According to the report, the Hindutva movement is not just an ideological or political force – it is also a financial powerhouse, sustained by billion-dollar contributions from India’s biggest industrialists and tax-exempt charities abroad. The BJP’s dominance in electoral fundraising, enabled by the now-invalidated electoral bonds scheme, has created an unequal playing field where corporate interests align directly with Hindu nationalist policies. The report also highlights how foreign-based Hindutva organisations, particularly in the United States, United Kingdom, Canada, and Australia, act as financial lifelines for Hindu nationalist initiatives in India. The impact of this financial nexus is most acutely felt by minorities, as Hindutva funding is channelled into anti-Muslim violence, casteist policies, and the displacement of Adivasi communities in favour of corporate-led land grabs.

By uncovering the economic machinery behind Hindu supremacism, the report raises serious concerns about the erosion of democratic institutions, unchecked corporate influence in politics, and the complicity of international actors in sustaining authoritarianism in India. It ultimately argues that corporate funding of Hindutva politics must be scrutinised, regulated, and held accountable at both domestic and international levels.

Chapter 1: The Hindutva-Corporate Nexus – PM Modi’s rise through illicit finance

The report traces the ideological and financial roots of Hindutva, beginning with Vinayak Damodar Savarkar’s 1923 book, “Hindutva: Who is a Hindu?”, which articulated the vision of India as a Hindu-only nation. This exclusionary ideology was institutionalised with the formation of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) in 1925, which became the largest paramilitary organisation in India, operating through over 57,000 shakhas (branches) and millions of volunteers. The RSS, through its political wing, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), has been instrumental in mainstreaming Hindu majoritarianism, undermining democratic institutions, and silencing dissent.

PM Narendra Modi’s rise to political prominence is deeply tied to this Hindutva network. However, his role in the 2002 Gujarat pogrom, which led to the mass killing of Muslims under his watch as Chief Minister, made him a global pariah, with countries like the United States and the United Kingdom imposing travel bans on him. To rebuild his image and prepare for his bid as Prime Minister, Modi aligned himself with India’s wealthiest business tycoons. The Vibrant Gujarat summit, a high-profile investment platform, was designed not only to attract corporate investments but also to rebrand Modi as a pro-business leader while maintaining his Hindu nationalist credentials. With backing from industrialists like Gautam Adani, Mukesh Ambani, and the Ruias, Modi was able to shift the focus from his Hindutva extremism to economic development, making him more palatable to international investors and political leaders.

Since taking office as Prime Minister in 2014, Modi has fostered an economic environment that benefits a select group of corporations while simultaneously weaponising state institutions against his critics. His tenure has been marked by mass privatisation of public assets, deregulation of industries, and the systematic weakening of oversight mechanisms to favour industrialists aligned with the BJP. The Adani Group, in particular, has seen an unprecedented expansion, securing billion-dollar loans from public banks and acquiring crucial infrastructure projects under questionable circumstances. Modi’s government has also introduced legislative changes to enable unchecked corporate donations, transforming India’s political finance system into a pay-to-play model where businesses fund the BJP in exchange for political and economic favours.

The report emphasises that this Hindutva-corporate nexus is not just a by-product of economic policy but a deliberate strategy to consolidate authoritarian rule. By securing financial dominance through corporate partnerships, Modi has ensured that opposition parties struggle to compete, media outlets remain subservient, and state institutions are co-opted to serve the interests of Hindu nationalism.

Chapter 2: Corporate Funding and Political Finance – The electoral bonds scam

One of the most critical aspects of illicit political financing exposed in the report is the Electoral Bonds Scheme, introduced in 2017 by the Modi government. This legally sanctioned mechanism allowed anonymous corporate donations to political parties, disproportionately benefiting the BJP. Between 2018 and 2023, a staggering ₹12,930 crore (USD 1.5 billion) was funnelled into BJP accounts through this opaque system. The scheme ensured that over 52% of total political donations flowed to the ruling party, reinforcing its financial stranglehold over Indian elections.

The report highlights that many of the largest contributors to the BJP through electoral bonds were corporations facing investigations by India’s enforcement agencies, raising serious concerns about quid pro quo arrangements. Companies that had been raided by tax authorities or subject to scrutiny by the Enforcement Directorate suddenly became major political donors, suggesting that political funding was being used as a tool of coercion and corporate appeasement.

In February 2024, the Supreme Court of India struck down the Electoral Bonds Scheme, declaring it unconstitutional. The court ruled that such a system allowed for an unfair financial advantage, subverted democratic processes, and created opportunities for corruption and undue influence. However, the damage had already been done—the BJP had already amassed billions, using this legalised loophole to build an unprecedented financial war chest.

While electoral bonds have been dismantled, the corporate-political nexus remains intact through alternative funding mechanisms. The Electoral Trusts system, which predates electoral bonds, continues to operate, allowing companies to donate to political parties with minimal transparency. The Prudent Electoral Trust, linked to the Bharti Group, has emerged as the biggest funder of the BJP, funnelling hundreds of crores into the party’s accounts. The report points out that several corporations donated to the BJP only after facing tax raids or regulatory scrutiny, reinforcing suspicions of state-sponsored extortion tactics.

Chapter 3: The Global Hindutva Ecosystem – Transnational funding and charities

The Hindutva movement is not just an Indian phenomenon; it is a global enterprise, deeply embedded in diaspora communities, international charitable organisations, and corporate networks that operate beyond India’s borders. The report highlights how millions of dollars flow into Hindu supremacist movements through tax-exempt charities and corporate entities based in the United States, the United Kingdom, Canada, and Australia. These funds, often collected under the pretext of cultural preservation, disaster relief, or religious activities, are redirected to political mobilisation, propaganda, and the expansion of Hindutva-aligned educational institutions. The transnational Hindutva network is highly organised, mirroring the structure of the RSS in India, and maintains a symbiotic relationship with the ruling BJP, influencing both Indian domestic policies and diaspora political engagement.

One of the primary vehicles for Hindutva financing abroad is the Hindu Swayamsevak Sangh (HSS), the international wing of the RSS. HSS branches operate in over 40 countries, with particularly strong footholds in the United States, the United Kingdom, and Canada. While HSS presents itself as a cultural and educational organisation, it has been directly linked to RSS ideology, Hindu nationalist rhetoric, and sectarian mobilisation. The report details how HSS-run events indoctrinate young Hindus with supremacist ideology, train them in paramilitary-style drills, and cultivate political loyalty towards the BJP and RSS. These activities serve a dual function: they strengthen the Hindu nationalist movement globally while also ensuring that diaspora communities remain politically and financially invested in the BJP’s dominance in India.

Another key player in the global Hindutva ecosystem is the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP), an organisation with a long history of involvement in anti-Muslim violence, religious radicalisation, and caste-based discrimination. In India, the VHP is known for its direct role in organising anti-Muslim riots, spearheading the demolition of the Babri Masjid, and enforcing moral policing on Dalits and religious minorities. Internationally, however, VHP operates under a charitable façade, collecting donations to ostensibly fund humanitarian efforts and Hindu religious institutions. The report reveals that large portions of these funds are diverted to RSS-affiliated organisations in India, where they are used for sectarian political campaigns, legal battles against minority rights, and the expansion of Hindu nationalist propaganda networks.

Similarly, Sewa International, another RSS-affiliated organisation, has played a crucial role in financing Hindutva movements under the guise of humanitarian work. Originally founded to provide disaster relief, Sewa International has been implicated in funnelling millions of dollars into Hindutva causes, including funding organisations linked to anti-Muslim violence, casteist policies, and the erasure of Adivasi cultures. The report provides evidence that during times of crisis, such as the COVID-19 pandemic, Sewa International used relief funds to promote Hindutva political objectives, prioritising aid for Hindus while discriminating against Muslims and Dalits.

Another significant arm of the global Hindutva financial network is the Ekal Vidyalaya Foundation, which operates over 100,000 schools in India, largely in Adivasi and Dalit-majority areas. While these schools are ostensibly meant to improve literacy rates among tribal communities, the report exposes how they function as indoctrination centres, replacing indigenous traditions with Hindu nationalist teachings and discouraging conversions away from Hinduism. Funded primarily by US-based corporations and diaspora donors, these institutions are key to the RSS-BJP’s long-term strategy of cultural assimilation and religious conversion of India’s most marginalised groups.

The report also reveals that several multinational corporations and wealthy diaspora families are complicit in supporting these Hindutva-affiliated charities, using tax-exempt donations to funnel millions into right-wing Hindu nationalist causes. Companies such as Star Pipe Products (US), Park Square Homes (Canada), and The Shah Companies (UK) have all been linked to large financial contributions towards Hindutva charities, despite their claims of being non-political entities. The financial opacity of these transactions makes it difficult to track the full extent of corporate involvement, but the report establishes a clear pattern of corporate complicity in sustaining Hindu supremacism on a global scale.

Chapter 4: Hindutva and Minorities – The human cost of illicit funding

The Hindutva movement’s vast financial resources are not just used to secure electoral dominance; they have a direct and devastating impact on India’s most vulnerable communities. The report details how Hindutva funding is weaponised to marginalise, oppress, and brutalise religious minorities, Dalits, and Adivasis, both through state policies and vigilante violence. The consequences of this financial-political nexus are felt across multiple dimensions, from mob lynchings and economic boycotts to caste-based exclusion and large-scale land dispossession.

Muslims have been the primary targets of Hindutva violence, with political funding often being used to support hate speech, anti-Muslim pogroms, and discriminatory policies like the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA) and the National Register of Citizens (NRC). The report documents how corporate-backed Hindutva groups play a role in funding misinformation campaigns that incite communal hatred, enabling the rise of violent Hindu extremist groups that carry out lynchings and attacks on Muslim communities. In many cases, these attacks are tactically timed to coincide with elections, ensuring that communal polarisation benefits the BJP electorally.

Dalits face systematic exclusion from political representation, economic opportunities, and social mobility, with RSS-aligned organisations actively lobbying against caste-based affirmative action in India and abroad. In countries like the United States, Hindutva-aligned groups have opposed anti-caste discrimination legislation, particularly in tech industries dominated by upper-caste Indian diaspora elites. The financial strength of these Hindutva organisations enables them to suppress discourse on caste oppression, ensuring that Dalit voices are marginalised both in India and internationally.

Adivasi communities have suffered some of the worst consequences of Hindutva-corporate collaboration, particularly in the form of land dispossession and environmental destruction. The report details how mining conglomerates like Adani and Vedanta have leveraged their ties to the BJP to forcibly displace Adivasis from their ancestral lands, often in direct violation of environmental and land rights laws. These companies, many of which are major contributors to electoral trusts and Hindutva-affiliated charities, have been granted exclusive access to forests, mineral-rich regions, and indigenous territories, leaving Adivasi communities vulnerable to cultural annihilation and economic exploitation.

Conclusion and recommendations

The report presents an urgent call for intervention to dismantle the Hindutva-finance nexus, arguing that the unchecked flow of corporate money into Hindu supremacist politics is one of the greatest threats to democracy in India today. It provides a multi-pronged set of recommendations aimed at increasing financial transparency, holding corporations accountable, and countering the global influence of Hindutva networks.

1. Global scrutiny of Hindutva charities: Western governments and international financial watchdogs must investigate tax-exempt organisations linked to Hindutva financing. Countries like the US, UK, Canada, and Australia must review the financial records of organisations like HSS, VHP, Sewa International, and Ekal Vidyalaya to ensure that their funds are not being used to fuel sectarian violence in India.

2. Stricter regulations on corporate donations: India’s political finance laws must be reformed to prevent the kind of unchecked corporate funding that was enabled by electoral bonds. Companies that make political donations should be required to disclose their contributions publicly, and foreign investments into Indian political parties must be subject to greater scrutiny.

3. Legal action against Hindutva-linked violence: Governments and international human rights bodies must hold Hindutva groups accountable for their role in human rights abuses. Companies found funding hate speech or violence should face legal consequences, including restrictions on their operations.

4. Strengthening caste and minority protections: Stronger legal protections for Dalits, Muslims, and Adivasis must be enacted, both within India and in the diaspora. Efforts to suppress caste-based anti-discrimination laws abroad must be actively resisted.

The complete report may be accessed below:

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As the third year of Modi government ends, the communal Hindutva campaign of RSS-BJP has reached top gear. Yogi Adityanath, the unashamedly divisive face of the Saffron Brigade, being put at the helm of the biggest state of the country is the most blatant expression of this. The selection of Aditynath for the top post after Modi-led victory in UP, though not totally unexpected and actually in continuity with the election campaign, was still a deliberate choice made by Modi. This continuity can be best understood by the 'Kabristan' versus 'Shamshan' debate raked up by none other than PM Modi himself. Of course, this was only the icing on top of communal cake made by Shah and company. One ingredient was the so called 'Hindu migration' from Muslim dominated areas of western UP. On this issue Adityanath was made to campaign most vociferously, claiming that he himself liberated Poorvanchal (eastern part of the state), through his Hindu Yuva Vahini, from this menace by showing Muslims their place in the streets. Other important ingredients were not putting up any Muslim candidates, promise of closing down all the 'mechanical slaughter houses', fighting 'love jihad', 'triple talaq' etc. and last but not the least, 'constructing Ram Mandir at Ayodhya'. This cooked up complaint of 'Muslim appeasement' was very craftily combined by the RSS-BJP with a similar complaint against dominant Dalit and OBC communities, the Jatavs and Yadavs, to achieve a winning electoral combination. In this, the theme of 'Muslim appeasement' worked both as a component and as a wider ideological cement to hold this unnatural combination together. In this context Adityanath's elevation to the CM's post was hardly a surprise. Still it was a conscious choice that indicated readiness of Modi led BJP and RSS to put reveal one of its most divisive faces as it's real face in the most populous state of the country and that too after heat and dust of elections had settled down. This was the second Modi moment for Hindutva forces. Masks are off at the end of the third year.

Adityanath has not disappointed the Hindutva brigade. One of his first acts after taking over as CM was a full scale attack against slaughter houses and meat trade in general which is very visibly dominated by Muslim community. In the name of acting against illegal slaughter houses, entire chain of export and distribution of meat was disrupted, including production of leather. More than a direct attack on the livelihoods of over 25 lakh people and basic food sustaining crores more, it was also meant to be seen as indicator of the Hindutvavadi intent of the new government.

This has naturally encouraged the Saffron Brigade to adopt a more aggressive posture and running amok, leading to break down in law and order in large parts of this vast state. In a significant new move, police forces violently attacked protestors in many places when they tried to restrain the Saffron Brigade. Even more significantly, after such prominent incidents in Agra and Saharanpur, senior police officials who had earned the wrath of leaders of BJP and other RSS affiliated organizations, were summarily transferred by Adityanath. This has send the clearest possible signal to the state police that Saffron Brigade is the new ruler and has to be treated as such.

Not surprisingly Hindu Yuva Vahini, run under direct patronage of Adityanath himself is exhibiting a phenomenal swelling of its ranks. So much so that now it has to put some restrictions on new recruitment, especially in giving organizational posts to newcomers. This Aditya Vahini has very quickly expanded out of Gorakhpur division and has made its presence felt in almost all the communal incidents in western UP. In one incident in Bulandsahar, motor cycle riding Vahini sainiks killed a Muslim old man just because one Muslim man in a neighboring village had eloped with a Hindu women. In another case of similar nature in Amroha, all Muslims of an entire village had to run away from their homes to save themselves from wrath of Hindutva brigade. And in Saharanpur, that has remained continuously in the news for last one month, Hindutva forces led by local BJP MP and other leaders first tried to use a so called celebration of Ambedkar's birth day to mobilize Dalits against Muslims and then, those Dalits who did not oblige were attacked ferociously in the name of celebrating Rajput hero Maharana Pratap's birth day. Receiving the necessary message from summary transfer of SSP earlier, local police is now trying of keep Hindutva forces in good humour by selectively acting against Dalits only. In such a situation, it's not surprising that Adityanath as CM has formally denied permission for prosecution of Adityanath, the then MP, in a 2007 case of communal rioting and provocation. It's worth noting that Adityanath and his close lieutenants have many such cases pending against them.

But Adityanath at the helm in UP, with all its ramifications, is not the only Hindutvavadi achievement of the third year of Modi government.  Everything else inaugurated in first two years of Modi government has continued in significantly intensified form in the third year. Three examples should suffice. In spite of PM Modi himself calling 90% of them fake, the so called "Gau-rakshaks" have only increased their area of operations and frequency and ferocity of attacks. In one of most recent such attacks, Muslim Meo dairy farmer from Mewat area in Haryana, Pehlu Khan was brutally killed by cow vigilantes at Behrod, in Alwar district of Rajasthan. He had bought a cow from Jaipur Municipal Corporation's cattle market, complete with receipt, etc. While transporting the cattle their group was attacked by cow vigilantes on the busy National Highway. As has become the norm in BJP ruled states, the first action of Rajasthan police was to book the victims under various sections related to cow smuggling, while the real culprits roamed around freely. In spite of the countrywide outcry especially since Pehlu Khan's succumbed to his injuries, the BJP state government has refused to drop charges of cow smuggling against other victims of Hindutva vigilantes. BJP governments of both Rajasthan and Haryana have not cared to give any relief or compensation to the victims. Actually, subsequent to the killing of Pehlu Khan, BJP led state governments in Haryana, Jharkhand and few other states, reflecting overall view of Sangh Parivar in government, have only further tightened their steps for 'cow protection'. No surprise that besides Muslims, Dalits and other Hindus are also increasingly becoming victims of these cow vigilantes.

Whatever is happening in Kashmir is another major Hindutvavadi achievement. The situation in Kashmir has not only gone from bad to worse in the third year of this government, it has practically reached a stage of mass revolt in the Valley. Only 7% voting in Srinagar parliamentary bye-election, followed by only 3% voting in re-poll in dozens of booths shows the depth of alienation of Kashmiris. But the Modi government is not really concerned. Not only that, it has totally tied the hands of PDP-BJP alliance government of Mehbooba Mufti. She has repeatedly asked the Centre to start a political dialogue with all stake holders, but the Modi government clearly does not want any dialogue. This is in spite of the government’s promise of starting a dialogue and confidence building measures given after the J&K visit of all-Party Parliamentary delegation led by the Home Minister himself. 'Tough' is the key word in Modi government's Kashmir policy. This government is hell bent upon forcing a security solution to an essentially political problem, which is bound to fail. But even this failure is a success for Hindutva forces, as they cynically seek to use the disturbed situation in Kashmir for their strident efforts to sharpen communal polarization elsewhere in the country, especially in Jammu. Pakistan is the external and Kashmir internal 'other' for this communal polarization.

All out offensive against secular research in general, and JNU and other prestigious universities in particular, is yet another important achievement of Hindutva forces. If second year of Modi government saw a direct offensive against left student activists, activities and student's union, the third year is seeing a serious offensive against research level entry in to these institutions. Current offensive that looks more successful than the last one, is naturally accompanied by steps for gradual destruction of democratic academic atmosphere in these institutions, with help of RSS filtered appointees everywhere. The latest controversy in once-prestigious Indian Institute of Mass Communications is an apt example. This institute is hosting a seminar on 'nationalistic' journalism, which is to be addressed by controversial ex-top cop of Chattisgarh, Kallori and is to be preceded by two hour long "yagna"!  All this is part of RSS dictated education policy, formally still in process of formulation, but actually already in different stages of implementation. This policy is exclusively dictated by RSS and its affiliates. Fate of cultural organizations is no different. Only in addition to communalizing, they have also to commercialize. This is naturally weakening and even destroying the reputation of these institutions. BJP state governments’ promotion of RSS supported "garbh sanskar" is not only promoting of mumbo jumbo as science and bringing Indian science to ridicule, it is also strengthening of racial prejudices through such 'best progeny' programme, inspired by the hated eugenics project of Hitler's Germany.

Further encouraged by latest electoral victories, specially in UP, BJP-RSS have intensified their campaign against left in general and CPI(M) in particular. Left is specially targeted as they consider it their main ideological adversary and biggest challenge to their project of converting India in to a "Hindu Rashtra." Second RSS chief Golwalkar, considered as main theoretician of Sangh, has identified communists, as one of three main enemies of their fundamental project, others being Muslims and Christians. Naturally left's main bastions are specially targeted. Since formation of LDF government is Kerala, RSS has intensified its violent attacks against CPI(M) cadre. At the same time, playing victim, they have also launched a massive disinformation campaign using all the clout of their central government. Meanwhile, RSS-BJP combine is working overtime to build an anti-communist alliance of all the communal and casteist forces. Similarly in Tripura where Left Front government is going to complete its seventh term early next year and Assembly elections are to take place, RSS-BJP combine is trying to build anti-communist unity around itself. They have practically swallowed TMC in state and almost replaced Congress as centre of opposition. They are trying to cobble up alliance with tribal separatist organizations to complete their anti-left alliance, though this can disturb tribal-non tribal unity built by the left that is mainly responsible for Tripura being a peaceful exception in disturbed North-East. In Bengal, using mainly majority communalism card and taking advantage of ruling TMC using Muslim minority card, BJP is trying to push the left out of space of main opposition force. This campaign can only further intensify in fourth year of Modi government.

Masks are off as Modi government completes its three years. With real economy in bad shape and fast increasing unemployment exposing all its claims of development benefitting people, BJP-RSS is going to more and more openly show their real communal face to polarize the people. Forces of democracy and secularism can only expect more challenging times.

Courtesy: Cpim.org

Disclaimer: The views expressed here are the author's personal views, and do not necessarily represent the views of  Sabrangindia

The post The Masks are Off : Communal Aggressiveness in 3 Years of the Modi Sarkar appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Images Courtesy Sandesh Bhandare

Yesterday in your speech (in the Public Meeting at Lohia Maidan in Madgaon for the Abhivyakti Conference of the Dakshinayan Rashtriya Parishad) you spoke of fear, not just of those who kill rationalists in broad daylight, but fear of the existing political order. Could you explain further what you meant?

The ruling establishment is using laws like defamation cases against people speaking out against those in power. In such a scenario, how can people resist?

How can we reach out to people in this worsening political climate? How can we uphold the sacrifices made by people like Comrade Pansare, Dr. Dabholkar and Prof. Kalburgi?

Courtesy: Indian Cultural Forum

The post With Fear of Silence: In Conversation With Megha Pansare appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Image: Rafi Malek

The Muslims in India constitute an odd-lot among the religious minorities. At 13.4% of the total Indian population (Census, 2001), they make up for 138 million of the Indian population and the third largest Muslim population in the world. Other than their demographic mass, the Indian Muslims are a peculiar minority due to their troubled legacy, economic deprivation and increasing socio-spatial segregation.
 
The scarcity of systematic and consistent study on the socio-economic conditions of Muslims is evident in the wording of Sachar Committee Report, 2006 which states that “the current effort is the first of its kind to undertake a data-base research on the Muslims in India.” Apart from the Sachar Committee Report of 2006, the Gopal Singh Committee Report (1982) and Ranganath Misra Commission (2007) are the only official reports which aim to address the socio economic condition of the Muslims to some extent.
 
Beyond this, the limited literature pertaining to these social indicators is sharply contradictory with narratives from right-wing largely distorting the religious and demographic characteristics to express their fear of increasing Muslim growth-rate, their suspect loyalty and economic competition while a majority of other writers focus disproportionately on merely external factors such as state’s discrimination as causative reasons of this economic backwardness. The majority of the literature at both end fails to address the transforming nature of Indian economy since independence.
 
In this scenario, the Indian state of Gujarat makes an interesting case study because in the recent times, it has undergone economic and cultural upheavals. The economic growth in Gujarat has been massively exalted for the state’s governance policies with many academic writers, journalists and experts tracing this stability in growth as the main reason for the landslide victory of the Hindu ‘nationalist’ party, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) with Narendra Modi (ex-Chief Minister of Gujarat) at its head, in India’s 2014 general election.
 
Together with this persistent economic growth, Gujarat has also witnessed an unprecedented wave of religious intolerance. From the 1980s, the Christian and Muslim minority in the state have been victims of violence perpetrated by extremist Hindu groups. Thus, Gujarat makes for an interesting case study to reflect upon the political economy of India and the approach that is likely to be adopted in relation with the social and economic development of its citizens, specifically, in relation with minorities owing to BJP’s Hindu ‘nationalist’ ideology which states that “the secular India is the Hindu India.”

Gujarat is also a potent case study as its economy is uniquely placed due to its specific identity of being one of the industrialised states in India. Gujarat underwent an economic upheaval in response to the neoliberal globalisation of the 1980s.Since, the late 1980s the economic policy changed and moved towards a free-market regime and an increased flow of capital, commodity, people and ideas.
 
Stiglitz in his book, “Globalization and its discontents” defined this move towards dissolution of barriers and a more aggressive free-market regime as neo-liberal globalisation. In many developing countries, the endorsement of neo-liberal globalisation has led to the decline of some home-grown industries. In Gujarat, the intense shift from the traditional cotton mills and agricultural work towards rapid industrialisation and establishment of the capital-intensive petrochemicals sector led to large-scale informalisation of labour and a shift towards tertiary sector activities.
 
Urban Gujarat reflects a more pronounced casualisation of labour than the whole of urban India.In their book,Poverty and Vulnerability in a Globalising Metropolis Ahmedabad, Mahadevia and Kundu,show how the state experienced a gradual increase in the informal labour during the 1980s and an increaseof 5 % through the 1990s.

The proportion of workers in regular category was 45.5 % for males while only 34.7% female workers were engaged as regular workers. It is important to note that the casual wage labour among females increased by 3% during 1977-78 to 1993-94 with a more pronounced increase among self-employed females.

Therefore, Gujarat’s development model is skewed, merely providing incentives to capital, large scale industries and services. In this close relationship between the state and its dominant social groups, the poor evade the benefits of its sustained growth.

In the same book, Mahadevia reflects that “interestingly, the proportion of casual labour among males and self-employed among females increased in 1993-94 as compared to 1987-88, supporting the trend of casualisation of labour in the state.” Informal employments does not promise availability of minimum wages and therefore, this employment is highly poverty inducing. Unni’s (1999) research on the informal sector in Ahmedabad reflects that the average income of all workers was below the poverty line wage of Rs.52 in 1998. The average minimum wage for women at Rs.37 was way below the poverty line wage.

The casualisation of labour forced more women and young males, who remained out of employment, probably in pursuit of higher education, to compensate for the loss in the family income as a result of loss of regular employment. The consequences of neoliberal globalisation on women has been argued and debated, and feminist political literature highlights the contradictory relationships between gender, globalisation, multinational capital and the IMF/World Bank/WTO policies.
 
A large body of this theory by Elson & Pearson, Safa and Moghadam discusses the complexity of the exploitation against women due to this feminisation of informalisation. On the one hand, it is known to provide the women with a platform to break-away from traditional patriarchy at home, while on the other hand, women are entrapped in multiple forms of discrimination in the form of sex-stereotyping, low wages and harassment.
 
Thus, in this context as defined by Sud in her book, “Liberalization, Hindu nationalism, and the state” of economic liberalisation on the one hand, and the state’s political ‘illberalism’ in the form of Hindu ‘nationalism’ on the other, that socio-economic status of Muslim minority constituting 9.1 % of the state’s population (Census, 2001 ) needs to be examined.

Image: Rafi Malek

Economic history of Gujarat: Liberalisation and Hindu ‘nationalism’

Gujarat has been at the front of the liberalisation process for a while, in India. When the majority of India was growing at 8.44 per cent for the period 2004-05 and 2009-10, Gujarat’s Domestic Product was a constant 10.07 per cent (Sud, 2012).
 
While studies have been conducted on political geography of the state and its sustained economic growth, the relationship between economic liberalisation and Hindu ‘nationalism’ and its impact on the minority communities has rarely been examined in academic discourse. Sud’s (2012) study of political economy of Gujarat critically examines the complex relationship between Hindu ‘nationalism’ and liberalisation and the subsequent marginalisation and violation of rights of minorities. On the basis of this proposition, the rest of this section is arranged to look into a brief economic history of Gujarat and then reflect upon the after effects of Hindu nationalism and liberalization on Muslim minority.
 

Economic History of Gujarat

Gujarat has been a historically rich state involved in trade and commerce, particularly, due to the benefits of its location on the western coast-line as well as the cotton growing belt. On its separation from the bilingual state of Maharashtra in 1960, Gujarat adopted the path of the metropolitan economies of the time and undertook to replicate Bombay’s economic growth for orderly and rapid industrial development.
 
The first five year plan (1951-6), emphasised for reduction of poverty at the national level. However, the focus of development approach undertaken by Gujarat was on growth rather than redistribution. 
 
The approach to economic development in the state has remained thus, regardless of change of the party in power. Congress was in power till 1995 with a brief break, Janta Morcha (alliance of non-Congress parties, 1976-1980) and the Janta-Bharatiya Janta Party (BJP) alliance (1989-1990). The BJP has been in power since then.
 
Thus, Gujarat made dramatic progress in its industrial economy. The state ranked third in terms of number of industries and production in 1984-85. During the leadership of Madhavsinh Solanki, Gujarat became the second most industrialised state in India. Thus, Gujarat’s rate of growth was higher than the rest of India during the 1980s and 1990s as well. Therefore, to verify the claim that BJP’s rule has had a transformative impact on the state in terms of growth rate of per capita income, it needs to be established that the difference between Gujarat’s growth rate and that of the rest of India has increased under Modi’s rule, and more prominently in comparison with other states.

According to a survey conducted by the Guardian (2014), in the 1990s, Gujarat’s growth rate was 4.8% in comparison to the national average of 3.7%; in the 2000s, it was 6.9% against the national average of 5.6%. Thus, the difference between Gujarat’s rate of growth to that of national average indicates a marginal increase, from 1.1 percentage points to 1.3 percentage points. However, the difference between Maharashtra’s growth rate and the national average indicates an increase from 0.8 percentage points to 1.1 percentage points. More so, Bihar’s performance is striking, its growth rate was 2.7 percentage points below the national average in the 1990s but 1.3 percentage higher in 2000s. Hence, Bihar demonstrates the most dramatic turnaround in improving its economic growth rate.
 

Figure 1: Average annual growth rate of per capita income of selected states, by decade Source: Reserve Bank of India
 

Liberalisation, Hindu ‘nationalism’ and the minorities

Within religious factions, sentiments of ‘tradition’ are politicised into public discourse. This politicisation of religious affinity and narratives on “nation” and ideas of “patriotism” are expressed using global networks, global capital, global communications, etc. It is important to note, that while it has been said that religious nationalism is as a result of globalising, leading to increased insecurities and existential anxieties at the individual and group level, the promotion and intensification of religious ‘nationalism’ relies largely on globalisation.

Robertson and Chirico (1985) elaborated on the interplay of religion and liberalisation (or globalisation) almost two decades back, arguing that mere sociological study of the upsurge in religious concerns and issue is not enough, there is a need to analyse the happenings in the societies within the context of globalisation, and realise that it enhances, at least in a relatively short run, religion and religiosity.

A movement’s growth is determined largely by how well it taps into processes of globalisation. Gujarat is an important example. While, it was in early 1920s that institutionalisation and spread of “Muslim fervor” which largely codifies Hindu ‘nationalism’ first took place; in the post-colonial India, BJP’s political framework in Gujarat is based on the establishment of a Hindu rashtra or Hindu nation state.

The study conducted by Sud shows that this has been successfully pushed forward using the means of globalisation, wherein, strong communication networks have been established using audio-visual and virtual communication methods. This technology is known to have been used in Surat riots in 1992 and in various Gujarat locations in 2002.

At the same time, the satisfaction of the pro-market elite class in industrial Gujarat and the political relationship of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) -the ‘cultural’ organisation that advocates a Hindu ‘nationalist’ agenda under the banner of Hindutva) and the BJP, and its obvious involvement in various decision making development policies has contributed to the systematic marginalisation of the minorities. The phenomenon of so-called sustained economic growth is used to create a development hype which has led to a conscious overlooking of the states’ poor performance on social indicators and in general, its targeted exclusion of Muslim minorities.

In rural areas, poverty amongst Muslims is two times (200 %) higher than high caste Hindus. Despite this social and economic marginalisation of the Muslims in Gujarat, neglecting the Sachar Committee (2006) fifteen points recommendations for promotion of economic upheavel amongst Muslims, Gujarat, unlike a few other large states has not included any quota in employment and higher education for Muslims.

Therefore, Gujarat’s development model is skewed, merely providing incentives to capital, large scale industries and services. In this close relationship between the state and its dominant social groups, the poor evade the benefits of its sustained growth. Gujarat performs poorly on human development indicators and the life of its citizens is accompanied with malnutrition, infant mortality, mothers’ mortality and low wages. Thus, it is also instructive to study how various socio-religious communities, in particular, Muslims are placed in a comparative perspective and their performance in Gujarat.
 

Socio Religious Group differentials in Gujarat

Shariff in his 2012 study Gujarat Shining: Relative Development of Gujarat and Socio-Religious Differentials reflects upon on the differentials in poverty and human development with a specific focus on Muslims in Gujarat using the NSSO, NCAER’s human development surveys and the study conducted by Sachar Committtee. The study indicates that poverty amongst urban Muslims is almost eight times (800 per cent) higher than high-caste Hindus, around 50 per cent more than the Hindu-OBCs and the SC/STs. Muslims in Gujarat are highly urbanised, nearly 60 % of the Muslim population lives in urban areas constituting the most deprived social group in Gujarat. In rural areas, poverty amongst Muslims is two times (200 %) higher than high caste Hindus. Despite this social and economic marginalisation of the Muslims in Gujarat, neglecting the Sachar Committee (2006) fifteen points recommendations for promotion of economic upheavel amongst Muslims, Gujarat, unlike a few other large states has not included any quota in employment and higher education for Muslims. While Muslims are found to have bank accounts proportionate to the size of their population, the bank loan amount outstanding which reflects financial inclusion is only 2.6% for Muslims.
 

Figure 2: Poverty Ratios
Source: NSSO, 61^st Round; 2004-2005, Sourced from Shariff, 2012
 

Education

Shariff contends that Muslims are the most deprived educationally. Despite 75 % net enrolment, almost similar to the levels attained by the SC/STs and other groups; the enrolment ratio decreases at the level of matriculation and higher levels. This trend has been reported to exist at all India level by the Sachar Committee (2006). A mere 26% is found to reach the levels of matriculation while the proportion for ‘others’ is 41 %.

The SC/STs are found to have the same count as Muslims in Gujarat. Muslims are found to drop out in huge numbers at about fifth grade. At higher levels, particularly, at the level of graduate studies, the trends are quite disturbing. Muslims, with same level of education in the past are now lagging behind, in contrast, more SC/STs are seen to be attaining higher education. This could also be due to the affirmative action which exists for them in the Consitution of India (Sachar Committee Report, 2006).

This disparity in access to higher education seems to be increasing over time. High caste Hindus have historically benefitted from the provision of higher education, in recent years, the SCs/STs are largely catching up, while Muslims are left behind. This clearly reflects discrimination in providing equal access to higher education, infrastructure and other services. On the recommendation of Sachar Committee (2006), the Government of India launched a nationwide scholarship scheme with effect from April 1, 2008. While all states in India have responded to this, Gujarat is the only exception, where pre-matric scholarships for minorities have not been implemented. 55,000 scholarships were allocated to Gujarat, from which, 53,000 were required to be given to Muslims, however, Gujarat has not implemented this programme.

Source: Shariff, 2012

Employment

The work participation rate (WPR) is used to measure employment. Muslims WPR at 61% is 10 percent lower than Hindus who have a ratio of 71%. The unemployment rates of Muslims in Gujarat are found to be lower than Muslims in West Bengal. It is important to note that, prior to the neo-liberal policy adoption and the closure of the textile-mills, Muslims dominated the state’s textile industry and were involved in power loams, textile mills and handlooms. Muslims were also involved in diamond cutting and polishing industry, chemican, pharmaceuticals processing industries. Thus, Muslims have been the most vulnerable section in the informalisation of labour. However, Muslim participation in the organised sector in Gujarat is now seen to be negligible.

Muslims are traditionally known to be artisan and skilled works, with relative advantage at handling mechanical and tool work (Sachar, 2006). Therefore, their participation in industrial labour and manufacturing & organised industry across India is found to be high against Hindus. Gujarat is the only exception, where the trend is totally reversed. Muslim participation in this sector at an all India level is 21%, in Gujarat merely 13% Muslims are involved in this section, much lower than Maharashtra (25%) and West Bengal (21%).

Additionally, Gujarat is the only state where Muslims have not accessed organised and public sector employment. Shariff notes that ‘this finding was counter-checked by a second set of data in a multivariate analysis. The fact that Muslims do not draw income from the formal organized (including public employment) sectors is negative, large and highly significant; this is the only community which records this negative and significant coefficients.’ While, it has been argued that as reported by Sachar Committee (2006) Muslims are found to be employed in government services in numbers larger than those employed in West Bengal and Uttar Pradesh. While, this is true, however, Shariff (2012), who was the member-secretary on the Committee notes that, ‘such employment has taken placed during the last 5 decades or so, these are not recent appointments. Gujarat government must come for ward to publish figures as to how many Muslims have been appointed in government employment during the last 5-10 years in employment categories such as group A to group D and in the state PSUs.

 

Figure 4: Occupational Differentials of Selected State
Source: Sachar Committee Report, 2006
 

Petty Trade and Self-Employment

Gujarat is also seen to reflect a wider gap between Muslims and Hindus in petty trade and self-employment. Data from Sachar Committee (2006) shows a huge disparity between Muslims and Hindus. 54 percent of Muslims against 39 percent Hindus are found to be self-employed in the State. This difference is much lower in West Bengal, with 53 percent Muslims as against 45 % Hindus engaged in self-employment. Thus, Muslims are largely self-employed or undertake petty trade. It is important to note that, sectors such as petty trade and self-employment reflect a marginal income growth in the last two decades in comparison with other sectors of economy. Moreover, in Gujarat, FDIs and public investments are mostly channelled into the organised sector where Muslims are rarely employed.

Conclusion

The simultaneously increasing economic growth has provided the platform to BJP to create an enigma about Gujarat’s “model of development”, to conveniently, shed a cover over the communal tensions in the state and the Government’s systematic exclusion of minorities against its so-called development.

A study of Gujarat’s performance on social indicators shows a picture dramatically contradictory to its sustained economic growth. The benefits of the economic growth do not seem to have trickled down to the population with only political and industrial elite benefitting from its growth. Moreover, in terms of inter-religious differentials between Hindus and Muslim, Muslim condition reflects issues of inaccessibility to education and regular wage employment, alongside, poor health and livelihood options having led to a condition of social marginalisation and forced poverty.
 
 

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(As this article is being posted, Zee News has reported the shocking news that a BJP youth has offered an award of Rs. 5 lakh to anyone who cuts off the president of the Jawaharlal Nehru Univeristy Student Union, Kanhaiya Kumar's tongue: March 5, 2016, 11.54 a.m.)

Sounds familiar? Union Minister Giriraj Singh and BJP President Amit Shah exhorting any and all who oppose the BJP “to go to Pakistan”(https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=A8zete3Y2FU; http://www.ndtv.com/bihar/if-bjp-loses-bihar-elections-crackers-will-off…

Vanzara has been in a spate of television interviews on the Ishrat Jahan case recently and has announced that he will be interviewed by Sudharshan television (closely affiliated to the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh, RSS) on Saturday March 5 and 5.30 p.m.

Vanzara walked out of jail, on bail on February 18, 2015 and in a brazen echo of support for his political masters said these were now “Acche Din” for Gujarat policemen.  (http://www.firstpost.com/india/vanzara-gets-bail-its-ethically-and-morally-wrong-to-reinstate-cops-accused-of-fake-encounters-2113691.html)
 
On March 2, 2016, the hash tag  #removemughalsfrombooks was trending for the whole day (http://www.india.com/news/india/removemughalsfrombooks-bhakts-twitter-campaign-erase-mughal-history-school-books-998444/).

The banal stereotype of Mughal rule is a favourite with the sangh parivar, who’s ideological route is the RSS. The reductionist propaganda then equates all that is Mughal with all that is Muslim (sic). (http://scroll.in/article/804547/5-quintessentially-indian-things-that-will-have-to-go-if-we-removemughalsfrombooks)
 
Vanzara is an officer of the Indian Police Services (IPS) 1987 batch. One of the accusations int he chargesheet of the Sohrabuddin case relates to allegedly 331 calls from then minister of state for home, Amit Shah to Vanzara and other police officers, many of them around the time of these killings. Shah has since been discharged by a Bombay CBI Court (December 31, 2014) in the Sohrabuddin and Tulsiram Prajapati cases. Initially brother of Sohrabuddin approached the High Court in appeal but since has backed out of fighting the challenge (http://indianexpress.com/article/india/india-news-india/fake-encounter-sohrabuddins-brother-takes-back-plea-against-bjp-president-amit-shah/).

In September 2013, there were as many as 32 police officers, including six IPS officers who were on jail for these encounters. Many of them had worked under Vanzara.These officers were also among those who had been highly rewarded under Modi and Shah. Vanzara himself had a meteoric rise since the early 2000s, when the encounters to eliminate terrorists began.

In his 2013 in a letter of resignation from the services, Vanzara had said about Narendra Modi, “ My God has betrayed me.” He had then been in jail for six years. (http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/DG-Vanzara-on-Narendra-Modi-My-god-has-betrayed-me/articleshow/22264684.cms?referral=PMs.

In this 10 page controversial resignation letter addressed to Additional Chief Secretary (Home) dated September 1, Vanzara, lodged in Sabarmati Central Jail in connection with a string of alleged fake encounter cases, said the accused officers and men "simply implemented the conscious policy" of the state government. In his hard-hitting letter, Vanzara said if policemen could be sent to jail for alleged fake encounters, the place of the state government "should either be in Taloja central prison at Navi Mumbai or in Sabarmati Central Prison at Ahmedabad."

"I would like to categorically state in the most uninquivocal words that the officers and men of Crime Branch, ATS and Border Range, during the period between 2002 to 2007, simply acted and performed their duty in compliance of the concious pro-active policy of zero tolerance towards terrorism of this government after Godhra riots," he said.

"Gujarat CID and Central agency CBI had arrested me and my officers in different encounter cases holding us to be responsible for carrying out alleged fake encounters.

"If that is true then the CBI investigating officers have to arrest the policy formulators also as we, being field officers, have simply implemented the conscious policy of this government which was inspiring, guiding and monitoring our actions from the very close quarters," Vanzara said.

"By this reasoning I am of the firm opinion that the place of this government instead of being in Gandhinagar, should either be in Taloja central prison at Navi Mumbai or in Sabarmati Central Prison at Ahmedabad," he said.

Vanzara accused the state government, particularly former minister of state for home Amit Shah of betraying him and 32 other officers, in jail in encounter killing cases being probed by the CBI. The suspended officer blamed Shah, currently a BJP general secretary, for shifting Sohrabuddin Sheikh encounter killing case transferred outside Gujarat.

"The crux of the whole matter is that it was just to facilitate his trivial personal interest of fighting Gujarat Assembly Elections of 2012 that Amit Shah got the trial (Soharabuddin encounter case) transferred and betrayed our trust reposed in him whereby he forced us to suffer more and more…" Vanzara said.

He said in the letter that he used to adore Modi like God, who could not rise to the occasion under the "evil" influence of Shah, a co-accused in Sohrabuddin Sheikh and Tulsiram Prajapati encounter cases.

Vanzara, who was unsparing in his attack on Shah for the plight of policemen jailed in fake encounter killing cases, was sarcastic while referring to Modi… saying, "…but I am sorry to state that my God could not rise to the occassion under the evil influence of Amit Shah who usurped his eyes and ears and has been successfully misguiding him by converting goats into dogs and dogs into goats since last 12 years."

"Chief minister of Gujarat has very rightly been talking of repaying his debt which he owes to Mother India. But, it would not be out of context to remind him that he, in the hurry of marching towards Delhi may kindly not forget to repay the debt which he owes to jailed police officers who endowed him with the halo of brave chief minister among the galaxy of other chief ministers who do not bare the same adjective before their names," Vanzara said.

"I state with all my humility that, but for the sacrifices made by me and my officers in thwarting the onslaught of initial disorder in the state the Gujarat Model of Development which this government is so assiduously showcasing at the national level would not have become possible," Vanzara said.

Vanzara is a prime accused in the alleged fake encounter killings of Tulsiram Prajapati, Sadik Jamal, Mumbai student Ishrat Jahan, Javed Shaikh, and two alleged Pakistani nationals Amjad Ali Rana and Zeeshan Johar, dubbed the Gujarat government as "spineless" when it came to protecting its own officers.

"…I have to state in nutshell that this spineless government of Gujarat which is valiant only in words otherwise coward in deeds and impotent in actions has ceased to command my allegiance, trust and loyalty… and that is why this government has no reason to keep me continued in its service nor I have a reason to continue to be in the service of this government even for a single day," he said in his resignation letter .

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