ Suresh Chavhanke, whose ‘Janata NRC’ campaign advocates for a vigilante-style “citizen-led” version of the National Register of Citizens (NRC), encouraging ordinary people to identify and expose “Bangladeshi infiltrators” or “illegal Muslims” in their neighbourhoods. CJP has filed 3 MCC violation complaints with CEO Maharashtra against Suresh Chavhanke in 2024.

Digital media is the most potent element of the propaganda flow. It allows hate speeches, often delivered at in-person mass gatherings like political rallies, religious parades, marches, and demonstrations, to transcend physical boundaries and amplify their reach far beyond their immediate audiences. Live streams are particularly crucial for hate actors, as they allow them to circumvent content moderation rules on hate speech and amplify their messages in real-time. Hindutva influencers like Kajal Hindustani and self-proclaimed monks like Mahant Raju Das frequently use Facebook Live to broadcast hate speech. This is then strategically clipped and reposted across platforms for maximum reach – from a full-length YouTube video to a 30-second Instagram reel. Tailored clips find a crucial delivery mechanism in private, tightly networked, and unmoderated WhatsApp channels (of which the BJP alone operates an estimated 50 lakh), which are ideal for closed-group persuasion, rapid peer endorsement, and sustaining echo chambers.

At the local level, amplified hate is converted into tangible action, mobilisation, and policy execution by BJP leaders, Hindu far-right organizations, and religious figures. The signal words penetrate hate speeches, communal rallies, and public interest litigations, justifying calls for violence, economic boycotts, and vigilante evictions. India Hate Lab reports that in 2024, 22% of hate speeches invoking the “Bangladeshi infiltrator” bogey included direct calls for violence.

Since the rhetoric has come all the way from the top, these ground groups are effectively granted impunity, operating with tacit state sanction that discourages police to file FIRs or pursue accountability.

The interplay between top-down and bottom-up hate speech flows saturates political discourse with narratives that vilify and threaten Muslims, effectively crowding out space for meaningful democratic debate.

Weaponising Historic Tensions: the Miya Kheda Andolon in Assam

The border state of Assam provides crucial historical context for the nationwide crackdown on Bengali-origin Muslims. For decades, fears about demographic change, purportedly caused by Muslim migration from Bangladesh, have been mobilised by the Hindu far-right to shape politics and policy in the state. These anxieties eventually led to the creation of the National Register of Citizens (NRC), a controversial mechanism aimed at identifying undocumented immigrants. The NRC was designed to “recognise and expel illegal immigrants” by determining “who was born in Assam and is therefore Indian, and who might be a migrant from neighbouring Bangladesh.” However, during its 2019 implementation, 1.9 million people, including several thousand Hindus, were excluded from the register. Muslims left out of the NRC faced disproportionately severe consequences, including detention in government-run facilities and harsh living conditions.

Since early June, Assam has witnessed a sharp escalation in hate speech, targeted harassment, violence, and state-led evictions against Bengali-origin Muslims, under the campaign to remove “illegal Bangladeshi immigrants.” Between July 9 and July 30, India Hate Lab (IHL) documented 18 rallies and protests across 14 districts, and nine cases of targeted violence and harassment.^[2]

Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma has been a powerful and consistent propagator of hateful rhetoric. Sarma has repeatedly referred to the evicted families as “illegal Bangladeshis” in several posts on X, asserted that the government will continue with its anti-encroachment drives to protect the ‘jati,’ and given a public appeal that people not provide shelter to those evicted.

On May 15, 2025, speaking at a rally in Giridih, Jharkhand, Sarma framed Muslim “infiltration” as an existential threat, claiming “Infiltrators are entering Jharkhand and are forcefully marrying Adivasi women [referencing the ‘original inhabitants’ of India]. These Muslim infiltrators are again becoming citizens and are grabbing lands in Jharkhand…. They came in thousands, then in lakhs, and now they are in crores. Today, we (Hindus) have to fight daily for our existence.”

On May 28, 2025, speaking at a press briefing, Sarma announced a new scheme to issue arms licenses to indigenous residents of “vulnerable and remote areas,” particularly those living along the Bangladesh border. He specifically named five districts with significant Muslim populations as the initial focus areas, stating that the initiative was intended to “tackle unlawful threats from hostile quarters.”

On June 9, 2025, Sarma claimed that “newly arrived” Muslims have weaponized the consumption of beef and the call to prayer as tactics to drive out local Hindus.

On July 21, 2025, at a state event in Darrang, he referred to Bengali-origin Muslims as “suspected Bangladeshis,” dismissed slogans of communal harmony as naive, and claimed that reclaimed land from Muslims was being put to better use.

On July 24, 2025, responding to a question about whether this situation might turn violent, Sarma replied that he wanted the “situation in Assam to be explosive,” adding that Assamese people could only survive if armed.

On August 2, at an election rally in Udalguri, Sarma said there was no need to ask for documents from those he referred to as “our people.” He claimed that documents should be demanded from people who were recently evicted and alleged that people from Bangladesh were entering Assam daily. He urged the public to recognise who the real enemies of Assam are.

This rhetoric was repeated by the local ethno nationalist organization, Bir Lachit Sena, whose chief Shrinkhal Chaliha stated that his group would carry out evictions themselves if the police failed to act. In the Sivasagar district, the Sena along with at least six other organisations have been conducting house-to-house searches to verify the documents of people working as labourers and staying on rent, with the object of forcing people of “suspect nationality” to “go back to where they came from.

On July 25, Bir Lachit Sena protested against illegal Bangladeshi infiltrators in Kaliabor. Members stopped vehicles on roads and questioned them, leading to a chaotic situation eventually requiring police intervention.

On August 10, a maktab in Tinsukia district was demolished. Shahin Alam, a teacher at the maktab, was harassed to show his Aadhaar card and threatened by a group of people saying, “Toi iyar pora jaboi lagibo” (You must leave this place). A recording of the demolition shows a group of youth chanting slogans such as “Jai Aai Axom” (Hail mother Assam) and “Bir Lachit Sena Zindabad.”

Veer Lachit Sena, All Tai Ahom Students’ Union, Hindu Suraksha Sena, and AHP-Rashtriya Bajrang Dal have been undertaking similar harassment and vigilante eviction drives.

On September 5, Veer Lachit Sena staged a protest at the Police station in Dhemaji over allegations that Bengali-origin Muslim men assaulted an Assamese rickshaw driver, raising slogans targeting the community like “Bangladeshi Miya go back,” “Remove Miyas, save Dhemaji,” and “Miya hooliganism won’t be allowed.”

On September 2, at a meeting of AHP-Rashtriya Bajrang Dal-Rashtriya Mahila Parishad in Bongaigaon, leader Debajit targeted Muslims, alleging that over a thousand villages had been taken over by “Bangladeshis.” He claimed that places with names like Islampur were being established across the district and called it a conspiracy to turn India into an “Islamic State” by buying land at high prices to prevent Hindus from purchasing it.

On August 31, at an AHP-Rashtriya Bajrang Dal meeting in Rangia, Kamrup, state president Dinesh Kalita targeted Muslims, alleging that wherever their population increases, Hindus are attacked and women assaulted and killed. He promoted the conspiracy theory of “love jihad”, claiming those involved in the district are RSS-Rashtriya Muslim Manch leaders. He called for strengthening their organisation to stop the “intimidation of Bangladeshi-Miyas” and kill those who shelter them in villages.

On August 28, Hindu Suraksha Sena staged a protest in Barpeta, chanting slogans such as “Bangladeshi Miya be warned,” “Islamic expansion won’t be allowed in Assam,” and demanding that those they deemed traitors of the country be shot. They also burned effigies of Mahmood Madani and Syeda Hamid for opposing the recent eviction drives targeting Bengali-origin Muslims.

On August 8, NewsNow circulated a video showing vigilantes in Tinsukia district demanding NRC documents from a woman.

On August 5, following the direction of the president Milan Buragohain, the union intercepted 16 “Miyas” near a bus stand in Tinsukia town. These persons were on their way to Arunachal Pradesh to work as masons and construction labourers, but were made to return home to western Assam’s Barpeta, Dhubri, and South Salmara-Mankachar districts. The union also said it issued a month’s notice to some 50 families of “illegal immigrants” to leave an area near the district’s coal-rich Margherita town.

The Miya Muslims of Assam live predominantly in the flood-prone Char Chapori (river islands and embankments) areas, where thousands have lost their land to river erosion. Many landless families have resettled on government land or migrated to different cities and other districts within Assam in search of livelihoods.^[3] The term “Miya” is now used pejoratively and often as a slur against Bengali Muslims, who are accused of “weaponising” beef consumption, polluting Hindu areas, and threatening Assamese identity. The eviction drives in Assam have disproportionately affected Miya Muslims, many of whom have lived there for decades. Assam news channels have published videos showing vigilante groups going door to door in Upper Assam, threatening Miya Muslims to leave within 24 to 48 hours.

On August 8, a public meeting in Sivasagar district called for homeowners to check tenants’ documents before renting out properties, in a bid to keep Upper Assam “free from illegal Bangladeshis.” An attendee told a reporter from the Wire that Miya migrant workers from Lower Assam resemble “Bangladeshi people” – because they wear lungis and tupis (skull caps) – sparking “anxiety” among “indigenous communities”, as people cannot identify who is a ‘Miya’ and who is a Bangladeshi.

Also on August 8, indigenous Assamese Muslim woman Wazida Begum stirred controversy with her strong statements distancing ‘Assamese Muslims’ from ‘Miya Muslims’ amid an ongoing eviction drive in Upper Assam. “A section of Assamese Muslims in Upper Assam have provided shelter to Miya Muslims and even entered into marital relations with them. This is extremely alarming.” She further warned that cultural assimilation through intermarriage could threaten indigenous identity by stating, “Marriage with Miya Muslims must be barred. We are Assamese by birth and we must live and die in Assam.” Wazida added, “One mistake by a local marrying a Miya girl has jeopardized the entire Sonari town today. In another remark she said, “When indigenous communities begin marrying Miya Muslims, it legitimizes their stay. We must not allow such marriages or give them shelter.”

On August 3, Situ Barua, a member of the Jatiya Sangrami Sena, is seen warning a man from Hojai district: “Shut up, you Miya… Miyas have to vacate Upper Assam within 24 hours.”

Assam is scheduled to go to polls in 2026, making the ‘Miya Kheda Andolon’ (movement to drive away the Miyas) a timely electoral tool. By stoking xenophobic anxieties and communal fear, the campaign diverts public attention from pressing governance failures and corruption scandals, such as the ‘Gir Cow Scam’ – a controversy involving allegations of corruption, mismanagement, and favouritism in a government-backed dairy initiative under the Gorukhuti Bahumukhi Krishi Prakalpa (GBKP), which implicates BJP ministers and has sparked protests across the state. The political opportunism of the xenophonic narrative serves not just to exclude a minority, but to shield the political elite from accountability.

Political Opportunism and the Consolidation of the Majoritarian Vote in Bihar

In Bihar, the political campaign against Bengali-origin Muslims has been weaponized to secure electoral gains ahead of the assembly elections. This has been synchronised with a state-level administrative exercise – the Special Intensive Revision (SIR). This exercise by the Election Commission began on June 25, tasking booth-level officers tasked with collecting enumeration forms from 7.89 crore voters in the state within 31 days. While the opposition is demanding a rollback, the BJP has framed the process as necessary to “purge” foreign nationals from the voter list.

On July 22, BJP leader and Deputy CM Samrat Choudhary accused RJD chief Lalu Prasad and West Bengal CM Mamata Banerjee of being ‘anti-national’ for opposing the SIR, claiming, “for vote bank politics, they want to keep lakhs of infiltrators in the voter list and are opposing the ongoing SIR of the electoral rolls in Bihar.”

On July 23, Hindutva channel Sudarshan News repeated the claim that the opposition is rattled because their vote bank “thrives on fake identities and infiltrators.”

On July 25, BJP MP Jagannath Sarkar alleged that “Rohingya Muslims from Bangladesh have learned Bengali and changed their names to obtain Aadhaar and voter cards” in India.

This political leveraging of the SIR to attack the opposition and reinforce the ‘infiltrator’ narrative has also spread to neighbouring states. West Bengal is a key ideological battleground, where Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee has publicly accused BJP-ruled states of using deportations to harass Bengali-speaking Indians.

On July 25, West Bengal BJP President Samik Bhattacharya called for the implementation of the SIR, warning that failing to do so could result in the state becoming “West Bangladesh.”

On July 31, BJP leader and the Leader of Opposition in the West Bengal Assembly, Suvendu Adhikari, vowed that not a single Rohingya or Bangladeshi intruder would stay in Bengal if BJP comes to power. “First, these Rohingyas and Bangladeshi Muslim intruders should be deleted from the voter list. Then they should be expelled from the country, the way the Haryana government and other governments are doing. Not a single Bangladeshi Muslim intruder or Rohingya will stay here. This is our commitment,” he said

The much-publicised draft of electoral rolls was released by the Election Commission on August 1, after the first phase of the SIR was completed. Contrary to the widespread claims, not a single voter’s name was deleted on the ground of alleged infiltrators from Bangladesh, Nepal, or Myanmar. However, the propaganda continued unabated.

On August 2, Union Minister Rajiv Ranjan Singh dismissed claims of harassment of Bengali-speaking migrants in BJP-ruled states. He reasserted that the verification process is also part of efforts to identify Bangladeshi infiltrators who may be living illegally in India using fake documents such as Aadhaar cards.

On August 8, Union Home Minister Amit Shah backed the Bihar SIR, declaring “Names of infiltrators must be removed from the voters’ lists. They have no right to vote.” He further attacked the opposition, saying “Lalu Prasad, Tejashwi Prasad and Rahul Gandhi should answer who they want to save — those from Bangladesh who devour jobs of the people of Bihar? Bihar people will never accept infiltrators who Rahul Gandhi and Tejashwi want to use as vote bank.”

On August 24, BJP national secretary and IT cell head Amit Malviya said that Aadhar card cannot be used as a valid document for citizenship. “The truth is simple: SIR is intact, Aadhaar alone cannot get you enrolled; dead, fake, Bangladeshi and Rohingya names will be removed and only Indian citizens will elect the next government – not foreigners,” he said.

On August 25, Union Minister and BJP MP Giriraj Singh, speaking at an NDA alliance meeting in Purnia, referred to alleged Bangladeshi immigrants as “demons,” asked attendees if they should be killed, and urged them to buy only from Hindu vendors, eat only jhatka meat, and avoid halal.” Singh denounced statements by a former-UPA official alleging that they “aimed at carrying out a Ghazwa-e-Hind.”

On September 15, speaking at an election rally in Purnia, Modi launched a sharp attack on Congress and RJD, accusing them of supporting illegal infiltrators for vote-bank politics. “Congress and RJD have not only threatened the honour of Bihar but also the identity of Bihar,” he said. “Today, a huge demographic crisis has arisen due to infiltrators in Seemanchal and Eastern India. People of Bihar, Bengal, Assam and many states are worried about the safety of their sisters and daughters. That is why I have announced the Demography Mission from the Red Fort.”

On September 16, BJP national spokesperson Rohan Gupta supported the Prime Minister’s stance, repeating that infiltrators are a “serious threat to national security.” Speaking at Ahmedabad, Gupta claimed, “Aadhaar card registration in Seemanchal has reached 108 percent and even 110 percent. This means there are more Aadhaar cards than people. This is a warning signal. This is not just data manipulation, but a direct threat to our internal security.” Gupta said that infiltrators weaken the demographic structure, strain resources, and create law and order problems.

On September 18, Amit Shah asserted that SIR) would remove “impurities” from voters’ list in Bihar. Speaking at back-to-back workers’ conclaves at Dehri-on-Sone and Begusarai, which were attended by party activists from 20 of the state’s 38 districts, Shah called upon party workers to “visit every house in the state and spread the message that all districts of Bihar will be left teeming with infiltrators from Bangladesh if they (Congress, RJD and Left combine) came to power, even by fluke.”

Also on September 18, Giriraj Singh alleged that mosques in Bihar are sheltering infiltrators from Bangladesh to boost the Muslim vote-bank. Speaking in Patna, he claimed that around 25 lakh votes were removed in Begusarai and accused RJD leader Tejashwi Yadav and Congress MP Rahul Gandhi of protecting infiltrators through their yatras. Giriraj Singh compared the situation to Bengal, saying Hindus have become a minority in many districts.

The chief target of the SIR campaign has been the Seemanchal belt in northeast Bihar. This region, flanked by Nepal and West Bengal, comprises the four districts of Purnia, Katihar, Araria, and Kishanganj, where the Muslim population is far higher than the rest of the state. Various ‘sources’ in the Election Commission have claimed that the real aim of this voter-list revision is to flush out Bangladeshi infiltrators in Seemanchal.^[4]

After the first phase of the revision, not a single ‘infiltrator’ was identified in Seemchal. However, the exercise did strike off a total of 65 lakh voters, with 7.6 lakh from Seemchal, on other grounds. The majority are workers from Patna, East Champaran and Madhubani. This data strongly suggests that the SIR is not a purge of infiltrators, but a calculated political ploy that disproportionately targets migrant labourers—many of them Bengali-speaking Muslims—who are away from home and unable to verify their enrolment.

The entire operation, from political mudslinging by Modi and Shah, to hate speeches by Giriraj Singh, to the Election Commission’s SIR, serve a cohesive political and ideological purpose. By relentlessly branding Muslims as “infiltrators” and creating a “demographic crisis” bogeyman, the campaign simultaneously attempts to suppress the minority vote while galvanizing the majority Hindu vote. This consolidation is essential in the Hindu Rashtra framework, the administrative process of voter deletion is transformed into a performative act of “purifying” the nation, cementing the idea that the only legitimate citizen is one who fits the dominant religious and cultural identity.

Propaganda Tropes and their Ideological Underpinnings

The ‘Bangladeshi infiltrator’ bogeyman and the hateful rhetoric that accompanies it is not haphazard, but a meticulously constructed architecture of exclusion that serves political, patriarchal, and ideological goals.

Hindutva is a political project of nation-building which conceptualises Bharat as the land of the Hindus, and a Hindu as one for whom Hindustan is not only a Pitribhu (Fatherland) but also a Punyabhu (Holyland). Followers of Islam and Christianity, whose holy sites lie outside India, are perpetual ideological outsiders – infiltrators. This ideological denial of a community’s sacred belonging is then translated into a territorial mandate. By delegitimising their citizenship, the propaganda cements Muslims as an internal enemy whose very presence undermines the nation’s integrity. The call to expel “ghuspaithiye” is thus presented as a necessary act of national purification.

On Independence Day, members of Antarashtriya Hindu Parishad and Rashtriya Bajrang Dal held a slogan march in Balrampur, Uttar Pradesh, demanding an “Akhand Bharat” and calling to drive out “Bangladeshi ghuspaithiya” (infiltrators). A few days before, on August 11, AHP-Rashtriya Bajrang Dal members held a procession in Haldwani, Uttarakhand, chanting slogans demanding the eviction of those they alleged to be Bangladeshi ghuspaithiya (infiltrators).

As we can already see, the ideological architecture is built upon specific, repeated propaganda tropes.

Trope 1: Demographic Supremacy: “Population Jihad” and the Great Replacement Bogey

This trope is designed to create a manufactured sense of existential threat and economic scarcity among the Hindu majority. For years, Hindu nationalists have mobilized anti-Muslim sentiments around an imagined threat of “population jihad,” which rooted in the unsubstantiated claim that Muslims will take over India’s population by intentionally producing more children than Hindus. This argument about demographic change is now being made by invoking the “Bangladeshi infiltrator” bogey.

On August 22, AHP–Rashtriya Bajrang Dal staged a protest in Garoth, Mandsaur, Madhya Pradesh and submitted a memorandum to the SDM, targeting Muslims, fear-mongering over their population, and demanding population control laws and action against alleged Bangladeshi and Rohingya “ghuspaiths” (infiltrators).

On July 31, AHP-Rashtriya Bajrang Dal staged a protest in Aonla, Bareilly, Uttar Pradesh, demanding a population control law, alleging that the country’s population growth is driven by the infiltration of Bangladeshi Muslims. They called for the eviction of those they termed as infiltrators and urged measures to curb the Muslim population.

The ‘infiltrator’ narrative, therefore, feeds on and reinforces a fear of demographic change in India based on bogus claims of “explosive population growth” among Muslims, which will lead to Muslim domination and the eradication of Hindus. The coordinated demand for discriminatory population control laws translates abstract demographic anxiety into concrete political policy.

This demographic fear is immediately weaponized by political leaders to invoke economic scarcity, recasting systemic socio-economic failures as the direct fault of the minority community.

On August 25, at a Varaha Jayanti celebration organised by Vishwa Hindu Kranti Sanghatan in Navi Mumbai, BJP MLA Nitesh Rane fearmongered about alleged Rohingya and Bangladeshi “infiltrators” taking jobs and casting votes to make non-Hindu candidates win. He spread anti-Muslim conspiracy theories of “love jihad” and “land jihad”, declaring, “We are not goltopis or dadiwallas; we are Hindus!”

Hindu far-right leaders like Nitish Rane frequently demonized Indian Muslims as parasitic and thieving, alleging that they were either wrongfully granted resources that rightfully belonged to Hindus or were stealing Hindu wealth through acts of aggression. This narrative manufactures an artificial fear of resource scarcity amongst the local population, creating fear and panic among marginalized groups that are the most reliant on social services (e.g., subsidized ration, public healthcare) and most prone to unemployment. The lie that “infiltrators” are illegally obtaining identification documents and claiming indigenous land makes the constitutional rights of Indian Muslims seem like an act of aggression against the majority.

Trope 2: “Love Jihad” and Conversion Hysteria

“Love Jihad” is a fear manifested from Brahmanical Patriarchy. The trope defines Hindu women as naive, unintelligent, or brainwashed, justifying the constant surveillance and control of their bodies and choices by Hindu men. Simultaneously, it portrays the Muslim man as inherently lustful and predatory, whose interest in a Hindu woman is never based on consent or genuine affection, but is part of a wider, organized, terrorist plot to convert and co-opt the “vessel of the Hindu Rashtra” – the body of upper-case women.

On August 15, at a government school in Budwa, Shahdol, Madhya Pradesh, BJP leader Durgesh Tiwari peddled all three components of the trope: anti-Muslim conspiracy theories of “love jihad,” the economic threat of Bangladeshi/Pakistani “ghuspaithiye” (infiltrators), and the claim that Muslims and Christian missionaries were carrying out religious conversions.

On August 20, at the Vishva Hindu Parishad (VHP) Foundation Day celebration at PGDAV College, Lajpat Nagar, Delhi Cabinet Minister Kapil Mishra spread fear over alleged demographic change and claimed that Rohingya and Bangladeshi “ghuspaith” (infiltrators) have been settled in several states. He also peddled the anti-Muslim “love jihad” conspiracy theory and stoked fears of religious conversion.

“Love Jihad” is the gendered face of the wider conversion hysteria, leveraging sexual anxiety to reinforce the political demand for national purity, Hindu patriarchy, and Muslim exclusion.

Trope 3: Othering & Dehumanisation: Sanctioning Violence and Eliminating Dissent

Dehumanisation is the ultimate rhetorical tool in the architecture of exclusion. Its primary goal is to strip the targeted community— Bengali-origin Muslims and anyone who speaks up for them—of their human status, moral consideration, and constitutional rights.

On September 8, speaking at a yoga programme in Dagarpur village, Baghpat, Uttar Pradesh MLA Nandkishore Gurjar (BJP) claimed, “Swines and Bangladeshi Rohingyas are being settled here, and they will ruin the country. I am fighting with them every day.”

On August 25, at an Akhand Aryavarta Arya Mahasabha event in Lucknow, speaker Mahadev Baba claimed that Bangladeshis and Rohingyas are cannibalistic and “eat human flesh,” alleging they are obtaining Aadhaar cards in India. He targeted Muslims with slogans like “We two, our forty, everyone with an AK-47 in hand” and “We two, our seventy, everyone with bricks and stones in hand,” and questioned who would protect Hindu women from them.

Again, we see how framing the minority as a savage, inhumane threat to Hindu women – the honour of the Hindu community – sanctions aggressive pre-emptive action against Muslim men.

On August 26, the Association for Protection of Civil Rights (APCR) and Karwan-e-Mohabbat jointly convened a public tribunal titled ‘People’s Tribunal on Assam: Evictions, Detentions and the Right to Belong’ at the Constitution Club of India. The event was disrupted by a mob with aggressive and communal sloganeering, including “Desh ke Gaddaro ko / Goli maaro saalo ko” (Shoot the ones who are traitors to the nation).

This report demonstrates how civil society’s attempt to address state-led human rights violations is immediately and aggressively characterized as anti-national activity, thus suppressing democratic dissent in favour of authoritarian majoritarianism.

The Final Test: Invalidation of Constitutional Citizenship

The repeated political rhetoric of the ‘Bangladeshi infiltrator’ ensures that the public consciousness is primed to view Bengali-speaking Muslims as illegal aliens, predatory savages, inhuman – in other words, immediate and acceptable targets for attack.

Reports from Odisha in August 2025 demonstrate the immediate and brutal translation of high-level political hate speech into on-ground action, as Bengali-speaking Muslim migrant workers faced targeted violence in Sambalpur, Keonjhar, Jagatsinghpur, Kendrapara and Bhadrak districts.

Journalists reported that BJP leaders roughed up and handed over 34 Bengali-speaking Muslim migrant workers engaged in the construction sector to the police. The police later released them after verifying that they were from West Bengal, not Bangladesh.

27-year old Noorul Sheikh, a hawker from Chunakhali village (West Bengal), was attacked, beaten and injured by a group of people with saffron flags. “I failed to convince them that I am from West Bengal, not Bangladesh, despite providing my Aadhar card and other residential documents. They dismissed them as fake and were adamant about targeting us for being Bengali-speaking Muslims,” he reported to TwoCircles.

A mason recounted that Bengali-speaking Muslims were made easy targets by individuals carrying saffron flags and loudly chanting “Jai Shri Ram.” “They used vulgar language against Muslims and our religion, Islam, abused us, threatened us to go back to Bangladesh, and attacked and beat some of us despite us showing our Aadhar and Voter ID cards upon request. With folded hands, we repeatedly told them that we are Indian residents of Murshidabad and not Bangladeshi Muslims, but they refused to accept it.”

The pattern of profiling and violence is replicated by state actors across India. On September 8, 18 migrant hawkers from West Bengal were detained for five days by police in Uttar Pradesh’s Basti district after allegedly being labelled as illegal Bangladeshi immigrants. The workers, all residents of Murshidabad district, claimed that they were detained despite possessing valid Aadhaar and voter ID cards. Police first detained four or five of the migrants. Their landlord then told the remaining workers to go to the Nagar police station with their identity documents for verification.

The ‘infiltrator’ rhetoric therefore provides ideological cover for state-aligned political groups to conduct arbitrary violence and detention against Indian citizens, based solely on their linguistic identity and religious affiliation. Citizenship, the rule of law, and documentation are all rendered invalid in the face of majoritarian fervour.

The Complete Circuit: Ideology to State-Policy

The incidents recorded during the last few months demonstrate that the systematic targeting of Bengali-origin Muslims as “Bangladeshis” or “ghuspaithiye” (infiltrators) is a targeted campaign of communal nation-building: Indian citizenship is defined not by constitutional rights but by religious identity, aligning with the exclusionary tenets of Hindutva.

The data shows that the hate campaign leverages pre-existing ethnic and communal tensions for electoral gain. The ideological arrow is pushed from the top down: originating from elected ministers like Kapil Mishra and Nitesh Rane, amplified by party subsidiaries (AHP, VHP, Rashtriya Bajrang Dal) and media, and enacted by state police and vigilante mobs.

The rhetorical architecture, encompassing Population Jihad, Love Jihad, and Dehumanisation, converges on the citizen question. By denying the community their Pitribhumi and Punyabhumi, the campaign strips them of the fundamental premise of rights, from which all other civil and democratic rights arise.

The constant, coordinated nature of the campaign, from rallies organized solely for hate speech to the relentless electronic media bombardments, is designed to normalize the narrative. These regurgitated narratives aim to rewrite truth and history through continuous repetition. By the time complaints or judicial processes are put into action, the damage is already done through physical violence, economic deprivation, or deportation.

To dismantle this architecture of exclusion and uphold the constitutional mandate of India, immediate and coordinated action is required from all branches of the state and civil society.

1. Halt Displacement and Ensure Due Process: The state authorities in Assam and other states must immediately halt all eviction and demolition drives targeting Bengali-origin Muslim communities. Due process and rehabilitation for all those evicted must be ensured.
2. Hold State Actors Accountable: State officials, political leaders, and vigilante groups who incite hate or enable communal violence must be held accountable through effective prosecution.
3. The National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) should launch a fact-finding mission into human rights violations related to demolitions, hate speech, and displacement.
4. Indian courts should take suo moto cognizance of mass evictions and hate mobilizations to ensure the safety and security of minorities.
5. The Supreme Court’s guidelines on hate speech must be strictly enforced. Concrete steps must be taken to ensure that police stations are not left alone; handbooks detailing these guidelines should be printed in regional languages and provided to all police personnel for education and immediate reference.

(The legal research team of CJP consists of lawyers and interns; this legal resource has been worked on by Raaz)

Footnotes:

^[1] India Hate Lab, ‘Hate Speech Events in India – Report 2024’ (February 6, 2025)

^[2] India Hate Lab, ‘Data Reveals Rising Hate and Violence Against Bengali-Origin Muslims in Assam’ (July 31, 2025)

^[3] Kazi Sharowar Hussain, ‘’You’re Bangladeshi’: ‘Nationalist’ Groups Target Miya Muslims, Give Ultimatum to Leave Upper Assam’ (The Wire, August 14, 2025)

^[4] Yogendra Yadav, ‘Bihar SIR: 789 pages, 1 B.I.G. lie, 0 foreigners’ (National Herald, August 2, 2025)

Related:

1. A Targeted Campaign: The orchestrated crackdown on Bengali Migrants and the rising pushback from courts, Bengal government, and civil society
2. India’s Stealthy Pushback: Thousands of alleged “Bangladeshi immigrants” deported without due process across states

The post How the Hindutva propaganda machine turns citizens into ‘infiltrators’ appeared first on SabrangIndia.

1. Student of IIM Calcutta arrested for allegedly raping a woman on campus: The survivor said that she had been sexually assaulted by the accused while she was unconscious.”
2. Drugged, filmed, threatened: Lucknow mall supervisor arrested for raping, assaulting 20-year-old
3. Days after horrific murder, woman assaulted on suspicion of practising black magic in Bihar’s Purnea
4. Harassed over dowry, Kerala woman kills infant daughter, then self
5. Radhika Yadav’s Murder: Psychology Of Pride, Patriarchy, And Prejudice. Parents may expect success and obedience from their children by projecting their own goals or fears onto them.
6. She Set Herself on Fire to Be Heard: Odisha student’s death is a wake-up call

• Girl set on fire by miscreants in Odisha airlifted to AIIMS Delhi for advanced treatment

7. Odisha: Congress student wing chief Udit Pradhan arrested in connection with alleged Bhubaneshwar rape case

These headlines, together, barely scratch the number of incidences of sexual violence against women in India, or the larger issue of gender-based violence in the country. However, what they are representative of is very important. According to the World Population Review’s Women Danger Index, India ranks 9th in the list of countries that are the most unsafe for female solo travellers.

Looking beyond the headlines, CJP’s analysis of the data from the National Crime Records Bureau’s Crimes in India 2022 report reveal that the states of Uttar Pradesh, Maharashtra and Rajasthan have the highest number of incidences of crimes committed against women, with West Bengal and Madhya Pradesh not far behind.

Indian “culture” and its various segmentations have different sets of beliefs regarding women, but one thing it is inextricably linked to is patriarchy – and its various manifestations through different forms of violence. In this report, we analyse gender-based violence women and a few other gender minorities in India, gauging them into a timeline of what can be called a post-2020 one, through an intersectional lens that factors in caste, class and religion – and keeps in mind the structural and systemic inequities and inequalities that exist in contemporary Indian society.

In this report, we use data from CJP’s own database, and also data from multiple reliable think-tanks, non-governmental organisations, news outlets, legal filings and academic publications. We also take into account cross-verified posts from social media accounts that specialise in hate-watching, reporting on Dalit and Adivasi issues, etc. The data from the National Crime Records Bureau’s own publications has also been used for contextualization.

We have attempted to classify this data on the basis of geography, types of violence, and looked into institutional response: from law enforcement and respective state governments’ attitudes to caste-based violence. The report endeavours to be grounded in intersectionality, taking into account the changing metrics of class and gender, which quite obviously come into play while discussing caste.

Understanding Gender Based Violence

The UN Declaration on the Elimination of Violence against Women defines Gender Based Violence (GBV) as “any act of gender-based violence that results in, or is likely to result in, physical, sexual or psychological harm or suffering to women, including threats of such acts, coercion or arbitrary deprivation of liberty, whether occurring in public or in private life.” While the acronyms GBV and VAW (Violence Against Women) have been historically used as interchangeable terms post the former entered popular vocabulary in the 1990s, in current discourse GBV spans beyond the male-female binary of violence typology, and extends to multiple gender presentations and sexual identities, thus widening its working scope. The Council of Europe states, “Gender-based violence is based on an imbalance of power and is carried out with the intention to humiliate and make a person or group of people feel inferior and/ or subordinate. This type of violence is deeply rooted in the social and cultural structures, norms and values that govern society, and is often perpetuated by a culture of denial and silence. Gender-based violence can happen in both the private and public spheres and it affects women disproportionately.

Gender-based violence can be sexual, physical, verbal, psychological (emotional), or socio-economic and it can take many forms, from verbal violence and hate speech on the Internet, to rape or murder. It can be perpetrated by anyone: a current or former spouse/partner, a family member, a colleague from work, schoolmates, friends, an unknown person, or people who act on behalf of cultural, religious, state, or intra-state institutions. Gender-based violence, as with any type of violence, is an issue involving relations of power. It is based on a feeling of superiority, and an intention to assert that superiority in the family, at school, at work, in the community or in society as a whole … there is more to gender than being male or female: someone may be born with female sexual characteristics but identify as male, or as male and female at the same time, or sometimes as neither male nor female. LGBT+ people (lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and other people who do not fit the heterosexual norm or traditional gender binary categories) also suffer from violence which is based on their factual or perceived sexual orientation, and/or gender identity. For that reason, violence against such people falls within the scope of gender-based violence.”

These forms of violence vary across countries and cultures, and manifest in different formulations of perpetuating various degrees of hurt at women and other gender minorities.

Gender Based Violence on Women

GBV against women is systemic and structural. Chitra Lakhera writes, “When we frame violence systemically, it is freed from the liberal as well as radical assumptions of male dominance. It places emphasis on the observation of the system from within so that “actions” and not “actors” take precedence. While it does begin with a set of dichotomous variables—like men and women, violator and violated— but in its analysis, it discards such positions and only analyses communicational patterns that bring about peculiar forms of organizations. Luhmann [12] argues that social systems are essentially organized through communicational acts, which are also ultimately affected by psychological interpretations. Thus, the cultural codes and their psychological interpretations interact to produce a distinct social form of communication that, over time, formulate and sustain specific meanings and realities associated with women. Once internalized social systems built a self-destructive pattern within themselves, and they can no longer recognize injustice, inequality and violence as undesirable. A systems approach therefore re-reads the problem by unravelling the conscious and unconscious forces of aggression that produced historically through an interaction of social codes and psychological attributions.” In India, violence against women has been normalized to an observable form of a “natural precondition”, where the increasing figures of incidences reported do not raise alarm, but short-lived shock at best. This could be connected to Bourdieu’s conception of the “paradox of doxa” – which “refers to the puzzling observation that people often accept and even perpetuate social structures that disadvantage them, a phenomenon he termed “symbolic violence”. This paradox arises because doxa, the deeply ingrained, taken-for-granted beliefs and values of a society, are so normalized that they appear natural and inevitable, even when they contribute to social inequality.”

These forms of violence invent and reinvent themselves in more insidious styles, with the advancement of time – keeping at par with feminist progress, thus actively existing as a force of dismantlement, parallel to advancement of any sort – consistently undoing, if not essentially returning things to the original state. This violence, obviously, does not exist as a vacuum, assuming women as a uniform class that face the same degree of it across society. Caste, class and religious dynamics heavily influence the nature and the intensity of violence borne by women (and individuals, in general). Simantini Mukhopadhyay and Trisha Chanda explain that the failure to recognize intra-group differences would be detrimental in the context of violence against women since the experience of violence is often shaped by the simultaneous and complex interactions of the other identities of women, namely class and race, – as Crenshaw (1991) argued. Feminist writing in India has likewise argued that gender needs to be considered at its intersection with class and caste (a stratification unique to India) to understand how the control of female sexuality relates to the organization of production, sanctioned and legitimized by certain ideologies.

Typology

 Besides structural violence, in which there is no singular perpetrator-victim dichotomy but the existence of something larger, social and systemic – The World Report on Violence and Health, (WRVH 2002), presents a typology of violence that, while not uniformly accepted, can be a useful way to understand the contexts in which violence occurs and the interactions between types of violence. This typology distinguishes four modes in which violence may be inflicted: physical; sexual; psychological attack; and deprivation. It further divides the general definition of violence into three sub-types by using the victim-perpetrator relationship framework as required. These include

• Self-directed violence in which the perpetrator and the victim are the same individual and are subdivided into self-abuse and suicide.
• Interpersonal violence, between individuals, is subdivided into family and intimate partner violence and community violence. The first category includes child maltreatment; intimate partner violence; and elder abuse, while the second is broken down into acquaintance and stranger violence and includes youth violence; assault by strangers; violence related to property crimes; and violence in workplaces and other institutions.
• Collective violence refers to violence committed by larger groups of individuals and can be subdivided into social, political and economic violence (WRVH 2002: 6)

We can see this categorisation seep and structure itself into the categories of violence that we talk about further into the report.

We begin our typological analysis by looking at the last released intensive report by the National Crimes Record Bureau (NCRB): Crimes in India 2022. The data from the National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB) reveals that the rate of crimes against women in India (calculated as crimes per 100,000 of the women population) increased by 12.9% between 2018 and 2022. In India, the reported crimes against women per 100,000 women population is 66.4 in 2022, in comparison with 58.8 in 2018. This increase could be owed to a bevy of different factors, as Bushra Ansari and Sowmya Rajaram write, “including an increase in actual crimes, an improvement in reporting mechanisms, and a growing willingness of women to speak out about their experiences of violence.”

According to the NCRB, there were 445,256 incidents of reports of violence on women in India – inclusive of crimes categorized under the IPC (Indian Penal Code) and SLL (Special and Local Laws). Of these, the categories with the highest incidences were as follows:

1. Cruelty by Husband or his relatives (Sec. 498 A IPC, section 85 of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita): 140019 incidences, 144593 victims
2. Kidnapping & Abduction of Women (Total): 85310 incidences, 88273 victims
3. Assault on Women with Intent to Outrage her Modesty (Sec. 354 IPC, Section 74 of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita): 83344 incidences, 85300 victims
4. Protection of Children from Sexual Offences Act (Girl Child Victims only): 62095 incidences, 63116 victims
5. Rape (Total):  31516 incidences, 31982 victims

The following is a categorical breakdown of the shares of the different kinds of violence enacted upon women in the year 2022 – represented visually.

Kinds of Violence vs Number of Incidences – pictured.

According to the 2022 data, Cruelty by Husband or His Relatives is the crime with the highest number of incidences – and it comes under the banner of IPV (Inter Personal Violence) – and also its subcategory, intimate partner violence.

Giri and Parveen report in Intimate partner violence in India: Patterns, causes and way forward, that about 31.4% of Indian women between the ages of 18 and 49 report having at least once experienced domestic abuse, according to the National Family Health Survey (NFHS-5), which was performed between 2019 and 21. This rate is lower than the statistics from NFHS-3 but slightly higher than the results of the previous survey (NFHS-4), which was conducted in 2015–16. The below graph shows the percentage of women who have experienced spousal violence at least once since the age of 15, according to the NFHS Report.

Based on data from the NFHS-5 report, the graph shows the proportion of women who have at least once experienced domestic abuse since they were 15 years old. The average percentage of spousal violence nationwide is 32%. It is important to note that intimate partner violence and domestic violence in India are conflatable categories, and domestic violence manifests in a number of different strategies that are used to corner the victim in households where the woman is married. This includes all the four forms of violence aforementioned: physical, psychological, sexual and deprivation.  The NCW (National Commission of Women), by May, had recorded 7698 complaints from women across the country, with domestic abuse topping the list by category. The Hindu reported, “The total comprised 367 cases in January, 390 in February, 513 in March, 322 in April, and two in May. The category alone accounted for nearly 20 per cent of all complaints, according to official data.

Closely following were complaints of criminal intimidation, which saw 989 cases over the three months – 268 in January, 260 in February, 288 in March, 170 in April, and three in May. Assault was the third most commonly reported issue, with 950 complaints — 249 in January, 239 in February, and 278 in March, 183 in April and one in May.”  Scholars have attributed this widespread prevalence of domestic violence in India – right from the very hetero-patriarchal structure that they are born into – with most parents holding men to a higher preference due to their status as “economic providers”, to their disempowerment in their adulthood which is a consequence of this setup – resulting in lower rates of literacy and financial freedom among them. Jennifer C Hughes and Shreya Bhandari refer to the use of the Duluth Power and Control Wheel. The wheel helps in understanding the different combinations of abuse tactics used by the abuser to keep control over the victim – “The diagram portrays the tactics an abusive partner uses to keep the victim in the relationship. Whereas the inside of the wheel consists of subtle, continual behaviours, like using threats and intimidation, the outer circle ring clearly states the various blatant forms of violence. The abusive acts in the outer ring (physical & sexual violence) are explicit, forceful and often intense in nature that reinforce the regular use of other subtle methods of abuse. The types of DV stated in the inner and the outer circle of the wheel are universal in nature and applicable globally (Pence & Paymar, 1993).”

The Duluth Power and Control Wheel (Source: Lived Experiences of Women Facing Domestic Violence in India, Shreya Bhandari & Jennifer C Hughes)

These tactics clearly highlight the fact that women are not safe in the confines of their own home – and almost every aspect of her emotional and social life are manipulated and weaponized against her to maintain the disequilibrium of power that exists in most marital homes for them.

A lot of the violence that comes within the ambit of domestic violence is that which is related to dowry negotiations. It is suggested that traditionally, dowry was a voluntary marriage gift from a bride’s family to the groom at the time of marriage.  According to Mitchell and Soni, a precise chronology of the development of dowry is not available; however, the literature suggests that the dowry system was gradually institutionalised and expanded during the British period in India.

Over the course of time, however, the nature of this gift turned from a voluntary one into a compulsion for the parents of young daughters to make large payments to the grooms’ families in order for their daughters to marry. Additionally, dowries are increasingly being extorted after the time of marriage, where husbands’ families are demanding money from the wives’ families long after the time of marriage by threatening the life and physical safety of the wife. When the dowry is not paid, the husband or his family may beat, burn or murder the wife as a means of punishing her family for not paying.

Historically, dowry was recognized as streedhan within the dominant-caste Hindu tradition, a form of women’s inheritance and female property. Accordingly, a common justification for dowry is that it is a pre-mortem inheritance since women do not get any share of their fathers’ property. In the absence of any inheritance, dowry has also been argued to be a pro-women institution. Another point of view is that dowry was primarily a strategy to compensate for women’s shares of immovable property and land. Nonetheless, the contemporary dowry practice is a ‘cultural oxymoron that has no resemblance to the historical institution’, and a bride rarely has any control over her dowry. The practice of dowry was originally limited to the upper caste community of northern India, but today, dowry is practiced across regions, castes and classes.

The caste system in India is a hereditary social ordering which historically prescribed an individual’s occupation and place in society. Numerous Indian communities that traditionally practiced bride-price have since switched to dowry, contributing to the rise of dowry demands. A bride-price is when a groom or groom’s family provides a gift to the bride and her family, and both practices have historically occurred in India. In South India, the change from bride-price to dowry appears to have occurred first among the urban, educated Brahmin caste and then spread rapidly to rural areas, among the lower castes, and to Christians and Muslims.

Data available on the NCW websites state that up till December 31, 17%, or 4383 complaints were received which were related to dowry harassment, along with 292 reports of dowry deaths.

Sexual Violence on married women: In 2011, The International Men and Gender Equality Survey revealed that one in five men have forced their wives to have sex. The United Nations Population Fund Survey revealed that more than two-thirds of Indian married women between 15 and 49 years old claimed to have been beaten or forced into sex by their husbands. In another study, conducted by the Joint Women’s Programme, an NGO, New Delhi – it was found that one out of seven married women in India has been raped by her husband at least once. The International Institute of Population Sciences claimed that 26 per cent of women in Pune, 23 per cent in Bhubaneswar, and 16 per cent in Jaipur often have sex with their husbands against their will. The study found a direct link between alcoholism and sexual abuse. One-fifth of the women surveyed said their husbands were often drunk while forcing sex. (Chhibar, 2016).

It is imperative to be mentioned that marital rape in India is not criminalised. Over the last few years, the Supreme Court has heard multiple petitions challenging the very exception in Section 375 of the IPC, which continues to be held up by its so-called revamped and progressive successor Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita, states “Sexual intercourse or sexual acts by a man with his own wife, the wife not being under fifteen years of age, is not rape”. The Supreme Court Observer notes that “On October 4, 2024, the Union government filed an affidavit opposing the striking down of the marital rape exception. The 49-page affidavit is said to be the first time where the Union has opposed the removal of the exception. The affidavit stated that while the husband has no right to deprive the fundamental right of a woman, describing this violation as “rape” under the “institution of marriage can be arguably considered to be excessively harsh and therefore, disproportionate.” It stated that marital rape should be made illegal and criminalised as “a woman’s consent is not obliterated by marriage…However, the consequences of such violations within marriage differ from those outside it.” However, it relied on other provisions in the IPC and the Protection of Women from Domestic Violence Act, 2005 which are equipped to “ensure serious penal consequences for such violations”. On October 23, 2024 – the Supreme Court deferred hearings related to petitions involving the same. Earlier this year – a High Court judge, in Chhattisgarh acquitted a 40-year-old man of all charges who was convicted in 2019 by a trial court of rape and unnatural sex with his wife, who died within hours of the assault. Geeta Pandey reports for the BBC, “According to the prosecution, the incident took place on the night of December 11, 2017, when the husband, who worked as a driver, “committed unnatural sex with the victim against her will… causing her a lot of pain”.

 After he left for work, she sought help from his sister and another relative, who took her to hospital where she died a few hours later.

In her statement to the police and her dying declaration to a magistrate, the woman said she became ill “due to forceful sexual intercourse by her husband”.

A dying declaration carries weight in court and legal experts say it is generally enough for conviction, unless contradicted by other evidence.

While convicting the man in 2019, the trial court had relied heavily on her dying declaration and the post-mortem report, which stated “the cause of death was peritonitis and rectal perforation” – simply put, severe injuries to her abdomen and rectum.

Justice Vyas, however, saw matters differently – he questioned the “sanctity” of the dying statement, noted that some of the witnesses had retracted their statements and, most importantly, said that marital rape was not an offence in India.”

The Duluth Wheel’s centre is not just applicable to domestic violence – but to all forms of it. It is explicit that different forms of violence exist to enforce power and control on women – both on their bodies and their consciousnesses. Social and state infrastructures consistently employ mechanisms to ensure “obedience” in women. Women’s bodies and minds consistently become sites of violence outside their homes — in familiar spaces, in unfamiliar ones, and structurally, by impinging on their freedoms and dignities.

In Indian culture, women are assigned value in terms of a connotative form of honour that directly correlates her virginity / sexuality with the idea of the reputation of the family and the morality of the society she belongs to. This often results in honour killings, forced marriages, and in some cases – imprisonment on accusations of ‘love jihad’ inter-community or inter-caste unions, and ostracism. There have been reports that worldwide, nearly 20000 honour killings happen annually – with a third of them being from India and Pakistan. Namrata writes, “Within the ambit of a society built on honour-based social boundaries, having any sexual desires, having any kind of romantic relationship or sometimes even friendship with the opposite sex is wholly impossible. Thus, to be a “good daughter”, one has to refrain from developing romantic interests prior to marriage arranged by the family. As a result, those who transgress these social boundaries of honour have no option but to elope from their homes. Previous research has shown how couples are compelled to leave their homes due to severe parental opposition to their ‘self-arranged’ relationship/marriage and subsequent threats of violence or even killing. In addition, there is increased opposition if the couple belonged to caste, class, religion, same sex or same gotra.”

Violence in the workforce: Women in the workforce are often subjected to symbolic and physical violence – in the form of comments, verbal abuse, and “teasing”, while at the same time bearing with sexual harassment and assault. Women in the formal sectors have recently started relying on the POSH [Prevention of Sexual Harassment Act] – however rates of reporting remain incredibly low, especially in corporate spaces. Experts have also recommended to companies to start taking the implementation of this act not just to smoothen legal procedure, but also to ensure that their employees are not afraid to come forward with their allegations. In 2024 and 2025, there has been an added spotlight on workplace insecurity for women working within the formal sector – with the rape of a young female trainee doctor at the with the rape of a young female trainee doctor at the RG Kar Hospital in Kolkata, and the publication of the Hema Committee report.

Similarly, women in the informal working sector, also pretty often fall victim to the predatory actions of their employers and co-workers. With very little legal protection available to marginalised women who work in economies like this — these cases impact these women to such an extent that they are also deterred from further approaching institutional figures in fear of more exploitation. To begin with, unlike women in the formal sector, a daily wage earner or a domestic worker has no proof of employment to establish that she was at a workplace. Apart from this, according to section 9, any complaint of harassment has to be reported within three months. But as per the act, the committee is allowed to accept complaints even after this period. Social science researcher Anagha Sarpotdar found that committees do not interpret the provision to account for the marginalised condition of informal sector workers as a reason for delays in filing complaints.

— Digital Violence: The digital biosphere is one more space where women and queer people are consistently victimized — Technology Facilitated Gender Based Violence, or TFGBV — is a form of violence that has heightened over the last few years. Women often find themselves cyberstalked, harassed, abused, doxed, and even sexually violated. The advent of generative AI has made it extremely easy for abusive users to utilize publicly available photos on social media to make deepfake porn, and non-consensual nudes that they then circulate around the internet. A lot of this occurs especially to women who are outspoken on social media platforms — who are cyberstalked, harassed, and essentially “put in their place”. There has been extensive research done on manospheres across the Internet, and its growth in the Indian digital space — and its insidious connection to Brahminical patriarchy.

A report by USAID states, “Male dominance in online spaces and gendered cultural norms often make the internet inhospitable for women and girls. Just the idea of independent women making their opinions known online, regardless of the content, challenges the patriarchal social structure in India and makes them more vulnerable to violence. Because of this, research shows that female journalists, women’s rights activists, and politicians face much higher rates of online abuse compared to other women. This also contributes to women and girls self-censoring online. Women tend to only communicate to people they know online, use more private settings for communication, and are more selective about posting online—yet these actions create a barrier to being able to fully exercise their rights and freedoms in online spaces. This further perpetuates the patriarchal notion that women are unwelcome in public spaces.”

Indian Muslim Women and their trials with Gender-Based Violence

Muslim women in India face an intense form of gender-based violence that is located at the conjunction of multiple misogynies and oppressive structures. As feminist geopolitics research shows, territory-making and nation-building produce gendered victims and threats that necessitate assimilation or securitization within those borders. Gupta et. al suggest that women have been cast as victims in need of saving in many “femo-nationalist” state projects; here Muslim women are positioned as subjects to be protected by the Indian state while Muslim men are criminalized as intimate and geopolitical threats and become the targets of securitization. Muslim women’s legal claims for gender justice and equality are submerged in discourses of nationalism, religion, class, and electoral politics. The Triple Talaq judgment produces similar effects. Muslim women’s demands for marriage and divorce rights have paved the way for the state to criminalise Muslim men.

Nationalism takes a specific form in India, which was paradoxically defined in 1947 as secular through borders drawn according to religious identity. Post-independence politicians foregrounded India’s secular nature as one of its defining features, but in recent decades, this secularism has been contested. Hindu nationalism has gained force since the 1980s, portraying religious minorities in India as an existential threat. This is particularly true for the Muslim population, as partition along religious lines laid the foundation for Muslims to be understood as India’s eternal internal and external other. Under the government of Narendra Modi, systematic retrenchment of this othering has escalated in events such as the February 2020 violence against Muslims in New Delhi, which killed 52 (mostly Muslim) people. These episodes of violence targeting Muslims were in response to peaceful anti-citizenship amendment Act (CAA) protests (HRW, 2020), reaffirming the systemic violence inflicted against Muslims by the state. The Triple Talaq case reverberates and intensifies the RSS territorial notion of Akhand Bharat, i.e., an India undivided along religious lines. Akhand Bharat is a claim to territorial space that requires the exclusion of the other, with the Muslim populace being cast as such – with them being rendered into a shield of sorts, where their entire existence is flattened into deflection and villainization

In the context of a postcolonial nationalism that has relied upon representations of a Muslim other, legal cases that treat Muslim marriage and divorce practices as a problem requiring a legal solution are a means through which this minoritised religious community can be further marked as outside the boundaries of the nation-state. At the same time, through these legal cases, Muslims are selectively gendered and, through carceral logics, hailed into the state through legal subjecthood. As state actors and politicians seek to shore up the state’s ontological security, or to emphasize security threats for political purposes, they imperil the bodily safety and security of those marked as threatening others.

Gupta et. al further go on to suggest that these personal laws relegate Muslim men and women into the role of managed and manageable threat. When Muslim women are called into the state through the auspices of the law, they cannot engage in the fullness of their humanity, but are rendered as symbols and geopolitical instruments in relation to religious identity. The law is one vector through which global and national forms of paternalistic and Islamophobic discourses land upon women’s and men’s bodies. Laws can protect, safeguard, alienate, or criminalise people, places and entities. Laws that are ostensibly for the protection of Muslim women, minorities and other marginalized communities (and the discourses that surround them) can further state building and territory making. Muslims residing within the territory of India are marked as perpetual outsiders, and securitized through the creation of laws to manage their produced outsiderness. Following Perry, the law in this case situates Shah Bano within the “architecture of patriarchy,” here, a patriarchy formed in relation to the Hindu nation. This limits the horizons of possibility in terms of what kinds of justice can be obtained through legal recourse. To turn to the law, in this case, compromises the humanity of the community.

This continuous struggle with the state compounds and complicates the misogynistic attacks that Muslim women otherwise face, from their own and other communities alike. Not only do they face the culturally Indian patriarchy that looms over every female citizen in the country, they also have to constantly be wary of facing communal violence.

In 2021, many Muslim women – particularly those who had been outspoken in some shape or form in relation to feminist causes were found to be auctioned off on apps like Sulli Deals and Bulli Bai. Functionaries of the All India Muslim Personal Law Board have also been criticised for their excessively staunch stances. Amana Begam Ansari writes for the print, “AIMPLB also exhibits casteist and classist characteristic, as majority of its members come from the Ashraaf castes and upper socio-economic backgrounds. They often fail to understand or acknowledge the realities faced by ordinary Muslims, particularly those belonging to the Pasmanda community. These communities have distinct cultural differences from those in Arab countries. However, in the name of Sharia, the AIMPLB tends to prescribe laws based on their own cultural perspectives. Take this for example. Majority of Muslims do not practise polygamy and divorces are not socially acceptable. Hence, banning polygamy would make sense to protect the interests of ordinary Muslim women. However, the AIMPLB consistently opposes such measures.”

Within the Dawoodi Bohra sect of Muslims in India, there also exists a tradition of Female Genital Mutilation / Cutting (FGM/C) : in which there is a complete or partial removal of the clitoral hood because of its implied existence as an immoral piece of flesh. Currently, there are no legal protections against FGM/C.  Many scholars within the Dawoodi Bohra committee have protested against this practice, along with many pointing out that it is banned across the world in multiple Islamic countries. With the spread of dowry practices from Hindu to Muslim communities, resulting in multiple deaths across the nation.

It is to be noted that all of this violence that Muslim women are subjected to does not exist in a bubble or a vacuum. Patriarchal control over their lives has been challenged and condemned by Muslim women over decades, with them adopting different versions of feminism, be it Islamic or secular.

Violence faced by Dalit, Adivasi and Christian Women in India

Dalit women find themselves triply marginalised by gender, caste and class hierarchies in India. Out of the 200 million population of Dalits in India, 50% are women who disproportionately suffer from gender based violence and casteism. Pupul Lama writes for COFEM that the feminist research indicates that violence in the form of ‘caste privilege’ occurs due to the upper caste hegemony wherein men assume autonomy over Dalit women’s bodies and sexuality. This ideological hegemony of the caste-gender connection maintains caste boundaries and legitimizes GBV against Dalit women and girls to preserve the ‘purity of caste.’ In the Brahmanical sense, severe forms of sexual violence such as gang rape are often viewed as a weapon by the oppressor caste males to reinforce caste hierarchies and exercise power by collectively stealing the honour of Dalit women and their communities. It is also horrifying — the plight of Dalit girls who also become victims of SGBV through heinous caste-driven religious practices such as the Devadasi system, i.e., female prostitution in temples where they are forced to offer sexual services with religious sanctions. Not only are such practices rarely condemned by Hindus, they have also managed to romanticise this practice over time through various ostentatious displays of “culture”.

Between 2009 and 2019, the incidence of rape against Dalit women increased at a gruesome rate of 159%. What one also notices is that through time, Dalit victims of sexual and gender based violence and/or other crimes perpetrated by oppressor caste communities have reportage of the same neutralized, to completely invisibilise casteism and making it a solely gender issue. The judiciary and the institutional actors repeatedly fail at protecting Dalit women — IDSN had once pointed out that the conviction rate of rapes in India against Dalit women is only at a mere 2%, as opposed to the national average of 25%. The labour of Dalit women is also constantly erased — with almost 98% of those forced into manual scavenging being women.

Violence on Dalit and Christian women are intertwined in India. While savarna Christian women report on violence and patriarchal rules that affect many of them, Dalit/Adivasi Christian women, who are converts, are treated quite differently. One of the major allegations against Christians ever since the rise of the Hindutva government has been ‘conversion’. CJP recorded multiple hate crimes in the month of June, where women were attacked by Hindutva fanatics and “activists”, and they were humiliated constantly. At the same time, Dalit and Adivasi bodies of women are recognized as “more available”, when it comes to becoming subjects of harm.

Blessy Prasad writes in In India: Bearing the cross of gender, faith and tribe — that Christian Adivasi women often face trouble in their villages in the form of ostracism and harassment, and it concerns them further because they are primary caregivers within their families. Christian tribal women face severe economic marginalization, exacerbated by their tribal status and faith. Tribal economies in India rely heavily on agriculture and forest resources, where women contribute significantly but rarely hold land titles due to patriarchal customary laws. Conversion to Christianity can further restrict their access to communal resources, as village councils may deny them rights to shared land or forest produce. In Chhattisgarh, Christian tribal women often are excluded from government welfare programs, such as the Public Distribution System, due to religious discrimination by local authorities. Economic opportunities are scarce in remote tribal areas, and women face additional barriers in accessing credit or markets due to mobility restrictions and social stigma. Unlike non-Christian tribal women, who may rely on traditional networks, Christian converts often are cut off from these support systems, pushing them into precarious labour like daily wage work.

Christian tribal women have long been targets of gender based violence – during the 2007 Kandhamal riots, a huge number of them were raped and sexually assaulted. With forest areas in India becoming increasingly militarized / with government employed forces treating Adivasis like criminals in areas like Chhattisgarh and Telangana, the safety of women becomes another pressing issue to keep in mind.

Mapping Gender Based Violence on Women in India

Ansari and Rajaram further state, “The statistics in “Crime in India 2022”, the annual report by NCRB, show that a total of 13 States and Union Territories recorded crime rates higher than the national average of 66.4. Delhi topped the list at 144.4, followed by Haryana (118.7), Telangana (117), Rajasthan (115.1), Odisha (103.3), Andhra Pradesh (96.2), Andaman and Nicobar Islands (93.7), Kerala (82), Assam (81.2), Madhya Pradesh (78.8), Uttarakhand (77), Maharashtra (75.1), and West Bengal (71.8). The rate of crime in Uttar Pradesh — which contributed nearly 15 percent of the cases in India — stood at 58.6.” On an incidence count-metric, the four worst offending states would be Uttar Pradesh (65743 incidences), Rajasthan (45058), and Maharashtra (45331). Among Union Territories, quite predictably – is Delhi maintaining its spot as the region with the most number of crimes as it does when it comes to metropolitan cities.

The following are graphical representations of the same.

This choropleth map locates the incidences of violence in India on the basis of state-wise intensity.

This map shows intensity of violence with regards to cities.

As visible in the data above, the three worst offending states were Uttar Pradesh, Maharashtra, Rajasthan, West Bengal and Madhya Pradesh.

Uttar Pradesh: While Google search results would lead you to believe that Uttar Pradesh has been taking aggressive steps in making sure that violence against women stays in check, the on-ground reality has been quite different. For starters, UP’s state assembly only has 51 female MLAs out of  the 403 elected members — which only amounts to a rough 12.65%. The reigning party, BJP, in the state has had a lot of issues — with members attacking each other. The state’s Yogi Adityanath, has also stigmatised women in his speeches before.

At the same time, the Minister of State for Child Development, Nutrition and Women’s Welfare of Uttar Pradesh — Pratibha Shukla, has previously vocally stated her partiality to Brahmins, going as far as to tiff with a fellow party leader on the grounds that he was promising the people a lot. According to current National Crime Record Bureau (NCRB) data, Uttar Pradesh tops the list for crimes against women, yet the state has been hesitant to use the Nirbhaya fund, which is designated for guaranteeing the protection of women. Smriti Irani, the former Union minister for women and child development, recently informed parliament that Uttar Pradesh had used less than 4% of the funding allotted to it.^[1] Only 39.3 million of the 1,193.98 million dollars allotted to the state under which the fund has been used. Just 3.29 percent of the budgeted cash has been used. Following the violent rape and murder of a Delhi resident, the Nirbhaya Fund was revealed in the 2013 Union budget. The grant was intended to be used for initiatives that would directly improve women’s safety and security. (Meena & Kumar, 2022).

Maharashtra: Maharashtra has only 22 female MLAs, down from 24 last term – constituting only 7.6% of the total number. The state government has also not been faring well in terms of promises it made before coming to power. A Frontline report revealed that the Mahayuti government has been grasping for straws as its most successful strategic device, the Ladki Bahin Yojana – something that they had taken from MP’s style of governance – is looking to shrink. The Maharashtra Mahayuti government’s promised scheme, to grant Rs.1,500 every month to women below the poverty line, has begun to show cracks as the State faces a financial crunch in development work. Out of the 2.5 crore women registered under this scheme, the state is looking at a massive cutdown of around 15% – which is around 32-35 lakh women.

The rape case at Pune’s Swargate bus terminus has resulted in a lot of discourse surrounding the myth that Maharashtra is a “safe” state for women. The comments of the accused’s lawyer, and minister Yogesh Kadam who insisted that the victim did not ‘resist’.

In May, Nisha Nambiar had reported for The Times of India, that there exists a critical gap in Maharashtra’s emergency response system — as the integration of the women’s helpline (181l with the police helpline (112) remains incomplete even 2 years after its launch. The state government run call centre functions on only five operating systems, instead of the required 15. 15 personnel, apparently, handle the brunt of 3000+ calls every day. 

Rajasthan: Rajasthan, currently, has 21 female MLAs out of the 200 total count – barely crossing the 10% mark. On the other hand, Down To Earth reported that during the 2019 Lok Sabha elections, there were nearly 21 million women “missing” — women who were eligible to vote, but their names were excluded from lists due to the absence of voter cards or other complications. Out of these, Rajasthan was one of the top 3 offenders, which accounted for 10% of the 21 million women who were “missing”.

The security of women within the state has denigrated — as CJP, in its June report, Rajasthan recounted so many incidents of violence that it added up to a rape crisis. The Femme First Foundation reported in 2023 the state has initiated movements for the empowerment of women and girl children by introducing various schemes, focusing on education, the right to life and even financing women entrepreneurs  – ideal when . Sneha Sharon Patra writes, “Women have been moulded into living in a controlling lifestyle of multiple traditions, especially patriarchy, for so long that most get accustomed to the discrimination and accept it as natural. The dominance of certain traditions such as child marriage, dowry system, inferior treatment shown to women, sex selection, not celebrating the birth of girl-child, naming girls Mafi (Sorry), forcing them to drop out of school after primary level to assist at home while boys are expected to be educated and working are some examples of this. This develops into a conservative lifestyle for the women and restricts the voice of young girls adding to reasons for not being able to stand up for themselves.”

While now often referred to as a stereotype, Child marriage is still prevalent in Rajasthan, with 25.4% of women aged 20-24 having been married before 18, according to NFHS-5.

This is higher than the national average of 23.3%. The decline in child marriage rates has been observed, with the percentage of women married before 18 decreasing from 35.4% in 2015-16 to 25.4% in 2019-21.

West Bengal: West Bengal’s political relationship with the women residing in it is increasingly complicated. While the State Assembly has 41 female MLAs out of 294 – the state also has a Chief Minister who is female. While citizens had kept expectations of Mamata Banerjee and her party, Trinamool Congress in having a proactive approach towards handling women’s issues, the ministry has often disappointed. Post the gang-rape of a law student in Kolkata, Mahua Moitra, an MP from the state’s ruling party called out MP Kalyan Banerjee and MLA Madan Mitra for stating that women should be careful about the kind of company they keep – and not accompany those who have a “dirty mindset”. This is not a stand-alone incident, Banerjee herself has referred to the Park Street rape as an “orchestrated” event to malign her government. The state has also seen a string of high-profile cases of extreme violence against women, leading the citizens to lead consistent protest marches.

Soham Bhattacharyya and Torsa Saha write in Making of a Rape–Murder Atrocity and the Failed State of West Bengal, “The sense of irony that inspires and informs this write-up is produced by the popular portrayal of the TMC as the champion of women’s welfare in mainstream media. Economic pundits have lauded the TMC regime for its initiatives such as “Lakshmir Bhandar” (conditional cash transfers to married women), Kanyashree (cash transfer support towards female students), etc. Such schemes have been celebrated as evidence of the “progressive welfare force” at play, highlighting the support from the rural female vote bank that enables the TMC politically and socially (Bhattacharya and Chowdhury 2024). The recent reportages on rape and threat culture, however, point towards the rise of a politico-cultural mechanism that creates and sustains such a social environment, controlled largely by a network of locally operative TMC henchmen and their “franchise” (Bhattacharya 2023). If one puts together all the registered cases of crime and violence against women, it becomes evident that the figures have increased manifold. The fact that West Bengal consistently contributes to 5%–6% of total registered rapes and attempted rapes against women in India per week also highlights the failure of the mainstream media in reporting such instances of crime and atrocity.”

According to the authors, the data and discussion therefore bring to light two significant aspects. First, the two metrics of an emerging political ideology and the economic policies that sustain the socio-political system complement each other surreptitiously. The mainstream discourses around the economic welfare schemes introduced by the TMC government not only dilute the gravity of the increasing crimes against women but also serve to normalise a culture of gendered violence. Second, there seems to be no accountability for the recurrent institutional lapses that render women, especially working women from every socio-economic stratum, more and more vulnerable to the rising degrees of crime and violence in the state. These politico-economic mechanisms—as evident in the cases of Park Street, Kamduni, Sandeshkhali, R G Kar and so many other unreported ones—operate to create an atmosphere of fear and shame, enabled and controlled centrally by the informally organised wings of the TMC.

Madhya Pradesh : While Madhya Pradesh has a better share of women MLAs in their legislature, the state continues to appear in the news for the very reasons it should not. A recent report from The Indian Express notes, “A mob in Tetgama village of Purnia district assaulted and burnt alive five members of a tribal family, including three women, when the 16-year-old boy allegedly named his own mother as the witch. Three months ago, a 60-year-old indigenous woman in Rohtas suffered a similar fate. There are reports of women being strangled, and abandoned in jungles in the Khunti and East Singhbhum regions of Jharkhand because they were made scapegoats, blamed for someone’s sickness. In another recent incident in Umaria, Madhya Pradesh, on July 7, a tribal man was almost killed by physical assault by neighbours who believed he had used demonic powers to call out disease.” Witch-hunting in India, while sounding like it’s rooted in superstition, is far more complicated than that. It is an entirely gendered process of identification. While the male spiritual healers, called ojhas, are held in reverence and allowed the liberty to point out the witch – the “evil” female is blamed for poor harvests, land grabbing, and even ill-health in children. It often so happens that these women are the ones who have objected to sexual advances, hostile land takeovers, or essentially self-asserted. Madhya Pradesh, in the last few years, has emerged as a hotspot for such activity.

The state ministry is not far behind either, with MP Kailash Vijayvargiya announcing in a public meeting that he prefers girls who do not “wear skimpy clothes”. While Shivraj Singh Chouhan has earned the name “mama” for his intensive introduction of welfare schemes for women and for increasing the budget of the Women and Child Development Department from Rs 14,686 crore in the last fiscal to Rs 26,560 for the financial year 2024-2025, him and his government continue to stay silent on the fact that nearly 31,000 girls have gone missing from the state – from 2021 to 2024. Indore, reportedly, had 2384 cases of disappearances, but only 15 were registered by the police.

Delhi emerges as the city with the highest incidences of crime in the country. According to the WHO, data shows that the population of women in New Delhi was 1.5% of that of India as a whole, while crime against women was slightly higher at 5.2% (Table 4). In regard to the pattern of crime against women, it was noticed that the number of cases registered under “outrage and insult to modesty” was much higher in New Delhi (40.4%) in comparison to the country as a whole (27.8%). However, cruelty by husband and in-laws (members of husband’s family) was less common in New Delhi (20.5%) in comparison to the whole country (34.6%) (Table 5). Similarly, kidnapping and abduction cases registered were also higher in New Delhi (25.0%) in comparison to the country (18.1%). The One Stop Centers (OSCs) which were set up in Delhi post the Nirbhaya Rape Case failed completely – with The Reporter’s Collective digging up an undisclosed report from NITI Aayog, which stated that there was only 4% awareness existed among people regarding these centre’s existence. So have the 181 helplines.

This is clearly indicative of a deeper rot, where systematically, information has been hidden and configured in a way to protect the unpalatable ways the government of the city failed its women. Delhi’s status as national capital while being

Violence on LGBTQ+ People in India

The NCRB , as per the data from Trans Murder Monitoring (TMM), does not maintain specific data on crimes against trans people. a global project tracking homicide against transgender and gender-diverse persons, India recorded 102 registered murders of transgender persons between 2008 and 2021.

The NCRB report from 2021 reported that 236 Trans persons are reported victims of all crimes in India. As is apparent, these numbers are extremely low, and they are a reflection of severe underreporting of crimes, a result of inadequate documentation of the lives of trans persons — and genuine lack of initiative and interest in the lives of trans people in this country by the government. Trans, intersex, and hijra people already exist in the frays of society in India — with decisions taken on their life and living without active thought put into them.

As per a 2016 study conducted by National AIDS Control Organization (NACO), 31.5% of transwomen reported having been “forced to have sex in their first sexual encounter with a male partner. However, the legal framework under the old penal regime failed to adequately protect transwomen. In India, the landmark NALSA judgment of 2014 granted a range of rights to transgender persons under the Indian Constitution, with the right to self-identification being a primary focus.

The Transgender Persons (Protection of Rights) Act 2019, codified these rights into law.

However, the execution of the right to self-identification remains entangled in procedural difficulties such as issuing trans identity cards is hobbled by bureaucratic delays, gender biases, digital access issues, lack of sensitivity among the administrative staff, and unwarranted verification processes, rendering the lives (and deaths) of transgender individuals largely invisible in the country’s statistics. While Trans women could register their complaints under section 354A of the IPC, which has now been introduced as section 74 in the new BNS Act, without any change, for the offence of sexual harassment, the removal of section 377 leaves Trans persons with limited options for legal recourse for sodomy.

This purposeful reading out of protection for men and Trans persons is not only a failed opportunity to create a more just and equitable legal system but also reeks of misogyny in as much as there is a tacit understanding that it is only the bodies of women that need protection and that such protection need not be given to an anyone who is not a woman or a child. It also reflects a very one-dimensional understanding of the workings of gender justice.

The situation gets worse, as justice falters most profoundly in the cases of sexual assault against transgender individuals, who are mostly caught under the definitional void of men and women — considering any comprehension of non-cis identities are still treated as unnecessary and marginal in India, with the most inclusivity being available in the recognition of a “Third Gender”. Trans people were subject to different forms of sexual assault, like rape, sodomy, bestiality etc., collateralized with extortion, abuse, and violence, and often get unrecognized due to lack of proper protection and specific mentioning under the relevant statutes interwoven with various other socio-economic factors. A sampled survey shows an overwhelming eighty percent of the sample had experienced sexual assault and 37% reported repeat victimization-assault during both childhood and adulthood, a testament to their consistent vulnerability.

Abuse faced by Trans sex workers can also be worse than female sex workers. Compared to Section 376 of the Indian Penal Code, which deals with sexual abuse of a ciswoman and punishes the accused with rigorous imprisonment of at least ten years to life and a fine, the provisions under the Trans Act are starkly discriminatory and violative of the Constitutional right to equality of trans persons, thus reaffirming the near-subhuman legal treatment meted out to them.

According to the Centre for Law and Policy Research,  apart from the Trans Act, there are other laws that are used to harass and arrest trans persons in public spaces. One such example is the Telangana Eunuch Act, 1919 which borrows definitions and provisions from the repealed Criminal Tribes Act, 1871. Both Acts from colonial times, classify ‘eunuchs’ as habitual criminals, who by virtue of their birth, were seen as predisposed to committing petty offences and under Section 4 of the Act, police and state authorities are often found arresting transgender persons in cases where they are found singing or dancing or cross-dressing in public spaces. The said legislation has been stayed by the Telangana High Court in a petition challenging the constitutionality of this legislation. (Singh, 2023)

Institutional Action and Policy Changes

In India, institutional failures in addressing gender based violence is a combination of wilful ignorance, large-scale logistical failures, discriminatory policy making which is a feature of an ethnonationalist state — and large-scale corruption. The problem with the current state apparatus is that in its entire ordeal of promoting India as an “old civilization” rooted in culture, and holding mythology and scripture to apotheosized value — a lot of its machinery has refused to let in progress that is non-technological, in order to hold onto a homogenised idea of “Indian culture”, which is a combination of post capitalism and Brahminical heteropatriarchy.

Some of the Key Areas of Institutional Failure are as follows:

Law Enforcement:

Underreporting: Many GBV cases, particularly domestic violence and sexual assault, go unreported due to fear of stigma, lack of trust in law enforcement, and inadequate support systems. This is further exacerbated by ministers and government mouthpieces who further blame victims, questioning their morality.

Ineffective Investigation and Police Incompetence: Even when reported, police investigations are often delayed and inadequate. Officers often lack empathy or form any sort of respect for the survivor’s needs, leading to a lack of justice — and this failure is systemic because of administrations’ incompetence to train officers in gender sensitivity. A number of times, also, the police refuse to register cases if the perpetrator is influential — or if the victim does not fit the ideal of one.

Bias, Dog-piling, and Victim-Blaming: Law enforcement officers may exhibit biases against survivors, especially in cases of sexual assault, and may even engage in victim-blaming, therefore leading to women making the decision to avoid this added trauma altogether. The judicial process in GBV cases can be entirely too lengthy, which might span years, thus multiple people might not want to go through a process so taxing.

Even when perpetrators are convicted, sentences may be lenient, particularly in cases of domestic violence, sending a message that such violence is not taken seriously. Many judicial officers and lawyers may lack adequate training and awareness regarding GBV, leading to insensitive handling of cases and perpetuating harmful stereotypes. A lot of the time gender sensitisation is so little that judicial officers have no conception of dealing with people with histories of facing abuse.

Lack of Social Support Systems:

There is a severe shortage of safe shelters and accessible counselling services for survivors of GBV, leaving them with limited options for immediate support and long-term recovery. As aforementioned, when the governments are doing the needful, and setting up systems, they are not divesting enough money or energy in promoting these resources, thus fundamentally leaving them defunct.

Reformed Approach to Development

India needs a drastic restructuring of its policymaking practices, and ground the entire process in feminist allyship — and inclusivity, rather than using everyone as pawns to secure vote banks. Empathy should be one of the foremost devices that the state should employ, rather than a later thought.

The approach should also be rooted in the understanding that women are to be assimilated into society, and not segregated into confinements. Nilanjana Bhowmick writes, the institutional response to gender-based violence in India has mostly been to segregate women further. They want women to be confined to “safe” zones – pink carriages in the metro, pink autos, pink bus tickets, pink parks, pink toilets, separate queues. This segregation does not make public spaces any safer or more comfortable for women. This isolation of women, and invisibilization of non-cis, queer bodies enforces the belief that the public space is not a collective one, but only leased out by men out of their withdrawable benevolence.

The current figure on the NCW website for the number of complaints it has received is 13,583. When we started writing this report –a period of a month, approximately– it was in the 12,000s!

(The legal research team of CJP consists of lawyers and interns; this graphic visualisation report has been worked on by Saptaparma Samajdar)

[1] In the second term of the Modi Government, 2019-2024, Irani was appointed given the key portfolio Union Minister for Women and Child Development. Subsequently, in the cabinet re-shuffle of July 2021, Irani was again given the charge of the Ministry of Women and Child Development.

The post Reading Violence: Gender injustice in India and its dimensions appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The complainant, Ghorpade, had alleged in the complaint that this broadcast violated NBDSA’s regulatory standards, which are designed to prevent content that promotes superstition, glorifies the supernatural, or contributes to religious intolerance. At the heart of the complaint is Shastri’s self-professed supernatural abilities and his inflammatory statements regarding Hindu nationalism and other religions. The program, titled “Baba Bageshwar Exclusive Interview,” is claimed to have allowed Shastri to make statements without adequate disclaimers or counterpoints, which Ghorpade argues could mislead viewers and incite religious disharmony.

The following sections provide a detailed breakdown of the complaint, the broadcaster’s response, the complainant’s counterarguments, and the final ruling by NBDSA.

Issues raised by the complainant

Ghorpade filed the complaint on July 11, 2023, two days after the program aired, citing concerns over how the program presented Shastri’s controversial views without sufficient context or disclaimers. Specifically, Shastri claimed supernatural abilities, stating he could locate missing animals, predict elections, and discover hidden resources, such as diamonds, through mystical means. Additionally, he made bold assertions about converting India into a “Hindu nation” and used language that could be interpreted as inflammatory towards other religious groups.  Ghorpade’s grievance was that News18 India had violated NBDSA’s Code of Ethics by allowing this content, which, he argued, glorified superstition, risked misleading viewers, and potentially incited communal tension.

The complainant raised multiple concerns regarding the nature and content of the broadcast, which, he argued, contained misleading information and reflected bias. He pointed out that the broadcast painted individuals involved in a negative light without sufficient factual basis, potentially damaging their reputations. According to the complaint, the program failed to offer a balanced perspective, choosing instead to highlight certain narratives over others, which resulted in “sensationalism over factual reporting.”

The complaint cited specific examples from the broadcast that allegedly violated NBDSA’s guidelines on impartiality and objectivity. Ghorpade’s submission underscored that the broadcaster’s portrayal was not only inaccurate but was presented in a way that amplified a single viewpoint, neglecting alternative perspectives that were crucial to an unbiased understanding of the issue.

Broadcaster’s submissions

News18 India defended itself by emphasising that the interview with Shastri was live, making it challenging for the anchor to fact-check or control Shastri’s spontaneous statements. The broadcaster argued that the views expressed during the interview were solely those of Shastri and were neither endorsed nor supported by the channel. News18 India also highlighted that Shastri was a prominent figure whose activities had captured public interest, and, as such, there was legitimate news value in covering his perspectives. The channel claimed its anchor made efforts to clarify that Shastri’s claims were personal beliefs and not objective truths.

In addition to this, the broadcaster defended its editorial choices, asserting that the program had been created within the bounds of journalistic freedom and served a legitimate public interest. The broadcaster argued that its intent was to inform viewers about pertinent issues, and it claimed that the broadcast was factually accurate. Furthermore, they maintained that editorial decisions were made in accordance with standard practices, emphasising that the program was not designed to mislead or harm any party involved.

The broadcaster further cited its right to freedom of expression, insisting that its reporting provided a necessary platform for public discourse on critical issues. They claimed that their team had followed due diligence, presenting the story in a responsible manner. According to the broadcaster’s submission, the program’s approach was “consistent with the norms of ethical journalism” and in line with industry standards. 

The complainant’s rebuttal

In response, Ghorpade countered that broadcasters have a responsibility to ensure that the content aired on their platforms does not contravene ethical standards, even if made by guests. He argued that News18 India’s decision to feature Shastri—whose controversial views were widely known—without more stringent oversight, violated NBDSA guidelines. Furthermore, he contended that the program’s lack of sufficient rebuttal or critical questioning could lead viewers to accept Shastri’s supernatural claims as credible. Ghorpade requested strict action against News18 India to reinforce that broadcasters are accountable for the statements of their guests, especially when these statements are divisive or irrational.

Decision of the NBDSA

After carefully considering both the complaint and the broadcaster’s defence, the NBDSA ruled in favour of Ghorpade, finding that the broadcaster had indeed violated its standards. The authority concluded that the program “lacked a balanced approach,” a requirement that is integral to fair and responsible journalism. In the order, the NBDSA remarked that while freedom of the press is vital, it must be exercised with responsibility to avoid harm or misinformation.

The NBDSA instructed the broadcaster to issue a public apology to address the misleading aspects of the broadcast. Additionally, it directed the broadcaster to take corrective actions to prevent similar incidents in the future. “This decision,” the NBDSA stated in its order, “should serve as a reminder to all media organisations about the necessity of upholding ethical journalism standards.” The ruling made it clear that sensationalism should never replace factual reporting, and it emphasised the importance of presenting a balanced narrative.

The Authority noted that broadcasters have the editorial freedom to invite guests; however, this freedom is not without limits. NBDSA found that Shastri’s statements promoting superstition and making divisive religious claims were irresponsible and risked promoting communal disharmony. The Authority criticised the broadcaster for not issuing clear disclaimers and not challenging Mr. Shastri’s claims more rigorously.

As a result, NBDSA issued a warning to News18 India, advising against inviting guests likely to promote superstitious beliefs or socially divisive opinions. It also directed the broadcaster to remove the interview from all digital platforms and confirm this action in writing within seven days. The NBDSA stressed the importance of responsible journalism and reminded News18 India of its obligation to adhere to standards that ensure content does not mislead or promote irrational beliefs.

The NBDSA’s decision in this case underscores the vital role of media accountability and ethical reporting standards in protecting public trust. By ruling in favour of Ghorpade, the NBDSA has reaffirmed that journalistic freedom must be balanced with a commitment to integrity and impartiality. This ruling serves as a precedent, reinforcing that media organisations are responsible for avoiding sensationalism and presenting a fair, balanced view to their audiences. The NBDSA’s order not only addresses Ghorpade’s concerns but also sends a clear message to the media industry regarding the importance of upholding credibility and trust in journalism.

The complete order can be viewed here:

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The post NBDSA orders News18 India to remove broadcast promoting superstition and religious intolerance based on complaint by activist Indrajeet Ghorpade appeared first on SabrangIndia.

MP SC/ST welfare fund diverted for the welfare of cow

In Madhya Pradesh, SC/ST welfare fund diverted for the welfare of cow, museum and religious sites. According to documents reviewed by HT, of ₹252 crore meant for cow welfare (Gau Samvardhan and Pashi Samvardhan), ₹95.76 crore has been allocated from SC/ST sub-plan. The cow welfare fund has increased from about ₹90 crore last year.

For redevelopment of six religious sites, almost half of the money allocated for the current financial years is from the SC/ST sub-plan. The government in the budget presented in July announced ₹109 crore for developing Shri Devi Mahalok, Salkanpur in Sehore, Saint Shri Ravidas Mahalok, Sagar, Shri Ram Raja Mahalok Orchha, Shri Ramchandra Vanvasi-Mahalok, Chitrakut and for a memorial of former prime minister, Atal Behari Vajpayee in Gwalior

Madhya Pradesh is the second state after Karnataka to divert funds from the SC/ST sub-plan for other schemes. Karnataka decided to take ₹14,000 crore from the sub-plan for funding its welfare scheme, following which the National Commission for Scheduled Castes had issued a show cause notice to the state chief secretary seeking an explanation. The ST sub-plan was introduced in 1974 and SC sub-plan in 1979-80 to implement provisions of Article 46 of the Constitution that provides for states to care for promotion of education and economic interests of the weaker sections. Under the scheme, the Central provides 100% special assistance to states to fund their SC/ST sub-plans. As Hindustan Times reported

Dalit teen forced to drink Cow Urine in UP

In UP’s Shravati district three youth were arrested on for forcing a Dalit minor to drink cow uterine. The victim, who is barely 15 years old (technician), setting sound mixers and audio system at social cultural events. When he was on his way home after work on July 9 in night, he was accosted by the trio – Kishan Tiwari, Dilip Mishra and Satyam Tiwari, who were in an inebriated state.

The accused also misbehaved with the minor and thrashed him, and one of them shot a video of the entire incident, Said Gilaula police station SHO Mahima Nath Upadhyay.

The victim reached home and narrated the ordeal to his elder brother. Next day, his parents and brother lodged a police complaint. The accused were allegedly peeved over the boy’s family charging them extra for an audio system they had installed for a function at their house, police said.

20-Year-Old Dalit Man sets Himself on fire after assault by Employer in UP

On July 13, a 20-year-old Dalit man, Kamalkant allegedly committed suicide in UP’s Firozabad by setting himself on fire after being beaten by his employer and associates.

On July 6, Kamalkant requested an advance of Rs 60, 000 from his employer, Pramod alias Pappu, to repay a loan. Instead of helping, Pramod, along with his associates, held Kamalkant hostage and brutally thrashed him, according to Superintendent of Police (Rural) Ranvijay Singh. A case was registered against Pramod and his associates—Bhura, Bholu, Arjun, and Anuj on Thursday. Anuj was arrested on Friday, and efforts are ongoing to arrest the remaining suspects, SP Singh added.

Dalit youth beaten for social media post in Gujarat

On July 17, in Gujrat’s Ahmedabad a 24-year-old Dalit youth was beaten up by a group of upper caste men allegedly for upholding his picture on his social media handle on Instagram, wearing a traditional headgear and sunglasses. 

The incident happened in Sayebapur village in Himatnagar taluka of Sabarkantha district in north Gujrat on the intriguing night of July 17. According to the FIR filed, Ajay Parmar, who runs an auto rickshaw for living, was beaten up by four men from the Darbar community, who consider themselves Kshatriyas. Parmar has said in the FIR, which was registered on July 18, that while he was returning home in his auto, he was stopped by two people near the Navanagar bus stand. The accused allegedly started beating Parmar, objecting to Parmar’s display picture (DP) which he had uploaded on his Instagram account.

Ajay said that “they told me that only from the Darbar community can wear safa and sunglasses”.

The case against the accused has been lodged under various sections of Indian Penal Code (IPC), including 147 (rioting), 323 (voluntarily causing hurt) and 504 (intentional insult with intent to provoke breach of the peace) as well as the SC/ST Act.

This is not the first case in Gujarat where a Dalit has been beaten up for wearing sunglasses. In June 2023, a 21-year-old Dalit youth and his family were allegedly assaulted by the upper caste Rajput community members for purportedly wearing sunglasses and good clothes. The incident had taken place at Mota village in Palampur.

Several incidents of cast-based atrocities and violence have been reported across the country. Recently A Dalit minor boy brutally beaten by a school teacher. His mistake was that he refused to pluck lemons and Jamuns from the tree in the school for the teacher. The incident happened in Bareilly, Uttar Pradesh

A #Dalit minor boy brutally beaten by a school teacher. His mistake was that he refused to pluck lemons and Jamuns from the tree in the school for the teacher. The incident happened in #Bareilly district of #UttarPradesh. pic.twitter.com/ZgKnpoaKrp

— Hate Detector (@HateDetectors) July 23, 2024

However, on July 20, derogatory and hate oriented slogans such as “Chamar Quit India”, “Dalit Quit India”, “Brahmin-Bania Zindabad’, and “Hindu-RSS Zindabad” were found on the walls of Kaveri hostel in Jawahar Lal Nehru University (JNU).

In agitation various Ambedkarite students raises slogans of “Jai Bheem” in protest against the anti-Dalits Slogans.

जेएनयू में ‘चम#र भारत छोड़ो, दलित भारत छोड़ो, ब्राह्मण-बनिया ज़िंदाबाद, RSS जिंदाबाद’ लिखा गया…छात्रों ने विरोध में ‘जय भीम’ के नारे लगाए…@BAPSA_JNU @AISA_tweets @aisa_delhi pic.twitter.com/S6BqJrROnY

— The Mooknayak (@The_Mooknayak) July 21, 2024

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The post MP diverted SC/ST welfare funds for cow welfare, atrocities against Dalits reported across country appeared first on SabrangIndia.

There were 10 such incidents of cow vigilantism that took place reportedly from May 28 to June end, where these vigilante mobs attacked people transporting cattle, with three incidents in Rajasthan, in Mal Ki Dhani, Jaipur on June 2 and one took place at an unspecified location on May 28, as per Hate Detectors.

There were another three that took place in Haryana Julana, and Pachgaon, Mewat on June 15, and Faridabad on June 18. Going ahead, one was reported by Hate Detectors in Maharashtra at Nagar Patti, Dhule on June 17, and another one in Vrindavan and Unnao in Uttar Pradesh. Another such incident was also reported in Khordha, Odisha. 

This is from Pachgaon, Mewat, Haryana. (15/06/2024)

The Cow Vigilantes armed with guns raided a village and assaulted 2 Muslims men over alleged cattle slaughter and selling beef. pic.twitter.com/XoPuiCzPoi

— Mohd Shahnawaz Hussain (@Mohd_S_Hussain) June 22, 2024

Churu, Rajasthan

On June 30th, a group of around 20 cow vigilantes brutally assaulted a driver and another man with him in Sadulpur, Rajasthan’s Churu District. The victims are named Sonu Banshiram, 29, and Sundar Singh, 35. They both hailed from Haryana and were transporting lemons from Jaipur to Punjab when they were stopped by the vigilantes on the highway. A huge number of the vigilante groups reportedly began chasing the truck after they allegedly received a ‘tip off’. After they got the truck stopped, they dragged the two men out, and beat them brutally. The police have informed the media that they got to know about the incident from a video uploaded online. 

A video of the incident has surfaced which shows the mob armed with sticks mercilessly beating the victims as they lie down helpless on the ground, as per a report in the Times of India.

Bulandshahr, Uttar Pradesh

In Uttar Pradesh’s Bulandshahr, two Muslim brothers were brutally thrashed by a mob after they went to a shop to exchange an item. A video of the incident has come online. It shows the two young boys being brutally beaten mercilessly by the mob. According to report by NewsX, the police has stated that it was the victims that “started” the issue. 

In #UttarPradesh‘s #Bulandshahr, two #Muslim brothers were beaten up by mob when they went to exchange some item at shop of Santlal. The shopkeeper rejected to exchange it and the victims Faizan and Tazeem opposed. They were beaten up. The police arrested the victims. pic.twitter.com/w2ojtcrskl

— Hate Detector (@HateDetectors) July 3, 2024

Moradabad, Uttar Pradesh

In Moradabad, Uttar Pradesh, a 25-year-old doctor was brutally assaulted by a mob on June 30. The attack took place when Dr. Istekhar was returning home from his clinic and stopped to get petrol at a petrol pump when he was attacked. More attackers arrived to beat the doctor in a black car even as a passer-by tried to help. 

Dr. Istekhar has stated that he does not know the attacker’s. Around six people have been reportedly been detained after the incident, one of whom was identified as a “BJP Metropolitan President” based on a sticker on his bike, as per a report by The Observer Post. 

An FIR has been filed against Vasu, Rachit Sharma, Abhishek Chaudhary, Vipin Saini, Ranjit Thakur, Gaurav Rohila, and others. 

On June 30, Dr. Istekhar, 25, was brutally assaulted by a mob while on his way home from his clinic in Asalatpura, Moradabad. The attack occurred after he refuelled at a petrol pump near the Double Gate Bridge. The mob stopped him, verified his identity, and then subjected him to… pic.twitter.com/OoypTU7vN4

— The Observer Post (@TheObserverPost) July 4, 2024

Koderma, Jharkhand

As per journalist Meer Faisal, an Imam named Maulana Sahabuddin from Basramo Turkabad in the Barkatha area, was lynched by a mob in Koderma district on July 1st. A resident of Raghuniyadih, Sahabuddin was returning home on his bike when a mob surrounded him and accused him of hitting a woman on the road. After this accusation, they brutally beat him to death, hitting him viciously.

News has been arriving that the police is saying that this was not a case of mob lynching, but was an accident. However, the family are saying it was clearly a case of mob lynching and have named one man who is local leader Suraj Das as an accused as well. 

Khordha, Odisha

A mob arrived and forced their way into a house and seized meat from a fridge in the home on June 16. This incident had taken place only shortly after Eid al-Adha and a viral video has surfaced showing a group of cow vigilantes forcefully entering a Muslim household. The mob, chanting slogans of “Jai Shri Ram,” as they entered and raided the family’s refrigerator, seizing all the meat and the refrigerator itself on mere suspicion that it contained beef. 

Violence broke out between two communities in Balasore, Odisha, during a protest against animal slaughter on Eid ul Adha. A curfew has been imposed after ten persons were reportedly injured. pic.twitter.com/PEeznbt9RB

— Meer Faisal (@meerfaisal001) June 20, 2024

Bhirbhum, West Bengal

In Noapara, Birbhum, West Bengal, another case took place after Eid, where a Muslim man named Tufan Sekh was brutally assaulted. He was surrounded by a mob and accused of dropping meat near a Hindu temple. After this, he was attacked by the mob and was seriously injuried. As per a report in The Observer Post, he was also tied to a pole for an hour after which the local police later rescued him and got him medical treatment. 

The report also states that the Association for Protection of Civil Rights is looking in to the incident and providing legal support to Tufan and his family. Further, a FIR has been registered against unknown people by the police who have arrested around 9-10 people, though their identities have not been released yet.

A person on ground told the Observer Post, “He was riding his bike with one of our family members, and was on his way to a relative’s house to distribute the sacrificial meat, one of the meat packets must have dropped out on the road from the main bag. My brother made a U-turn to retrieve it and was immediately surrounded by local residents. They accused him of deliberately throwing it in front of the Hindu temple to hurt their sentiments. This accusation makes no sense; if it had been his intention, he wouldn’t have returned to search for the missing packet.”

Medak, Telangana

The unrest in Medak began when the management of Minhaj Ul Uloom madrasa in Medak bought cattle to sacrifice ahead of Bakr Eid and a mob came and attacked the madrasa, which left several people injured in the process. The violence also escalated when the mob also went and attacked a nearby hospital where the injured were being treated. The mob, reportedly also pelted stones. The Medak police had arrested BJP figures who reportedly played key roles in the communal violence that erupted in Medak town on June 15. Those detained included BJP Medak district president Gaddam Srinivas, BJP Medak town president M. Nayam Prasad, the BJYM president, and seven others. Medak BJP MP Raghunandan Rao also appeared in court on June 20 for the cow vigilantes allegedly involved in the violence.

Moradabad, Uttar Pradesh

In the early hours of June 12, an Imam named Maulana Akram was shot dead by unidentified people in Bhainsia village, Moradabad, Uttar Pradesh. Akram who has been a resident of Rampur district, had been supervising the Badi Masjid in the village for the past 15 years. 

Police reported that he suffered a bullet injury to his chest. Villagers mentioned that Akram had no known enemies, and after receiving the information, the police arrived at the scene and found a 312-bore pistol nearby. Superintendent of Police Akhilesh Bhadoria has told the media that they have started investigating.

Akram is survived by his wife and six children. According to sources, he was sleeping when he received a phone call at 4 am. After stepping outside, he was shot by an unknown person and died on the spot. The attacker then fled the scene.

A mosque’s imam, #MaulanaAkram, was shot dead in #UttarPradesh‘s Moradabad in the early hours of Tuesday, June 11. Unidentified miscreants called Maulana Akram outside his house at 4 AM. in the morning and shot him in the chest.

“Maulana Akram, the Imam of the #Bhensia village’s… pic.twitter.com/yZHe8AnpiG

— Hate Detector (@HateDetectors) June 11, 2024

Jagdalpur, Chhattisgarh

As per a report in Maktoob Media, on June 12, Christian families in Jagdalpur, Chhattisgarh, were reportedly attacked by a Hindutva mob. They were also given an ultimatum to denounce their religion within 10 days.

 The violent incident took place in Bade Paroda village, under Badanji Police Station. Three victims were hospitalised after the incident. 

As per the report in Maktoob Media, the lawyer of the injured has stated that all the attacks happening in the area since 2023 were aided by local police, and has also been forcing the families to flee their village.

One of the injured suffered a broken leg, according to the lawyer. Since 2023, Bade Paroda has been reportedly a tense area for violence against Christians, with Christian minorities often targeted by violence and intimidation.

Kaithal, Haryana

In Haryana’s Kaithal, a Sikh man was beaten by unknown people who also called him a Khalistani, as per a report in the Times of India. The Haryana Police have so far arrested two people in connection with the assault.

Following the incident on June 10, the Kaithal police created a five-member Special Investigation Team to investigate the incident. The arrested men have been identified as Ishu who is a resident of Singwal village in Jind, and Sunil who is from Shergarh village, according to Superintendent of Police Upasana.

The Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee, the Congress, and the Shiromani Akali Dal have all condemned the attack and demanded immediate action against the perpetrators. The police complaint states that the victim was waiting at a railway-level crossing in Kaithal when the incident took place on the evening of June 10.

Meerut, Uttar Pradesh

On June 9, Mohammed Umar Qureshi, a Muslim vendor from Meerut, Uttar Pradesh, was attacked by a mob in Bangana town, Himachal Pradesh. Members of the Bajrang Dal, Shiv Sena, and BJP reportedly beat him, stole his money, and forced him to chant Jai Shri Ram. 

Qureshi, who was working as a street vendor, told about the horrifying incident in a video that went viral on social media. He said the attackers asked for his Aadhaar card and permission letter, which he provided, but they still assaulted him despite that. After this he was taken to a closed shop, where 10-15 people continued beating him and looted his belongings.

According to Qureshi, the attack happened because he is Muslim. Furthermore, when he tried to file a complaint at the police station, the police refused to accept it. The attackers also laughed at him and confidently stated that they had the support of the state police and government.

Pune, Maharashtra

In Maharashtra’s Pune, members of the Christian community were thrashed by Bajrang Dal men over the suspicion of religious conversion. The incident reportedly took place in Chikhali village of Pune district, Maharashtra. A video of the incident has been widely circulated and can show the alleged members of the radical Hindutva outfit attacking the victims.

In #Maharashtra‘s #Pune, members of the #Christian community were thrashed by the #BajrangDal men over the suspicion of religious conversion. pic.twitter.com/blYE6TTOkq

— Hate Detector (@HateDetectors) June 13, 2024

Unnao, Uttar Pradesh

In Unnao, Uttar Pradesh, a Hindutva mob created a huge ruckus on June 7 over a container transporting buffalo meat from West Bengal to Mumbai. They were claiming it was cow meat. Following the uproar, a sample of the meat was sent to a lab for testing, which confirmed that it was indeed buffalo meat. A series of such similar mob vigilante attacks over trucks have taken place over the month. 

Raipur, Chhattisgarh

In Raipur, Chhattisgarh, two Muslim men, Chand Miya and Guddu Khan, were beaten to death reportedly by cow vigilantes on June 6 while transporting buffaloes in a truck. Their bodies were found in the Mahanadi River. A third man, Saddam Khan was also critically injured and receiving treatment in a hospital, only to succumb to his injuries a short while later. 

The incident took place when a group of youths began following it, eventually surrounding it on the Mahanadi Bridge. Reports indicate that the attackers laid spikes on the road to stop the truck, then forcefully pulled out the occupants and assaulted them. In a desperate attempt to escape, one of the victims jumped into the river.

On June 25, it was reported that one Raja Agrawal was arrested in connection with the lynching of three Muslim men. Interestingly, on Facebook, Agrawal described himself reportedly as a leader of BJP’s youth wing, BJP Yuva Morcha.

Raja Agrawal was arrested in connection with lynching of three #Muslim men in #Chhattisgarh‘s #Raipur. On Facebook, Agrawal has described himself as a leader of #BJP‘s youth wing #BJPYuvaMorcha. pic.twitter.com/A1u8KDAorU

— Hate Detector (@HateDetectors) June 25, 2024

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The post June 2024: 10 violent attacks against cattle transporters and 14 cases of communal violence in various states across India appeared first on SabrangIndia.

In the one-minute video, Paul can be seen spewing violent and abusive content against Muslims and their religion. His comments, filled with cuss words and hate speech, had caused widespread outrage. The video also quickly went viral and got concerned responses from the local community.

On Sunday, June 23, after these derogatory remarks on social media local people protested on Sunday and blocked National Highway 17 as demands were made for his arrest.

They blocked the highway in protest and demanded Paul’s arrest. The protest even got was lathi-charged. Officers resorted to lathi-charge and even fired shots to disperse the crowd. Several people, including police personnel, were injured. Some people have also been arrested.

Meanwhile, the main accused involved in the incident, Emon Paul was arrested by the Kokrajhar police. This got a welcome response from the local residents as well as officials of All BTR Minority Students Union (ABMSU).

It should be noted that in the Bagribari region, both Hindu and Muslim communities have been living in harmony for many years.

But this unexpected event has naturally made people worried. Additional police forces have been deployed in the area since the incident. It is notable that such an incident happened soon after the state’s CM’s reportedly hateful remarks against the minority community in a recent statement to the media on June 22, 2024. He called the Muslims in Assam ‘Bangladeshi’ and stated that they are only good at ‘communal activity.’ The BJP chief minister has been notorious for his vitriolic speech against minorities, and even has made statement support casteism in the past, as per reports. Recently, Sarma was also in the news for using 58 crores out of public funds to fund his air travel to and from weddings attended by him.

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Mainpuri, Uttar Pradesh

A Dalit youth in Mainpuri, while working on his own land, was attacked by a group of men. The authorities have registered a case involving assault and harassment against the Dalit community under the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, 1989. As per reports, the police is now searching for the culprits who are currently absconding. The police have filed a complaint against one Munshi Khan and his associates. 

The victim has said in his complaint that on June 9 he was working on his plot when a couple of men came and started swearing at him. When he stood up to them, they started threatening to take his life and began to beat him. 

On June 7th, it was reported that a group of Dalit women protesting against liquor shops in Uttar Pradesh’s Mainpuri were beaten by the shop owners. The women were also subjected to casteist slurs and also threats to their life. 

Lucknow, Uttar Pradesh

On June 2nd, another horrifying incident took place in Lucknow, where a man urinated on the face of a Dalit labourer while he was taking an afternoon nap. The incident was even shot on camera and uploaded online after which it quickly went viral on social media.

The victim, Rajkumar Rawat, had been resting after a day’s work when the accused allegedly urinated on his face to wake him up. Rawat’s family has written a complaint to the police, who say that the investigation in the matter has started. 

This was the third incident from June reported from Uttar Pradesh. As per statistics, UP bears 28% of the total number of crimes committed against Dalit people across all over India. In 2022, a total of 57,428 crimes were reported to have been committed against Dalits in UP alone. 

Morena, Madhya Pradesh

In Morena, Madhya Pradesh, a Dalit sarpanch was reportedly tied to a tree and beaten. After the violence, the man was forced to flee his native village. The sarpanch of Koutharkalan panchayat has reportedly filed a complaint at the Porsa police station on Thursday. He had reportedly faced harassment over the past two years. The attackers had pressured him to leave his position and hand over his digital account details. However, after he refused to follow their demands, the goons allegedly took him to the outskirts of Koutharkalan, tied him to a tree, and brutally thrashed him, according to PTI. 

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The post Hate Watch: violence against Dalits fails to get attention appeared first on SabrangIndia.

According to a report released by a Washington-based research group, India Hate Lab incidents of anti-Muslim hate speech in India have increased over the time. In 2023, they increased by 62% during the second half of 2023 compared to the first half of the year. The report also documented a total of 668 hate speech incidents targeting Muslims in 2023. Of these, 255 incidents occurred in the first half of the year, while 413 took place in the latter half. The United Nations has warned that unchecked hate speech can lead to actual violence. Yet despite that, these incidents continue across the country. 

Wanaparthy, Telangana

In a polytechnic college, a young Muslim boy was beaten by six fellow students on his way to offer his daily prayers one evening. The student, Mohammed Masum, a 19-year-old student at the college could be seen on a video posted by Hate Detectors, bleeding and heavily injured. The incident took place at the KDR Govt Polytechnic College in Wanaparthy district, Telangana on April 24.  Masum was reportedly stopped by the attackers, who included fellow students one of which was named Lokesh, who not only threw his skull cap on the ground and stomped on it and beat the young student up. 

Masum managed to attract the attention of other students by calling out for help after which his attackers ran away. He was later admitted to a hospital by the mosque’s imam for treatment. The Wanaparthy police have reportedly started an investigation into the matter and have already arrested one suspect linked to the assault. 

Vadodara, Gujarat

On April 20, late at night at around 2:15 am in Vadodara, Gujarat, Mohammed Faizan Amiruddin Shaikh, a 26-year-old street food vendor, was beaten and assaulted allegedly by police officials. As per a report, the incident unfolded after Faizan had a disagreement with the officers, leading to a violent altercation.

In response to the police’s abuse, Faizan stood in front of their PCR van, blocking its path following which a crowd began to gather. The police personnel responded by driving forward and reportedly pushed Faizan back nearly 100 feet until he fell under the van. 

Faizan is currently in critical condition and is receiving medical treatment at a private hospital. Consequently, the three policemen—Mohammad Salim, Raghuvir Bharatbhai, and driver Kishan Parmar—have been suspended from duty, and a case has been filed against them. Faizan himself has been subjected to an FIR by the police at the Sayajigunj police station. The X, previously Twitter, page of Hate Detectors uploaded a video that showed a young man grievously injured and unconscious in the hospital. 

The  Assistant Commissioner of Police A Division DJ Chavda told the Indian Express, “The personnel in the PCR van used the needed physical force and he has been injured. Faizan too attacked the police personnel on duty. We have registered two FIR’s and are probing the incident.”

Ghaziabad, Uttar Pradesh

In another distressing incident, a police official from the UP Police was allegedly caught on video violently beating a young boy clad in kurta-pajama in Uttar Pradesh’s Ghaziabad. The video footage captured a Inspector Bhanu Prakash was seen violently dragging a 14-year-old driver by his hair and subjecting him to merciless beating. 

Following public outcry over the video, the police has told the public that appropriate action would be taken against the officer. Authorities shared on X that the Assistant Commissioner of Police (ACP) for Wave City had been tasked with initiating an investigation into the matter.  Hate Detectors reported the young boy to be named Sohail. 

E-rickshaw driver Sohail was brutally manhandled by police inspector Bhanu Prakash in #UttarPradesh‘s #Ghaziabad. pic.twitter.com/q1PlOMHmIB

— Hate Detector (@HateDetectors) April 24, 2024

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The post Hate Watch: Muslim college student beaten by fellow students in Telangana appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Since the announcement of the seven-phase schedule for the Lok Sabha polls on March 16, the Model Code of Conduct has come into effect. This further rigorously puts in place avowedly strict guidelines for campaigners, parties and their candidates. As a part of the effort  to track and counter hate, Citizens for Justice and Peace has been rigorously tracking provocative and inflammatory speeches being delivered across India, especially –but not only–during election time.   

Compiled below is our HateWatch Monitor’s listicle of the instigating speeches delivered in the past fortnight, between April 8 and April 23. The hate offenders (speakers) are leaders from the far-right, including Bharatiya Janata Party leaders, who have either singled out and stigmatised the Muslim community and culture in their speeches, or used religious symbols including places of worship to garner voter support. All these individually and together violate the Representation of Peoples Act, 1951 and are defined as “corrupt practices” under this law. None have been rigorously called out or prosecuted as a compliant Election Commission of India (ECI) turns a blind eye. A common theme in these speeches were exhortations to violence against Muslims and for the destruction of Mosques, with the objective of converting India into a Hindu nation. 

1. Location: Sirohi, Rajasthan

Date: April 23

BJP leader Mahant Balaknath Yogi delivers communal speech using Muslims to attack the incumbent CM of Rajasthan, namely Ashok Gehlot. He brought in the topic of cow smuggling while defending cow vigilantism.

Speech: 

“Last time, appeasement politics took place in Rajasthan. You must remember the Jaipur incident and the way in which these people slit the throat of a Ram follower and killed him brutally. On the other hand, these people gave a compensation 50 lakhs to someone who was killed in a road accident. Who gave them [Congress party] the right to give money earned by the people of Rajasthan to others in this way?”

“So many sisters and daughters had their honours snatched. So many innocents were killed brutally. No money was given to us. While these people go on giving 50 lakhs to road accident victims of a particular community.”

“In another alleged incidents, a cow smuggler was killed in Alwar. Even when the incident took place in another state, our CM [incumbent CM Ashok Gehlot] had gone to their house to give them money. The deceased had multiple cases of cow slaughter and sow smuggling against him. They went and gave 25 lakhs to them. do you want to support such a man?”

The post can be viewed here:

2. Location: Budhwar Peth, Nashik, Maharashtra 

Date: April 22

Far-right social media influencer Harsha Thakur delivered a provocative speech against Muslims, peddling conspiracy theories and advocating call to arms. As per Hindutva Watch, the event at which the said speech was delivered had been organized by Sakal Hindu Samaj. 

“Learn how to take up arms. Anyone can wear a Burqa. If you leave your religion, not your caste but your religion, then you will be cut into 35 pieces. You will then only be found in suitcase or fridge. Read your religious texts and take up arms. Become hardcore and loyal towards you own religion.”

The post can be viewed here:

3. Location: Faridabad, Haryana

Date: April 14

Gau Raksha Dal leader Bittu Bajrangi delivered an inflammatory speech targeting Muslims of Mewat. Accusing them of being involved in crimes and cyber frauds, the speaker who is himself out on bail, peddled many anti-Muslim conspiracy theories.

The speech:

“They say that they are Mewatis (Muslim residents of Mewat). And we know that that they are Mewati as all of the terrorists, thieves and thugs are from there only. All the cyber frauds that are happening are from there only. They cannot keep themselves clean how ill they clean the surroundings.”

“This Maulana from Delhi, belonging to Jamiat-ul-Hind, has openly offered 100 acre plots of lands to those who conspire against Hindus, more to the ones that do more damage and kill more people.”

“In Mewat, 1500 cows are getting slaughtered every day, who is responsible for that?their Muslim minister call those who protect cows as goons. Those shameless Hindus who live there also hear that Muslim minister say it. Had it been someone like me, I would hold the neck of that man and throw him out.”

The post can be viewed here:

4. Location: Lucknow, Uttar Pradesh

Date: April 12

Communal speech targeting Muslims delivered was delivered by an unknown speaker at Antarrashtriya Hindu Parishad (AHP) event where anti-Muslim sentiments were spread. 

The speech:

“We need to be aware. Ask those who live in a Muslim dominated society how important awareness is. Ask those who live in Kashmir or Hyderabad. Pick up a newspaper and you will read the crimes that these Maulanas are doing. We need to be aware about our history.”

The post can be viewed here:

5. Location: Moshi, Pimpri-Chinchwad, Maharashtra

Date: April 10

Hindu Rashtra Sena Chief Dhananjay Desai, a frequent hate offender, indulges in fear mongering against Muslims.

The speech:

“Chanting of this Swami name is still going on; it was also done earlier in Sindh Punjab and Bengal. But now Bengal has become Bangladesh. Sindh Punjab has become Pakistan. And Kashmir which is our god land has become Pakistan Occupied Kashmir.”

“Here also some scheming is going on to create some horrible situation. Kashmir Files is a true incident that haunts Kashmir. The producer said that anyone who thinks this is extreme depiction of the situation should go and file lawsuits. I have made the entire film like a documentary.”

“All the mothers and sisters have come here; the devotees of Swami have come. Swami who recites are devotees. Because unless the mother is a devotee, without a good womb, without good blood, a Swami devotee cannot be born. Aren’t you a devotee of Swami, this is not just your devotion, your parents also deserve it.”

The post can be viewed here:

6. Location: Ahmedabad, Gujarat

Date: April 9

Sudarshan News Editor-in-Chief Suresh Chavhanke delivered an anti-Muslim hate speech. he used slurs, raised calls for violence and taking up of arms, and even demanded changing the name of Ahmedabad city of Gujarat. While promoting anti-Muslim conspiracy theories, he called for law for population growth of Muslims.

The speech:

“If you want to ensure that your children do not have to indulge in a blood bath in the future, we need to let play with sticks and rods today.”

“If these K***h M***e (anti-Muslim slur) have the audacity to say that they will demolish a temple eve as we have Modi as our PM, Yogi as our CM and Amit Shah as our HM, just think of what they will do in the dark times ahead.”

“Those who will limit themselves to only keeping a pen in their hands will regret it. In the future, they will have to bow down to these Muslims. It is essential that we pick arms. We need to keep arms in one hand and a pen in the other.”

“Keep in mind that even one rupee donated to a green chaddar will result in a white chaddar for you.”

“Why do we keep referring to this heritage city as Ahmedabad? Do we want to be introduced by “Ahmad?” we should start calling it as Karnavati.”

The Hindu population rate is 1.3, while the Muslim population rate is 2.9. the Hindu population is decreasing. In a few years, Hindustan will not remain Hindustan. our ancestors dedicated their lives to save this nation, but will it remain free in the coming few years? To save our nation, we need to introduce a policy on population control.”

“We need to stop this whole programme of 4 wives and 52 kids.” 

The post can be viewed here:

7. Location: Barmer, Rajasthan

Date: April 8

Religious preacher Dhirendra Krishna Shastri promoted anti-Muslim conspiracy theory of “love jihad” and forced religious conversion. He also raised calls for destruction of mosques in Kashi and Mathura.

The speech:

“I hope my Hindu brother to ensure that no Hindu converts. I would also suggest my Hindu sisters to keep their eyes and ears open, these people come wear Kalava as well. Do not trust them at all, do not get trapped into “Love-Jihad”.

“Till now, only Ram has been welcomed back. Ayodhya and Kashi are just trailers, Mathura is still yet to happen.”

“Earlier we use to say ‘Lord Ram we will come and make the temple’, and now we say to Lord Krishna that we will feed him cream there only”.

“I want to make it clear that if there is an attack on our religion, I will give a fitting response to the same. I am a Hindu and I will only talk about Hinduism.”

The post can be viewed here:

Related:

3 migrant workers burned alive in Meghalaya, CM Conrad Sangma condemns the incident

Hindutva slogans soar in Leicester, has communal hatred been exported overseas?

ECI issues notice to BJP party, and not the star campaigner himself, over alleged hate speech delivered by PM Modi, seeks response by 11 am, April 29

The post Elections 2024: The lead up to the first two phases of voting have seen far right leaders deliver anti-Muslim hate speech across India appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Tamil Nadu and Maharashtra have once again, witnessed distressing instances of caste-based violence, shedding light on the pervasive discrimination that continues to grip society. The two separate incidents of attacks on Dalit students took place this month and have brought the spotlight on caste-based violence in Tamil Nadu, India.

Karur, Tamil Nadu

A young boy and his grandmother were attacked last week in Karur. According to the police, the 14-year-old Dalit boy is alleged to have engaged in a verbal altercation with an intermediate caste boy, resulting in a brawl aboard a government school bus. The altercation took a more sinister turn the following day, as the 20 boys appeared at the Dalit boy’s residence, assaulting him and his grandmother, identified as Kaliyammal, according to the Indian Express.

These people have been charged under various sections of the Indian Penal Code, including 294 B (related to obscene acts) and 323 (pertaining to voluntarily causing hurt). Additionally, they face charges under the Prohibition of Harassment of Women Act and the Scheduled Castes/Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, reflecting the gravity of their actions.

The Dalit boy, in a police complaint, accused the group of several boys of attacking him and his grandmother. Two individuals, Ilango and Manikantan, along with two minors, were taken into police custody. Meanwhile, the Dalit boy and his grandmother, who has been his sole caretaker following the loss of both his parents, were swiftly transferred to the Karur Government Hospital for medical attention. However, the police has alleged that no attack took place.

This unsettling occurrence marks the second instance of Dalit students reportedly being targeted by students from the intermediate caste. Earlier, in Nanguneri, Tirunelveli district, another group of intermediate caste boys assaulted a Dalit boy, leaving his younger sister injured as well.

Valliyoor, Tamil Nadu 

In a separate case from the state, the Tamil Nadu Police apprehended six minor boys on Friday for their alleged involvement in an attack on a 17-year-old Dalit student. The victim, who had complained of harassment by three of the boys to the school management, was reportedly attacked with sickles. The victim’s sister also suffered injuries in the assault, according to India Today.

The victim and his sister were immediately rushed to a hospital, where they are reportedly out of danger. In response to the incident, the victim’s family staged a protest outside the hospital, urging law enforcement to take swift action against the attackers.

Tamil Nadu Chief Minister MK Stalin condemned the attack, saying “The incident in Nanguneri is shocking. This shows how deeply caste poison has permeated even amongst the young students.” The Chief Minister also offered reassurance to the victims’ mother, promising comprehensive support to ensure the continuation of their education. 

All six accused individuals belong to the Maravar community, and two of them were classmates of the victim at a school in Valliyoor. The victim had endured casteist slurs, extortion, and demeaning tasks assigned by the accused boys, compelling him to skip from school for several days. Despite assurances from his class teacher and the headmistress that the issue would be addressed, the situation escalated dramatically.

The assailants, armed with sickles, forcibly entered the victim’s residence, leading to a violent altercation during which the victim’s sister attempted to shield him. The police promptly detained the suspects and their associates. The accused minors have been charged under various sections of the Indian Penal Code, the Juvenile Justice Act, and the Scheduled Castes/Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act. 

A fact-finding study conducted on-site by Evidence, a Dalit rights organisation, concluded that the assailants had allegedly harboured intentions to cause harm. The organisation’s report stated that the attackers were armed with a sickle, with three of them reportedly using it in the assault.

Tragically, this incident is not isolated. The Deccan Herald reports that according to Kathir, the leader of the NGO ‘Evidence,’ between November 2022 and January 2023, nearly 450 cases were registered under the Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribe (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, and thus highlight the distressing prevalence of such violence.

These disturbing incidents have highlighted the urgent need for addressing caste-based violence and discrimination in Tamil Nadu. The events have also prompted conversations about the safety and security of Dalit students within the state’s educational institutions. As investigations continue, the spotlight remains on the imperative to ensure a just and inclusive society that safeguards the rights and dignity of all its citizens.

Satara, Maharashtra 

Adding to this grim narrative is the recent incident in Satara, Maharashtra, where a Dalit woman faced public humiliation and assault. Her only “crime” was daring to demand the return of money she was reportedly owed.

The woman was from Maan Taluka in Satara and had lent money to a group of individuals, but upon requesting repayment, she was subjected to a brutal attack by four assailants in Panavan village, Maan Taluka. The disturbing incident was caught on video. The attackers used sharp weapons in the assault and abused her as they beat her brutally in public view. Subsequently, the police responded by lodging a complaint, resulting in the arrest of two suspects. However, two more culprits remain at large, prompting an ongoing search by the police. The victim sustained severe injuries and is currently undergoing treatment at a hospital. The case has been registered under the SC/ST Atrocities Act, with IPC 354 also included in the charges, according to Sameer Shaikh, Superintendent of Police, Satara.

These incidents of violence are stark reminders of the deeply rooted caste-based discrimination that continues to plague society across the length and breadth of the nation. While legal actions are a step toward justice, they also underline the pressing need for systemic changes, education, and awareness campaigns to dismantle the entrenched biases that perpetuate such violence. 

Dalit women thrashed, molested in full public view in Satara Maharashtra

Her crime? She was asking people to return the they borrowed from her
Atrocity act filed against accused seen in the video pic.twitter.com/jVacr969ww

— Ravi Ratan (@scribe_it) August 28, 2023

Parbatsar, Rajasthan

Two Dalit youths tragically lost their lives, and another was injured in a devastating incident that occurred in Ranasar village of the Didwana-Kuchaman district. The incident transpired on Monday night when a high-speed Bolero jeep collided with their motorcycle. The victims, identified as Rajuram and Chunni Lal from Bidiyad village in Parbatsar, in Rajasthan’s Nagaur, were on their way back home after attending a religious fair. Reportedly, a according to Free Press Journal, during a halt at a hotel along the way, an altercation erupted between them and a group of men. The situation escalated, resulting in the group chasing the victims and deliberately ramming their Bolero jeep into the youths’ motorcycle, leading to the untimely demise of Rajuram and Chunni Lal. Another individual, Kishnaram, also sustained injuries during the incident. The police have launched an investigation to apprehend the culprits, and the family members of the deceased are urging for a CBI inquiry to ensure a thorough and impartial investigation into this distressing incident. According to Times Now, the vehicle repeatedly crushed the legs of the victims to the point where there legs were discovered separate from the body. 

According to CJP, the statistics presented in the NCRB report tell us that there was a 1.2% rise in crimes against Scheduled Castes in 2021, with the number increasing from 50,291 cases in 2020 to 50,900 cases, making it a grim picture for the situation of Dalits rights in India.

Related 

No country for Dalits: brutal incidents of violence against Dalits in the last week of August

In Madhya Pradesh, Claims Don’t Match Reality of Crimes Against Dalits

The Whys behind a caste-based census point to an urgent imperative

Protecting Human Rights of the Most Deprived People

The post Continued Surge of Violence against Dalits Spans Maharashtra to Tamil Nadu appeared first on SabrangIndia.