The state’s affidavit mentioned that the Director General of Police had instructed all Commissioners and Superintendents of Police to take “suo moto” action whenever such speeches occurred. Out of the FIRs filed, four were against T Raja Singh, suspended BJP MLA from Telangana, two against Kajal Hindustani, one against Suresh Chavhanke of Sudarshan news and in all two against Kallicharan Maharaj alias Dhananjay Sarag. 16 out of these 30 were linked to Sakal Hindu Samaj rallies. (Details may be read here)

CJP is dedicated to finding and bringing to light instances of Hate Speech, so that the bigots propagating these venomous ideas can be unmasked and brought to justice. To learn more about our campaign against hate speech, please become a member. To support our initiatives, please donate now!

However, more than a year later, progress on these cases seems to have stalled. According to information obtained by The Indian Express through the Right to Information Act, police have yet to file chargesheets in at least 19 of the 25 cases, including all 16 related to SHS rallies. The delay is attributed to the lengthy process of securing the state government’s approval for prosecution, which is mandatory for sensitive cases under IPC Sections 153(A) (related to promoting communal enmity) and 295(A) (insulting religious beliefs). Among the 19 cases, eight involve public figures or MLAs.

Notably, this absence of accountability by the Maharashtra police authorities and government is inspite multiple petitions and interlocutory applications/interventions being filed in the Supreme Court by different sets of citizens and groups; all with the common objective of urging the Court to take pointed and prompt action against those, through use of slur, stigma and hate, inciting a climate of violence and a situation of discrimination and social communal disharmony in India. (Detailed report can be read here)

Revelations of the RTI on hate speech cases and their proceedings:

The RTI filed by The Indian Express revealed that the Maharashtra police have yet to file chargesheets in at least 19 of the 25 cases, including all 16 related to SHS rallies. Without chargesheets, legal proceedings and trials remain at a standstill. In addition to the SHS-related cases, three other FIRs — two involving caste-related charges and one related to derogatory remarks about Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj on social media — are also awaiting government approval for prosecution. Out of the remaining six FIRs, chargesheets have been filed in three cases that didn’t require government sanction, including those involving comments against Chief Minister Eknath Shinde and damage to a statue of Shivaji Maharaj. One FIR concerns a non-cognizable crime, and the details of the other two FIRs are not known.

RTI records also revealed that in 2023, only 18 FIRs related to hate speech were sent for prosecution sanction, with just one in 2024. Of these, only one proposal for sanction, related to an SHS rally from Kranti Nagar police station in Chhatrapati Sambhaji Nagar, is currently pending with the Home Department. Investigating officers claimed that they had submitted sanction proposals for 19 cases, but a senior Home Department official attributed the discrepancy to bureaucratic delays.

The process of securing prosecution approval in sensitive cases can take six to eight months after an FIR is filed, according to officials. Senior police officers first vet the proposals to ensure all necessary documents are in place, followed by a review by a committee. If the committee agrees that an offence has been made out, the case is forwarded to the Home Department for final approval. Once government approval is granted, a chargesheet can be filed, and the case can proceed to trial. Delays often occur when police fail to include the required documents; for instance, an application for prosecution sanction was once submitted for an FIR registered as far back as 2014, a Home Department official revealed.

The IE report provides that when asked for a response, Maharashtra Deputy Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis, who oversees the Home Department, said, “We will take decisions in accordance with the law.” A senior officer from the Maharashtra police explained that there were no delays on their part and that any missing documents in prosecution sanction requests were flagged to the relevant officers. Four of the 19 cases are still under review by senior police officials, according to sources as mentioned in the IE report.

CJP’s efforts to monitor, track and report instances of hate speech in Maharashtra:

Since July 1, 2024, India has seen the implementation of three new criminal laws, repealing the Indian Penal Code (IPC) 1860, the Code of Criminal Procedure (CrPC) 1973, and the Indian Evidence Act 1872. Despite these legislative changes, the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita (BNS) 2023, which replaced the IPC, fails to address the growing menace of communal hate speech adequately. Key sections like 153(A) (promoting enmity between different groups) and 295(A) (insulting religious beliefs) from the old IPC remain in the new framework, now under BNS Sections 196 and 298, respectively. Critically, the need for state government approval to prosecute hate speech offenders remains unchanged, resulting in lengthy delays in cases where permission is required. (Detailed report can be read here.)

While these legal provisions remain structurally intact, they have proven insufficient in curbing the rise of hate speech in India. The Supreme Court has consistently urged the government to address the increasing frequency of communal hate speech in public discourse, including media platforms. Since 2022, the Court has called upon both central and state authorities to prevent such speeches, issuing directives in cases where hate speech has not been treated as a serious criminal offense. However, the word “Hate Speech” has not even been squarely defined in the new Indian criminal law.

An illustrative case occurred on February 9, 2024, when the Bombay High Court demanded that the Maharashtra government submit an affidavit outlining the measures it takes in hate speech cases. The court was hearing a petition by human rights activist Shakir Tamboli, who sought judicial intervention against Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) leader Vikram Pawaskar. Pawaskar had allegedly delivered hate speeches and was linked to an attack on a mosque in Satara in September 2023. Despite two FIRs being registered against him, no action had been taken. Tamboli’s petition also called for Pawaskar’s prosecution and arrest, as well as the transfer of the case to a special investigation team monitored by the court. The incident highlighted both the legal and political reluctance to confront hate speech, especially when associated with prominent political figures. (Details can be read here)

In a parallel development, the Sakal Hindu Samaj (SHS), a coalition of pro-Hindutva groups like the Hindu Janajagruti Samiti, Shiv Pratishthan, and Sanatan Sanstha, has been organising communal rallies across Maharashtra since November 2022. These rallies, often branded as “Hindu Jan Aakrosh Morchas,” have become increasingly prominent as the state prepares for its Assembly elections later in 2024. Beginning again in August 2024, these marches have been reintroduced after a brief pause, following directives from the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), the ideological parent of the BJP. The rallies involve participants clad in saffron attire, marching through cities and towns while delivering speeches that target the Muslim community under the guise of opposing “love jihad,” “land jihad,” and disputes related to Waqf land.

Despite assurances that the morchas are non-political, BJP leaders like Nitesh Rane and Gopichand Padalkar have taken on key coordinating roles at these events. Rane, a frequent offender with numerous hate speech FIRs to his name, has claimed that the morchas are driven by Hindus who feel the need to unite in defence of their religion. However, Rane has also implied that the BJP, by aligning itself with the interests of Hindus, stands to gain electorally from the growing polarisation. While the rhetoric of these rallies claims to have no political motive, it is clear that they are designed to consolidate the pro-Hindutva vote bank ahead of the elections. Right-wing organisations like the Vishwa Hindu Parishad and Sanatan Sanstha had organised similar rallies in 2023, in the lead-up to the inauguration of the Ram Temple in Ayodhya, with many of these events escalating into violent confrontations.

Citizens for Justice and Peace (CJP) has been actively monitoring the rise of hate speech through its Hate Watch program. CJP has documented numerous instances where inflammatory speeches made during these rallies have stoked communal tensions, sometimes resulting in targeted violence against minorities. As the next stage, CJP has filed multiple complaints with the police and statutory bodies such as the National Commission for Minorities (NCM), the News Broadcasting & Digital Standards Authority (NBDSA), and others, urging pre-emptive action to prevent hate speech from escalating into violence. Despite these efforts, action against perpetrators remains slow and inadequate, often hampered by bureaucratic hurdles and political complicity.

CJP has also highlighted the growing role of social media in amplifying hate speech. Through the use of troll armies and the algorithms of major social media platforms, hate speech is spread quickly and widely, further deepening communal divides. Platforms have often been criticised for their failure to curb the virality of such content, driven by their pursuit of profit and market share.

Since the resumption of the Hindu Jan Aakrosh Morchas in August 2024, CJP has intensified its efforts, submitting complaints to the police and other authorities, urging both pre-emptive and post-event actions against hate speech offenders. CJP’s ongoing legal battle for accountability includes challenging the reluctance of police to register FIRs and demand prosecution sanctions, which, as seen in the SHS cases, remain stuck in legal limbo for months. These rallies, which were once an anomaly in Maharashtra’s history of tolerance and coexistence, now threaten to disrupt the social fabric of the state ahead of the 2024 Assembly elections.

Through its comprehensive efforts, including the release of a Hate Speech Handbook, CJP continues to push for legal accountability and public awareness around the damaging effects of communal hate speech. As Maharashtra braces for a contentious electoral season, the responsibility to prevent communal violence rests squarely on the shoulders of both the state and central governments, as well as civil society organisations committed to justice and peace. (CJP had also released a Handbook on the same, may be referred here)

Following are the details of the events that took place and the number of complaints sent by CJP:

The complete table with all the events organised in Maharashtra since December 2022 can be viewed below:

Related:

Hindu Jan Akrosh rally in Mumbai sees conspiracy theories being peddled against Muslims

Multiple hate speeches emerge from Gujarat, Bihar, and West Bengal, sparking concerns, CJP files complaints

Modi’s government bypasses SC & Law Commission, no nuanced, strong penal sections on Hate Speech: BNS, 2023

Did hate speech deliver victories for the BJP? A constituency-wise analysis

The post Despite legal promises, hate speech prosecutions in Maharashtra remain paralysed appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The incidents, occurring within a span of five days, are not isolated events but rather part of a broader pattern of targeted aggression against Muslims. These attacks range from brutal lynching’s to the destruction of properties and places of worship, often incited by inflammatory rhetoric from political leaders and fuelled by a sense of impunity among the perpetrators. The alarming frequency and intensity of these incidents point to a systematic erosion of communal harmony, where violence against a particular community is increasingly normalised.

What is particularly troubling is the role of state institutions in either directly or indirectly facilitating these crimes? In some cases, law enforcement agencies have been accused of turning a blind eye to the violence, failing to protect victims, or even actively participating in the oppression of minority communities. This tacit or overt state support emboldens perpetrators, creating an environment where communal violence can thrive unchecked.

The week’s events also highlights the role of social media in spreading hate and inciting violence. Misinformation and provocative content circulate rapidly online, stoking communal tensions and leading to real-world consequences. The digital age has amplified the reach and impact of communal propaganda, making it easier for hate to spread and harder for authorities to contain the fallout.

As India grapples with these challenges, it is crucial to examine the underlying factors driving this surge in communal violence. From the politicisation of religion to the failure of law enforcement and the judiciary in upholding justice, a complex interplay of forces is at work, threatening to unravel the delicate social fabric of the nation. The incidents of this week serve as a grim reminder of the urgent need for introspection and action to prevent further communal polarization and protect the secular values enshrined in the Indian Constitution.

1. Hate Speeches and Incitement

The hate speeches in question often include inflammatory rhetoric that dehumanizes and vilifies entire communities, particularly Muslims, portraying them as enemies of the nation. Such speeches are not only delivered by fringe elements but are often echoed by influential political leaders, further legitimizing these dangerous narratives. For instance, terms like “love jihad” are used to propagate the idea that Muslim men are systematically seducing Hindu women to convert them, creating a sense of fear and mistrust among communities. Similarly, the narrative of a “population explosion” linked to the Muslim community fuels anxieties about demographic change, leading to calls for action that often result in violence and social ostracisation. These speeches erode the very fabric of India’s secular and pluralistic society, sowing seeds of discord and hatred that disrupt the communal harmony that has long been a hallmark of the nation. By framing one community as a threat to another, these speeches encourage division rather than unity, leading to a polarized society where mistrust and animosity become the norm. The normalization of such rhetoric, especially when it comes from figures of authority, emboldens individuals and groups to act on these prejudices, resulting in acts of violence, discrimination, and social exclusion. The cumulative effect is a deeply fractured society, where the bonds of trust and mutual respect are systematically weakened, threatening the very idea of India as a diverse and inclusive nation.

• August 28, 2024 – Sagar, Karnataka

During an event organized by the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) and Bajrang Dal, religious preacher Basvaraj G delivered a speech that propagated fear and animosity towards the Muslim community. He reiterated unfounded conspiracies such as “love jihad,” fuelling mistrust and communal discord among the attendees.

• August 29, 2024 – Doda, Jammu

BJP candidate Gajay Singh Rana made provocative statements asserting that the war that Hindus have to fight was not against terrorism but a conflict between Hindus and Muslims. He portrayed Muslims as aggressors and Hindus as victims, exacerbating communal tensions in the region.

In #Jammu‘s #Doda, #BJP candidate #GajaySinghRana said his fight is not against terrorists. The fight is between #Hindus and #Muslims in which Muslims are the attackers while Hindus are the victims.#JammuKashmirElection2024 pic.twitter.com/Fua7nveimy

— Hate Detector (@HateDetectors) August 29, 2024

• August 29, 2024 – Bhilwara, Rajasthan

Neeraj Doneria, the chief of Bajrang Dal, delivered an inflammatory speech alleging that various societal issues, including riots and cow slaughter, were attributable to “Islamic Jihad.” He invoked several anti-Muslim conspiracy theories like “love jihad” and “land jihad,” contributing to an atmosphere of hostility.

“Whatever riots, unrest, cow slaughter, division and Love-Jihad that there is in this country, it is due to Islamic Jihad. All this is happening due to those we had given shelter to even after they had divided our country.”

“They say that they want to make India into an Islamic nation by 2047. NIA had arrested 5 people from a Madrasa in Bihar. The NIA had found a book in which steps of how to make a nation into an Islamic state had been written. The steps included increasing the Muslim population by indulging in Love Jihad and trapping Hindu girls.”

“Babasaheb had even then written against Islamic Jihad. These people work according to their holy books, and cannot ever consider us their brothers. They could not even tolerate the 5% Hindu population in Kashmir, had raped a daughter in front of her Hindu father and a sister in front of her brother. They had written “Pakistan Zindabad on their naked bodies and had butchered them and thrown their bodies on the streets.”

• August 29, 2024 – Gangakhed, Parbhani, Maharashtra

BJP leader T Raja Singh addressed a gathering where he propagated baseless claims about “love jihad” and urged the state government to adopt aggressive measures, including demolishing properties belonging to Muslims, drawing parallels with actions taken in other states.

“I want to request the CM of Maharashtra to show his anger as this is the right time to do so. What Uttar Pradesh CM Yogi Adityanath does with his enemies there with Jihadis, Love Jihadis and those who slaughter cows, could Maharashtra not do the same?”

“In the city of Nashik, those who have the mentality of Bangladeshis, they should also have their houses bulldozed.”

“CM Yogi says that whosoever indulges in Love-Jihad, they will be hanged upside down.”

“Does UP not have Muslim population? It does. But the Muslims living there have understood that this saffron government will not leave them. The Jihadis living there know that if they indulge in any crimes like they did in the past, if they do any Jihadi activity, the CM will shoot them.”

• September 1, 2024 – Chomu, Jaipur, Rajasthan

A Bajrang Dal leader delivered a vehement speech laden with references to violence and war, promoting the “love jihad” conspiracy and issuing open challenges that threatened the safety and security of the Muslim community.

“Right not, Hindus are quiet. But the day Hindus show their anger, the people who say ‘Sar Tan se Juda’ will go hide their own heads. I am giving them an open challenge that come and face the wrath of Hindus.”

“They brought in the Waqf law but they never asked any Hindu about it. They tell us about lands that belong to the Waqf, but do they ever ask any Hindu if they donated their land to the Waqf? Those who trap our daughters and forcefully convert our brothers, why would we give our land to them?”

They trap our sisters and daughters in Love Jihad. Rashid fraudulently becomes Rahul, Ahmed becomes Manish. This is how they trap our women and force them to convert. It is then that a worker of the Bajrang Dal gets to the street and tells the Hindu girl that I will protect you and see that no one forces you to covert.”

• September 1, 2024 – Rasulabad, Kanpur, Uttar Pradesh

A far-right poet incited violence through a speech that called for brutal actions and preparations for war against Muslims, explicitly advocating for bloodshed in the name of protecting religious sanctity.

“From tomorrow only, let’s teach them a lesson. Let’s put on a show. This is a war, and with their red blood we will have our celebration.”

“It is a given now that there will be a war. We will fight for our homeland, we will fight for our Sanatan Dharma.”

• September 1, 2024 – Borunda, Jodhpur, Rajasthan

A VHP-Bajrang Dal leader disseminated fear-mongering narratives about Muslims, accusing them of deceitfully targeting Hindu women and eroding Hindu values, thereby stoking communal hatred.

“These people trap them by taking their numbers, defriending them and eloping with them. We have to stop our sisters and daughters from becoming Muslims. Our Hindu values are vanishing. These girls don’t know that Muslims are those who slaughter cows. We can never consider them our brothers since they even marry their sisters.”

• September 1, 2024 – Siwan, Bihar

Another leader from the VHP-Bajrang Dal threatened violence while promoting “love jihad” conspiracies. He declared that anyone perceived as weakening Hinduism, including Muslims and Christians, would face severe consequences, fostering an environment of intimidation and fear.

“We will not let your plans to covert Hindu girls by trapping them to increase your population, to demolish temples and to forcefully convert Hindus succeed ever. We have to work to ensure that this plan doesn’t exceed. We will not leave any Hindu, Muslim or Christian who comes in our path. Whoever wants to weaken the Hindus, they will have to face the Bajrang Dal and VHP.”

• September 1, 2024 – Srirampur, Ahmednagar, Maharashtra

BJP legislator Nitesh Rane made a highly dehumanizing and provocative speech against Muslims during a Sakal Hindu Samaj event. He employed derogatory language and issued violent threats, including references to destroying religious sites and inflicting bodily harm.

“If you say anything against Hinduism, we will tear apart the burka of Islam. We will kill one by one if they do anything to Ramgiri Maharaj. If you don’t stop your population increasing tactics, we will kill you like insects. Don’t cry when I break your Mazars using a JCB. If you want to say ‘sar tan se juda’, just go to Pakistan. If you do anything to Ramgiri Maharaj, next Friday your ass will be separate from your body. If you say ‘sar tan se juda’ again, then your head will not be on your body.”

“Danda uthao, Lande baghao (Pickup sticks and remove the Muslims).”

2. Acts of Violence and Assault

The series of violent incidents that have been highlighted below, which include incidents of mob lynching’s, assaults, and arson, are direct manifestations of the hate speeches that have become increasingly common. In one tragic instance, a Muslim man was lynched by a mob after being falsely accused of cow slaughter, an accusation often used to justify brutal acts of violence against Muslims. These acts of violence are not isolated but are part of a broader pattern where hate-filled rhetoric translates into real-world brutality. The victims are often targeted simply because of their religious identity, leading to a climate of fear and insecurity within minority communities. The repeated occurrence of such incidents within a short span of time underscores the alarming speed at which communal tensions are escalating, fueled by the normalization of hate speech. This violence not only inflicts immediate physical and emotional harm on individuals but also deepens communal divides, making reconciliation and peace increasingly difficult to achieve.

• August 28, 2024 – Madhopur, Haridwar, Uttarakhand

A 24-year-old Muslim youth named Wasim Qureshi Monu allegedly met a tragic end at the hands of a cattle protection squad from the Uttarakhand Police. According to his family and local witnesses, as provided in the Maktoob Media report, Wasim was thrown into a pond by the police who were on patrol investigating reports of cow slaughter. The police claim that Wasim drowned while attempting to flee arrest after they signalled him to stop his scooter.

Wasim, a resident of Sohlpaur Gada and a gym trainer by profession, was reportedly visiting his sister in Madhopur at the time. His family denies the cow slaughter allegations and asserts that the police violently assaulted him before throwing him into the pond. The police conducted a search throughout the night but only discovered Wasim’s body the following morning.

A police complaint has been filed by Wasim’s family, alleging police brutality and a cover-up. They claim that officers beat Wasim before discarding him into the pond and that his legs were tied and face injured when his body was recovered. Despite the serious accusations, no formal case has been registered against the police so far, according to a report in Maktoob Media. Instead, three FIRs have been filed against Wasim for alleged cow meat smuggling, assaulting the police, and sharing posts that could disturb communal harmony. Local politicians and activists have called for a murder case against the officers involved.

• August 28, 2024 – Kalyan, Maharashtra

On September 2, a railway court in Kalyan, near Mumbai, revoked the bail granted to three men accused of assaulting an elderly Muslim man on a train last week. The victim, 72-year-old Ashraf Ali Sayyed Hussain, was attacked on August 28, near Igatpuri in Nashik district, on a train by young individuals who alleged that he was carrying beef. A video of the assault went viral on August 31, prompting widespread calls for police action.

Hussain, traveling from Jalgaon to Kalyan to visit his daughter, described the assault as unprovoked. According to his account, when the train reached Kalyan, the attackers, who were reportedly on their way to Mumbai for a police recruitment exam, demanded to check his bag, which contained buffalo meat—a legal item in Maharashtra. Despite Hussain’s claims that it was bullock meat (which is banned), the men began to beat him and threatened further violence. They also boasted about their alleged connections with the Hindutva group Bajrang Dal, known for its involvement in cow vigilantism and mob violence, as reported by The Wire and The Quint.

The three men—Akash Ahwad, Nilesh Ahire, and Jayesh Mohite—were initially arrested on September 1 but released on bail the same day, as they were charged under bailable sections of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita related to unlawful assembly, rioting, and other offenses. Following this, the Government Railway Police added non-bailable charges, including those related to hurting religious sentiments and attempted robbery, which led to a new application for bail cancellation. The Kalyan railway court agreed, stating the accused’s presence was required for further investigation.

Jitendra Awhad, a leader of the Nationalist Congress Party (Sharadchandra Pawar), shared the court’s order on social media, questioning the railway police’s delay in action despite the viral video. The Times of India reported that the police have identified two additional suspects from Dhule district, who will be arrested soon.

• August 29, 2024 – Ramganga Vihar, Moradabad, Uttar Pradesh

A young Muslim boy was violently attacked by a mob who accused him of eve teasing while he was out buying milk. The situation escalated when the boy’s father arrived to defend him, only to be attacked by the mob as well.

A #Muslim boy went to buy milk was beaten by a mob on accusations of eve teasing in #RamgangaVihar area of #Moradabad, #UttarPradesh.

The mob also beat his father who had come to rescue the boy from the mob and demanded to check CCTV footage and prove the allegations. pic.twitter.com/lJTjqv2Y9o

— Hate Detector (@HateDetectors) August 29, 2024

• August 31, 2024 – Charkhi Dadri, Haryana

A migrant from West Bengal named Sabir was brutally beaten to death by cow vigilantes on suspicion of consuming beef. Sabir, who had been called to the area for work, was attacked and subsequently found dead near a canal. His relative, Asiruddin, was also assaulted and left injured at the scene.

Sabir, migrant from #WestBengal, was beaten to death by cow vigilantes in #Haryana‘s #CharkhiDadri on Tuesday over the suspicion of consuming beef. He was called for work and assaulted.

Later, his body was found near a canal. His relative Asiruddin was also beaten up and dumped. pic.twitter.com/77dpSSgzSW

— Hate Detector (@HateDetectors) August 31, 2024

• September 1, 2024 – Nandaprayag, Chamoli, Uttarakhand

An anti-Muslim rally erupted following accusations against a Muslim barber for allegedly molesting a minor girl. The protest escalated as participants chanted inflammatory slogans, attacked Muslim-owned shops, and issued ultimatums demanding the expulsion of Muslims from the town, leading to widespread fear and property damage.

3. Vandalism and Threats to Religious Sites

The incidents of vandalism and threats to religious sites highlighted in the recent wave of communal violence reflect a dangerous escalation in efforts to intimidate and suppress minority communities. In one case, a mosque was defiled with provocative graffiti and its windows shattered, an act clearly intended to incite fear and provoke retaliation. Similarly, the desecration of a temple by miscreants, who defaced sacred idols and left behind messages of hate, further inflamed tensions between communities. Such acts are not isolated but part of a broader strategy to destabilize the social fabric by attacking what communities hold sacred. These acts of vandalism, often coupled with explicit threats of further violence, create an environment where religious sites are no longer places of peace and worship but battlegrounds for asserting dominance. The targeting of these sites not only aims to provoke immediate outrage but also to send a chilling message that no place is safe from the reach of communal hatred, deepening the rift between different religious groups and undermining the spirit of coexistence.

• August 30, 2024 – Kanchanpur Village, Sitamarhi, Bihar

A mosque’s wall was defaced with threatening and provocative messages by extremists, demanding its demolition and making ominous threats against the Muslim community. The message that was written on the wall was “Jai Hindu, Hindus are your fathers. Remove the mosque by the 30^th, reduce the attacks on Hindus in Bangladesh, or we will eliminate Muslims from the world. Muslim brothers are requested to demolish the mosque, or we will bring Hindu supporters from Bantara and destroy the mosque. Jai Hindu.”

Despite the severity of the incident, authorities had not filed an FIR or made any arrests at the time, raising concerns about accountability and protection of religious sites.

In #Bihar‘s #Sitamarhi, a mosque’s wall was defaced with threatening and provocative messages written by extremists at #Kanchanpur village. The message read:

“Jai Hindu, Hindus are your fathers. Remove the mosque by the 30th, reduce the attacks on #Hindus in #Bangladesh, or we… pic.twitter.com/fyv1uL80g4

— Hate Detector (@HateDetectors) August 30, 2024

• September 1, 2024 – Mathura, Uttar Pradesh

An individual named Pushpendra Chaudhary attempted to set himself ablaze near the historic Shahi Idgah Mosque, expressing intentions to demolish the mosque. He was found with petrol and matches, and upon intervention by the police, he declared his aim to destroy the religious structure, indicating escalating threats to Muslim heritage sites.

“मैं इस मस्जिद को उड़ाने आया हूँ तोड़ने आया हूँ, आज नही तो कल ये ज़रूर टूटेगी, मैं डाबर भाइयों ( मुसलमान) को जगाने आया हूँ मेरा मक़्सद मस्जिद तोड़ना है”

मथुरा की शाही ईदगाह पर पैट्रोल और माचिस लेकर पहुंचे पुष्पेंद्र चौधरी ने तेल छिड़क कर ख़ुद को कार में लॉक कर लिया, पुलिस ने… pic.twitter.com/e7dxS7QFMa

— Zakir Ali Tyagi (@ZakirAliTyagi) September 1, 2024

• September 1, 2024 – Sanjauli, Shimla, Himachal Pradesh

A large protest erupted in Sanjauli, a suburb of Shimla, with hundreds of participants demanding the demolition of a mosque they deemed “illegal” and justice for a Hindu trader who was severely attacked in the Malyana area. The demonstration, involving nearly 500 people from various parts of the city, expressed concerns over the increasing number of Muslim migrants in Shimla, calling for their police verification and registration. The rally was sparked by a dispute involving the businessman, who was assaulted by several individuals from the minority community on Friday night. The police have already filed an FIR related to the attack.

Senior district officials attended the protest to address the concerns, acknowledging that part of the mosque’s construction on Waqf Board land was unauthorized and that legal proceedings were underway. Shimla’s Superintendent of Police, Sanjeev Kumar Gandhi, assured that the attack case would be handled as an attempt to murder and urged for peace. He also stated that investigations into the migrant issue would be pursued. Meanwhile, Shimla Deputy Commissioner Anupam Kashyap noted that the top floor of the mosque was under scrutiny, with construction halted and an earlier unauthorized toilet demolished.

The tension has escalated with reports that local police were enforcing a de facto boycott of Muslim workers in the area. Journalist Chander Sekhar Luthra criticized this action, highlighting that the police instructed local businesses to dismiss Muslim employees, reflecting a troubling shift towards community-specific discrimination. Luthra condemned the lack of support from the state government and urged Chief Minister Sukhvinder Singh Sukhu to uphold religious harmony and reject the divisive tactics being employed.

Hundreds of people gathered at #Sanjauli, a suburb of Shimla, on Sunday and protested against “illegal” construction of a mosque and an attack on a trader in #Malyana area of the city.

The protesters demanded demolition of the structure and registration of a case of attempt to… pic.twitter.com/JmFM7bg3XZ

— Hate Detector (@HateDetectors) September 1, 2024

Is Congress govt in HP going BJP way???
My first hand account in Shimla… after a Muslim allegedly bashed a Hindu resident in Sanjauli area of Shimla, first time I saw procession Hindus calling for ‘Muslim boycott’…
1/1@INCIndia @BJP4India @RahulGandhi @SukhuSukhvinder

— Chander Shekhar Luthra (@shekharluthra) September 1, 2024

4. Media Misrepresentation and Bias

The recent instances of media misrepresentation and bias underscore a troubling trend that exacerbates communal tensions and perpetuates harmful stereotypes. For example, using misleading imagery, such as portraying an elderly Muslim man in a context unrelated to him, can create unwarranted suspicion and prejudice against the Muslim community. Similarly, biased reporting on allegations involving minority professionals, without substantial evidence, can fuel religious discrimination and cast doubt on the integrity of those individuals. These instances highlight how selective and distorted media portrayals can deepen societal divides, unfairly target communities, and undermine efforts towards a more balanced and just public discourse.

• August 29, 2024 – Bijnor, Uttar Pradesh

In Bijnor district, Uttar Pradesh, a Muslim teacher named Ayesha Parveen was suspended from her position at a higher primary school due to allegations that she prohibited Hindu students from wearing tilak. These claims, made by the Basic Shiksha Adhikari (BSA), have been strongly denied by Ayesha, who has been a dedicated educator at the school for nearly 20 years. Following her suspension, students gathered to bid her farewell, with many visibly upset and some deciding to leave the school in protest. A viral video shows Ayesha, wearing a hijab, comforting her students and encouraging them to continue working hard despite the situation. Ayesha explained that she has never made such statements, attributing the confusion to a colleague named Usha, who had advised against wearing caps or tilak. Ayesha has since joined a new school while she awaits the outcome of the ongoing inquiry into the allegations against her.

A #Muslim teacher was suspended from higher primary school in #UttarPradesh’s #Bijnor district over allegations that she barred #Hindu students from wearing tilak.

The suspension was followed by the allegations made by Basic Shiksha Adhikari (BSA) The teacher, #AyeshaParveen,… pic.twitter.com/G48ofuYKDx

— Hate Detector (@HateDetectors) August 29, 2024

• August 30, 2024 – Rampur, Uttar Pradesh

In a disturbing instance of media bias, News24 TV channel used the image of an elderly Muslim man as a symbolic representation while reporting on a crime involving the rape of a baby goat, despite the accused being identified as a Hindu, namely Sher Singh. This misrepresentation perpetuates harmful stereotypes and fosters unwarranted suspicion and prejudice against the Muslim community.

रामपुर में बकरी के बच्चे के साथ कुकर्म कर लहूलुहान करने वाले व्यक्ति का नाम शेर सिंह है लेकिन @news24tvchannel ने ख़बर को ब्रेक करने के दौरान प्रतीकात्मक तस्वीर के रूप में कुर्ता और लूंगी पहने मुस्लिम बुज़ुर्ग की तस्वीर को इस्तेमाल किया है, ये News24 उन चैंनलों में सबसे पहले आता… https://t.co/urZM5L7FuP pic.twitter.com/WKnONPczBL

— Zakir Ali Tyagi (@ZakirAliTyagi) August 30, 2024

5. Political Statements Undermining Secularism

The political statements undermining secularism, as highlighted in the recent incidents, reveal a troubling trend where elected leaders and public officials openly endorse or rationalize communal divisions. Inflammatory remarks by politicians, such as justifying violence against certain communities or framing entire religious groups as threats to national security, exacerbate existing tensions and legitimize acts of hate. For instance, when a prominent political leader suggested that specific religious practices are incompatible with national values, it fuelled a narrative that equates religious identity with disloyalty, fostering an environment where discrimination and violence are seen as patriotic acts. These statements are not merely rhetoric; they signal to supporters that targeting minorities is acceptable, even necessary, to protect the nation. Such political discourse erodes the secular principles enshrined in the Indian Constitution, emboldening fringe elements and undermining efforts to maintain communal harmony. By leveraging communal sentiments for political gain, these leaders contribute to a climate of fear and division, making it increasingly difficult for diverse communities to coexist peacefully.

• September 1, 2024 – Udaipur, Rajasthan

Rajasthan’s Education Minister Madan Dilawar announced that any textbooks glorifying Mughal emperor Akbar and labelling him as “great” will be destroyed. Speaking at an event at the Vivekanand Auditorium in Mohanlal Sukhadia University, Udaipur, Dilawar criticized the comparison of Akbar with Maharana Pratap, arguing that it insults the Rajput warrior and Rajasthan’s pride. He described Maharana Pratap as a steadfast defender who refused to yield, in contrast to Akbar, whom he accused of causing deaths for personal gain. Dilawar condemned any praise of Akbar in educational materials, asserting that such references are detrimental to the heritage of Mewar and Rajasthan. He added that although they have not yet found any textbooks that honour Akbar as “great,” any such instances will result in the destruction of the books, as per Rediff News. Such statements from a government official raise concerns about attempts to rewrite history and promote a singular narrative that marginalizes certain communities.

Erosion of secularism and rule of law:

The incidents highlighted here are not isolated; they are part of a larger, more ominous pattern of communal violence and state complicity. The rise in anti-Muslim rhetoric, coupled with a lack of accountability for those who perpetrate violence, suggests a systematic erosion of the rule of law when it comes to protecting minority rights in India. The government’s silence, and in some cases, active participation in the vilification of Muslims, has emboldened vigilante groups and hate mongers, making life increasingly precarious for Muslims across the country. From inflammatory speeches by political and religious leaders to violent assaults and threats against individuals and religious sites, these incidents signify a breach in the country’s commitment to secularism and communal harmony. Media misrepresentation further exacerbates these tensions, contributing to widespread misinformation and prejudice.

If India is to remain a pluralistic and democratic society, it is imperative that these trends are reversed. This requires not only holding those responsible for hate crimes accountable but also fostering a political and social environment that values inclusivity and rejects bigotry. Without such efforts, the communal fabric of the nation will continue to deteriorate, leading to further violence and division. Addressing this surge in communal hostility requires immediate and concerted efforts from all sectors of society, including strict legal action against perpetrators, responsible media reporting, and proactive measures to foster interfaith dialogue and understanding. Upholding the principles of equality and justice enshrined in the Indian Constitution is imperative to ensuring peace and unity in the nation’s diverse social fabric.

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The post One week of escalating persecution: The intensifying struggles of Muslims in new India appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Vigilante groups, emboldened by perceived or real impunity, have taken the law into their own hands, leading to a series of brutal assaults and communal tensions across various states. These incidents not only violate individual rights but also exacerbate communal divisions, fuelling a climate of fear and hostility.

The political legitimisation of this far-right ideology in India has significantly influenced the increasing targeting of Muslims under the guise of cow protection. This ideology, which is rooted in a nationalist and exclusionary vision of India, often frames Muslims as outsiders or threats to the nation’s cultural and religious identity. Far-right groups have leveraged this narrative to justify acts of violence and discrimination against Muslims, portraying such actions as a defence of “Hindu values and traditions”. This ideological shift has emboldened vigilante groups, who now operate with a sense of legitimacy and impunity. Their actions are frequently portrayed as heroic or righteous under the banner of “cow protection,” a cause that has become a focal point for far-right mobilization.

The Supreme Court’s landmark judgment in the Tehseen Poonawalla case, which was intended to curb such vigilantism and ensure the protection of vulnerable individuals, appears to have had limited impact. Despite the Court’s clear directives to prevent and address instances of mob violence and unlawful harassment, the rise in incidents suggests a failure in implementing these guidelines effectively.

The Supreme Court’s directives, issued to address the growing concern of cow-related vigilantism, emphasized the need for robust measures to protect individuals from mob violence and ensure that law enforcement agencies uphold the rule of law. However, the increasing frequency and severity of these attacks indicate that the measures put in place have been insufficient or inadequately enforced. This has allowed vigilante groups to operate with relative impunity, exacerbating fears and insecurities among those targeted by such acts of violence.

See directives from Tehseen S. Poonawalla v Union of India (2018) judgement here.

August 2024

Bijnor, Uttar Pradesh (August 26): In a significant and disturbing incident, a police raid in Bijnor based on a tip-off about beef storage led to the death of a 55-year-old woman, Razia. Her family alleged that the police misbehaved during the raid, which they claim contributed to her death due to the stress inflicted. The police, however, contended that Razia suffered from asthma and that her death was unrelated to the raid. This incident has drawn attention to the conduct of law enforcement during such operations and the need for a thorough investigation to clarify the circumstances surrounding her death. As per media reports, an inquiry is underway to determine the role of the informant who triggered the raid and to assess the police’s actions during the operation.

Bhilwara, Rajasthan (August 25): In Bhilwara, tensions erupted when a severed cow’s tail was discovered near a temple, leading to violent protests by Hindutva groups. The subsequent attacks on Muslim homes and shops, including physical assaults on two Muslim individuals, reflect the volatile nature of cow-related disputes and their potential to escalate into communal violence. The destruction and violence inflicted during these protests highlight the urgent need for effective measures to manage and de-escalate such communal flashpoints.

Alwar, Rajasthan (August 21): The assault of a truck driver by cow vigilantes in Alwar, led by offender Monu Manesar’s associates, exemplifies the growing boldness of these groups. The brutal beating, captured on social media, not only shows the physical violence perpetrated but also highlights the broader issue of impunity enjoyed by vigilante groups. The increasing frequency of such attacks raises concerns about the adequacy of legal protections for individuals accused of cattle transportation.

July 2024

Sehore, Madhya Pradesh (July 29): The brutal assault of an individual named Lalluram Lohar by cow vigilantes, who accused him of cow smuggling, further illustrates the escalating violence against individuals involved in cattle trade. The discrepancy between the vigilantes’ accusations and Lohar’s account, where he claimed to have been lured into buying the cattle, underscores the need for a more nuanced understanding and investigation of such incidents.

Pali, Rajasthan (July 22-23): The assault on a truck driver in Pali by cow vigilantes, who were angered by the transportation of buffaloes, highlights the increasing aggression of these groups. The vandalism of the truck and the physical assault on the driver, part of the video made available on social media, reflects the severe consequences faced by those involved in cattle transportation, further underscoring the need for law enforcement to address and curb such violence.

Palsana, Baleshwar, Surat, Gujarat (July 20): In Surat, cow vigilantes assaulted a man accused of cattle slaughter and tied him up with a belt. This incident, caught in a video, illustrates the extreme measures vigilantes are willing to take. The lack of immediate legal recourse for such individuals exacerbates their vulnerability.

Pushkar, Ajmer, Rajasthan (July 19): The assault on a truck driver in Pushkar by cow vigilantes represents yet another instance of violence tied to cattle transportation. The brutal nature of the attack and the apparent targeting of individuals involved in cattle trade reflect a broader pattern of vigilantism that demands urgent intervention.

Sirohi, Madhya Pradesh (July 19): The assault of truck drivers by VHP-affiliated cow vigilantes in Sirohi, conducted in the presence of police officers, highlights the problematic relationship between vigilante groups and law enforcement. The failure of police to intervene effectively in such situations undermines public trust in the legal system and emboldens vigilante groups.

Pali, Rajasthan (July 18-19): An elderly truck driver was attacked by cow vigilantes in another incident in Pali, demonstrating the indiscriminate nature of these attacks. The use of sticks and verbal abuse against an elderly individual not only raises concerns about the brutality of these groups but also about the lack of protection for vulnerable individuals in such situations.

Fazilka, Punjab (July 13): The raid by Bajrang Dal members on a Muslim home in Fazilka, accusing the owner of cow slaughter, reflects ongoing communal tensions and the misuse of cow protection narratives for targeting minority communities. The denial of communal motives by police does not mitigate the impact of such raids on community relations.

Sonipat, Haryana (July 10): The dangerous chase and subsequent accident involving a truck transporting cattle, orchestrated by cow vigilantes using spike strips, highlights the reckless and hazardous behaviour of these groups. This incident underscores the urgent need for stringent measures to prevent such dangerous practices. 

Kathua, Jammu and Kashmir (July 4): The assault on Ramesh Kumar by cow vigilantes after an accident involving a calf highlights the extreme and violent responses to perceived cattle-related offenses. The public outcry and demand for justice reflect the broader societal implications of such vigilantism and the urgent need for effective legal protections.

Parasia, Chhindwara, Madhya Pradesh (July 2): The brutal assault of two Muslim truck drivers by VHP-Bajrang Dal members in Parasia, followed by the filing of cases against the victims, underscores a disturbing pattern of bias and violence. The lack of accountability for the assailants and the adverse legal consequences faced by the victims reveals systemic issues in the enforcement of laws related to cattle. 

Urgent Need for Effective Legal amendments and implementation of judicial directives

The impact of this far-right ideology extends beyond societal violence to the functioning of law enforcement and the judiciary. Police forces and legal institutions, influenced by the prevailing “nationalist” sentiment, often exhibit bias in their handling of these cases. Reports suggest that law enforcement agencies, swayed by the dominant political and ideological currents, are increasingly reluctant to take decisive action against vigilantes or protect the victims of such violence. This reluctance stems from a combination of political pressure, ideological alignment, and fear of backlash from powerful far-right factions. Consequently, the failure to enforce the law impartially undermines the justice system’s effectiveness and emboldens those who seek to perpetrate violence under the guise of protecting religious and cultural values. This intersection of ideology and law enforcement not only perpetuates violence but also deepens communal divisions, challenging the principles of justice and equality in Indian society.

The increasing incidents of cow-related vigilantism over the past two months of 2024 illustrate a disturbing trend of escalating violence and communal tension across India. These incidents, ranging from brutal assaults to dangerous chases and communal riots, reflect a broader failure to enforce legal protections and address the root causes of such violence. The Supreme Court’s directives aimed at curbing such vigilantism and safeguarding marginalized communities have not been effectively implemented, allowing vigilante groups to operate with impunity.

The recurring nature of these incidents, coupled with inadequate legal and law enforcement responses, highlights the urgent need for the implementation of judicial directions and amendments to those laws that directly or indirectly promote of legitimise vigilantism. Ensuring the protection of vulnerable individuals and upholding the rule of law must be prioritized to prevent further escalation of violence and to restore trust in the legal system. The implementation of the Supreme Court’s directives and the strengthening of legal safeguards are essential steps towards achieving justice and ensuring the safety of all individuals, irrespective of their background or involvement in cattle-related activities.

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The post 2024: Cow vigilantism escalates in July and August with rumour-driven raids and violent assaults on Muslim while legal consequences for perpetrators missing? appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Nobody has done more to advance this cause than Prime Minister Narendra Modi, one of India’s most beloved and polarising political leaders. Traces of the “Hindutva” ideology can always be found at the breakfast table conversations, an idea that has been deeply ingrained in the minds of well-to-do (financially) Hindus by a multitude of right-wing political parties. The conversation then goes on to engage in casual Islamophobia, which again is due to the idolisation of PM Modi, who has not once but multiple times asserted that Hindus are superior to every other religion in the country and the others are mere “infiltrators”.

Hindu nationalism is a political ideology that dates back to the 19^th=early 20th century. It encompasses a broad range of groups but at its core is a belief that Indian national identity and culture are inseparable from the Hindu religion. This ideology has taken a very toxic role in the present, which has not only reinforced the belief that Hindus are superior but has also led to a series of hate speeches, communal riots, and discrimination.

PM Modi’s political rhetoric frequently invokes themes of Hindu unity and strength, portraying his government as the defender of Hindu interests and promoting the idea of Hindutva. PM Modi has effectively used cultural symbols and narratives to reinforce Hindutva ideals. This includes promoting Hindu festivals, rituals, and historical figures and inaugurating the Ram mandir at Ayodhya! (Yes, it is the same temple that led to the Godhra incident and subsequently the Gujarat carnage of 2002).

Every single political discussion at the breakfast table leaves me disheartened. Initially, I ignored these comments, and my role was that of a passive listener to the conversation. However, I then realised that my reading and writing about hate speech and communal violence in the country, criticising several people in the course of doing so, and not being able to change the minds of my family itself serves as a stark reminder that there is a long way to go before the country truly embraces all that the Constitution of India stands for.

What does the Constitution of India Stand for? The Constitution enshrines the principles of justice—social, economic, and political. It strives to create a society where justice prevails, ensuring that the marginalized and the vulnerable are protected and empowered. It stands as a bulwark against discrimination, promoting affirmative action to uplift those historically oppressed. It envisions a nation where communal harmony prevails, where diversity is celebrated, and where every individual feels a sense of belonging. It seeks to unite its people in the pursuit of common goals, transcending regional and cultural differences.

The right to equality enshrined under Article 14 of the Constitution, only makes it to the breakfast table while talking about reservations and how they serve no purpose. The middle-class and upper-middle-class Hindus believe that reservations compromise meritocracy, and opportunities should be based on merit rather than caste or class, this thought process stems from a place of privilege. The right to profess one’s religion only makes it to the breakfast table while their religion is under attack. The right to free speech only makes it to the table, when one is very rightly criticizing the government and somehow that’s problematic. The stringent bail provisions on laws like the UAPA, PMLA, or the anti-conversion laws are never spoken about. The concept of innocent, until proven guilty, comes into play only when PM Narendra Modi is accused of the Gujarat riots and not when I want to speak about how it has been 4 years since Umar Khalid has been languishing behind bars.

These rights don’t make it to the table when there are mass riots taking place, when the right-wing spews hate speech with every sentence they say, and when the reservations somehow end up serving them.

Being proactive in these breakfast table conversations has taught me one thing, and that is patience. Since I am the youngest one seated at the table, my opinions are not taken seriously enough and are often laughed at. Every time I try to reason with them, I am met with loud voices that I can’t surpass, these voices are blindfolded with delusion, and deeply rooted in the idea of Hindutva. This radical ideology seeks to redefine Indian culture strictly in terms of Hindu values, marginalizing and discriminating against religious and ethnic minorities such as Muslims, Christians, and Dalits. It involves historical revisionism, reinterpreting India’s past to glorify Hindu achievements while vilifying contributions from other communities.

My dad said to me, I will talk about the questionable things PM Modi has done only if you can recognize the good, he has done for the country. I laughed, waiting to hear the good. He pointed to the GDP of the country. What good is the GDP, when the rich get richer, and the schemes introduced by the government don’t even reach the poor?

The Indian economy grew around 8.2 percent (this official calculation is not proportionate to the population that is GDP per capita) in the previous financial year, following two consecutive years of high growth. It even bagged global accolades after it grew at a comparatively faster rate than its peers.[1] Typically, this would be regarded as an electoral advantage for the incumbent government. A majority of people should have experienced improved living standards, and the ruling party would likely have emphasized this in their campaign. However, neither occurred. In India, a high rate of self-employment generally reflects a weak link between GDP growth and the generation of formal jobs. This underscores the ongoing challenge of converting economic growth into better employment quality, revealing a critical gap between the nation’s economic output and the availability of good jobs.

Moreover, is the GDP of a country enough to justify the amount of lives lost across different riots that have taken place, is it enough to justify the amount of people languishing in prisons because they disagreed with the government, is it enough to justify trying to turn India into a Hindu nation when the preamble itself uses the word “secular”, is it enough to serve only the creamy layer of the country and forget about the ones that actually need upliftment?

The number of lives lost in the infamous Gujarat riots totaled 1900 plus lives, whereas the number of lives lost in the Delhi riots totaled 53. The number of political dissenters languishing in jails amounts to 20 people at the least. (Only in connection with the Delhi riots)

Every single person, who is well-read recognises what the government is doing to silence dissent, seldom do people worry about it because the government is serving the majority and the rich. The fact that Modi and hundreds of politicians attended the Ambani wedding reeks of plutocracy. India’s richest man Mukesh Ambani has doubled his wealth within the first four years under the Modi government. Between 2014 and 2019, his wealth more than doubled –from about $23 billion to $55 billion. This means that Mukesh Ambani accumulated more wealth in the five years of BJP rule than all the wealth he made and inherited in the entire 58 years of his life before Modi became Prime Minister. The rise of Adani in the business world seemed to have gone hand in hand with Modi’s ascent to power in Gujarat in 2001. By the time Modi ended his tenure in Gujarat, Adani was a billionaire with a net worth of $2.6 billion. And, the fruits of this friendship continued to bear after Modi’s shift to Delhi. Adani’s net worth more than quadrupled to $11.9 billion – in just the first four years of Modi’s rule.

At the breakfast table, it is often pointed out to me that I am being blinded by one side and that I am not able to appreciate the two sides of the coin that exist. However, this question always crosses my mind, how is it possible that I am blinded by one side when the mainstream media just reports the side that makes the government look its best? How is it possible that I am blind to the mainstream media? How is it possible that the BJP government in total since 2014 having spent over 7000 crore rupees in advertising and PR itself has not reached me? How is it possible that a man who has made a brand out of himself, has not shown me his side of the story?

Every media outlet that has tried to raise its voice against the BJP has faced some sort of legal intervention. Be it NDTV or Sabrang. Between 2014 and 2019, 4000 crore rupees were spent on advertisement and PR (taxpayer’s money of course), whereas between 2019 and 2024, 3000 crore rupees were spent, bringing the total to a whopping 7000 crore rupees.

The question now remains; are they blind, or am I? The mainstream media, advertising, and PR have reached them, but the websites and magazines that showcase the other side of the coin have failed to reach them through their morning news channels and their morning newspapers.

The talk about Rahul Gandhi fumbling at press conferences or any other political leader is always laughed at the breakfast table and used as a testament to the fact that Narendra Modi is the only one who makes any sort of sense in the country. What is often overlooked is, since the past 10 years, that is, 2014 to 2024, the Prime Minister of the country has not been a part of even a single press conference, where he can hear the questions of the people, he is supposedly elected to take care of. Modi did face a press conference – only one – at the end of the 2019 Lok Sabha election campaign, five days before the results. However, he only addressed the media briefly and then diverted all questions to Amit Shah, his closest confidante who was then the president of the Bhartiya Janata Party. It is very easy, to come up with a speech prepared, address what one thinks needs to be addressed, make a couple of jokes, spew some hate speech, make sure the majority is happy with you, and then leave the stage. What is difficult is being able to take dissent and answer the questions that really matter.

Tens of thousands of questions, unanswered. Tens of thousands of political dissenters, languishing behind bars. Tens of thousands of crores of taxpayer’s money, lost and yet we idolise these political leaders.

This is not just the story of my breakfast table; this is a story of all upper-class Hindus of the country’s population’s breakfast table. This is not just the story of a breakfast table; it is the story of every political conversation of well-to-do classes taking place in the country. The 7000 crore rupees spent on PR has worked at its finest and brainwashed every sane, well-read person. The money has been used to make everyone forget the Gujrat riots, the Delhi riots, and many more.

When Voices go unheard at one’s own house, how will the voices be heard in a country whose leader does not know what the values of the country are and is actively trying to imbibe the “Hindutva” ideology in a secular nation?

(The author is a fourth year law student at the BML Munjal University)

[1] Editor’s Note: The issue of the manner in which the Modi regime calculates GDP without linking it to per capita status of the population is deceptive and dangerous as it in facts covers up the stagnancy in grown since 2011 and the huge economic disparities that have only got worse. See https://youtu.be/BfEffNzdeYw?s=BPpVcmDO9DYpGMdp

The post The breakfast table at a well-to-do Hindu household appeared first on SabrangIndia.

This is from #Mudkhed, #Nanded, #Maharashtra.

On May 4, Social media influencer #KajalHindustani delivers #HateSpeech against #Muslims. She peddled anti-Muslim conspiracy theories and called for only doing trade with #Hindu businesses. pic.twitter.com/vlAiInx0U2

— Hate Detector (@HateDetectors) May 7, 2024

Solapur, Maharashtra

Another serial offender has raked Maharashtra with his hate speech once again on May 4.

BJP MLA from Telangana’s Ghoshamahal constituency in his speech asked the state’s chief minister Eknath Shinde to not campaign or ask Muslims for votes, and instead to ask from those who ‘save Gaumata.’ He also further called for not buying halal certified goods and demanded bulldozers to start demolitions in Maharashtra as well.

“We had heard of land jihad, and love jihad. Now we hear of vote jihad.’ Referring to Salman Khurshid’s comment for voters to commit vote jihad, he goes further, “There was a time, when ‘you’ did a lot of jihad, now is not that time anymore because if you do jihad now, Modiji will hammer you (thok denge).”

This is from #Solapur, #Maharashtra.#BJP legislator #TRajaSingh delivers dangerous speech condoning violence against #Muslims at an event seeking support for BJP Lok Sabha candidate #RamVithalSatpute.

He used anti-Muslim slurs, targeted Rohingya refugees and promoted various… pic.twitter.com/mhOBqkgHiq

— Hate Detector (@HateDetectors) May 6, 2024

Consequently, according to Siasat News, Singh along with Nitesh Rane were booked by the police for their speech on May 7th.

Ayanagar, Delhi

New Delhi’s Ayanagar reportedly saw a communally charged speech by BJP’s Rajya Sabha MP Rakesh Sinha who spoke of ‘chopping off fingers’ of those who ‘point fingers’ at Ram.

“I promise you that after 2024, the mosque from Kashi Vishwanath will be done for. The mosque in Mathura will also get done with. We are well aware of how to chop off the fingers of those pointing fingers at Bhagwan Ram, Bhagwan Krishna and Bhagwan Shiva’s temples. The incoming Narendra Modi government will remove the shadow that Mughals have cast over our Bhagwan Krishna’s Mandir after returning in 2024.”

This is from #Ayanagar, South Delhi.

On May 12, #BJP Rajya Sabha MP #RakeshSinha delivers inflammatory campaign speech: “I promise you that after 2024, the mosque from #KashiVishwanath will go, the mosque from #Mathura will go… We know how to chop off the fingers of those… pic.twitter.com/kK27rYBLSc

— Hate Detector (@HateDetectors) May 13, 2024

Nanded, Maharashtra

On May 4, Kajal Hindustani, a social media influencer, gave an incendiary speech, urging the Hindu community to do ‘love and land jihad.’

In the name of secularism, you are being played. Your brother is sitting like a butcher and is chopping you. In nine states and in many districts, Hindus have become a minority. After railway and the defence, Muslims own the most land. Our women, temples, land and gau mata are not safe. Nor is the Hindu safe in this country. You have only one nation. Other Hindus are running to India from Pakistan, Afghanistan, and Bangladesh. Indian government has promised them citizenship. But where will you go? The Hindu is running from here, from Assam, Bengal etc. Till when and where will you run? How much will you run? Our jihadi brother, he is dreaming of Ghazwa e Hind. What is Ghazwa e Hind? Making India an Islamic nation. They are working according to a terrorist, Talibani ideology. What are we doing? We are only raising slogans. Till when will you stay like this, watching your sister get targeted by ‘love-jihad?’ You get prepared, you too do ‘love-land jihad’, do religious conversions.”

This is from #Mudkhed, #Nanded, #Maharashtra.

On May 4, Social media influencer #KajalHindustani delivers #HateSpeech against #Muslims. She peddled anti-Muslim conspiracy theories and called for only doing trade with #Hindu businesses. pic.twitter.com/vlAiInx0U2

— Hate Detector (@HateDetectors) May 7, 2024

Navneet Rana gave a hate-filled speech on May 9 while campaigning for the BJP’s Madhavi Latha who is contesting from Hyderabad.

She was speaking to Asaduddin Owaisi and his brother Akbaruddin Owaisi, “The younger brother says ‘remove the police for 15 minutes so that we can show them what we can do’. I want to tell the younger brother that it might take you 15 minutes, but for us it will only take 15 seconds. it will take us all of 15 seconds if we come to it.”

#WATCH | Hyderabad, Telangana: Amravati MP and BJP candidate from the constituency, Navnit Ravi Rana says, “…The younger brother (Akbaruddin Owaisi) says “Police ko 15 minute hata do toh hum dikhayenge ki hum kya kar sakte hain.” I would like to tell him, it took you 15… pic.twitter.com/YYutjVI73h

— ANI (@ANI) May 9, 2024

Similarly, on May 11 in Maharashtra’s Aurangabad she made the following speech.

“We don’t need 15 minutes to finish you up. We can do it in 15 seconds. I am not scared of any ‘Pakistan ki aulad’.” Pakistan ki aulaad is a slur used to refer to Muslims in India. He continues saying, “Ayodhya was just a glimpse, Kashi and Mathura are left.”

This is from #Aurangabad, #Maharashtra.

On May 11, “We don’t need 15 minutes to finish you, we can do it in 15 seconds. I am not scared of any “#Pakistan ki aulaad”. #Ayodhya was just a glimpse, #Kashi and #Mathura are left,” said #BJP Lok Sabha candidate #NavneetRana.… pic.twitter.com/fQ1npBhCAk

— Hate Detector (@HateDetectors) May 14, 2024

Kalkaji, Delhi

Notorious offender and BJP Leader Kapil Mishra, who shot to fame for his hate speech after the northeast Delhi riots for saying “Desh ke Gaddaron ko, Goli maaro saalon ko.”, is once again in the news for giving highly charged hate speech.

If one lane has two houses, one man has two kids one has 12. Allah ki dene” The crowd laughs, “Now the government says to combine property of both, and give equally to both. Now who will get the most money?’ The crowd jeers. “Are they not giving 10,000 rupees to laundya (slur), to Rohingyas. Now, you have a look at any photo of any Rohingya woman, have you seen? Four kids in the side, fifth in her hand, and the sixth – ?” The crowd jeers that the sixth is in her ‘stomach. Is it not the case? These Rohingya and Bangladeshi are taking money for going to school and giving to those who go to madrasa. Will we let that happen? Also, secondly, they will take the reservation given to Dalits, OBCs, and Adivasi and give it to Muslims. Will we let that happen?”

This is from #Kalkaji, #NewDelhi.

On May 11, #BJP leader #KapilSharma delivers extremely inflammatory speech against #Muslims and Rohingya refugees.#LokSabhaElections2024 pic.twitter.com/3y8NKmAroJ

— Hate Detector (@HateDetectors) May 13, 2024

Hamirpur, Himachal Pradesh

On May 23, Hamirpur in Himachal Pradesh witnessed a speech charged with communal tones by BJP MP and Minister of Information and Broadcasting of India, Anurag Singh Thakur. He was speaking about alleged “Muslim appeasement” by Congress. The phrase is often used as a bogey by right-wing supporters as a dog whistle.

“Congress will give reservations to Muslims and they will distribute property amongst people having more wives and children.”

This is from #Hamirpur, #HimachalPradesh.

On May 23, “#Congress will give reservations to #Muslims and they will distribute property amongst people having more wives and children,” said #BJP leader #AnuragSinghThakur.#LokSabhaElections2024 pic.twitter.com/FeuJ4MKg7L

— Hate Detector (@HateDetectors) May 24, 2024

Kolhapur, Maharashtra.

On May 20, Vishwa Hindu Parishad’s General Secretary Surendra Jain’s speech similarly made a charged speech filled with conspiracy theories directed against Muslims. He made the speech in Maharashtra’s Kolhapur, saying “Wherever Hindus are a minority, they are in danger. Fear mongers about Muslims and Christians sending money from abroad to convert Hindus in India. Hindus are being tricked into Christianity. We are under attack from Muslims and Christians.”

He further spoke of a united ‘Akhand Bharat,’ invoking countries such as Germany, Israel and Vietnam, and demanding that Hindu land in Pakistan and Bangladesh be “brought back.”

This is from #KaneriMath, #Kolhapur, #Maharashtra.

On May 20, Top themes of Vishwa Hindu Parishad (#VHP) General Secretary Surendra Jain’s speech: “Wherever #Hindus are a minority they are in danger. Fear mongers about #Muslims and #Christians sending money from abroad to… pic.twitter.com/ySJGYZLSI5

— Hate Detector (@HateDetectors) May 24, 2024

Deoghar, Jharkhand

On May 22, repeated hate speech giver, Himanta Biswa Sarma reportedly spoke in Jharkhand and gave a communally charged speech. He said, “Assam has suffered due to infiltrators and Rohingya. The Infiltrators consist of about 36% of the population, they have come from Bangladesh and settled in Assam. In 10 years, Jharkhand will be like Assam as well (with regards to the migrant population), the demography will change. It’s under the rule of the opposition that most infiltration happens.”

He further spoke about Kashi and Mathura as well, “We need 400 seats to build these temples; Madrasa & Mulla. It’s not our job to make Mullas. I shut down about 700 Madrasas in one day. Hemant Soren allows namaz in the state assembly, so if that happened then we should also be able to recite the Hanuman Chalisa. They are giving Fridays off, we have to stop it like I did in 12 districts of Assam. Vote for us to stop infiltration, build the Krishna Janmabhoomi Temple and the Gyanvapi Mandir. Vote for a united Kashmir and vote to shut down all these Madrasas.”

This is from #Deoghar, #Jharkhand.

On May 22, Top themes of #HimantaBiswaSarma’s campaign speech: “#Assam has suffered due to infiltrators and #Rohingya. The Infiltrators are 36% of the Population, they have come from #Bangladesh and settled in Assam. In 10 years, Jharkhand will… pic.twitter.com/h07T9AoHMG

— Hate Detector (@HateDetectors) May 25, 2024

Palghar, Maharashtra

Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath further sparked controversy as he claimed that the Azaan (call to prayer) will disappear from mosques in the next five years. He made the speech in Palghar, Maharashtra.

According to The Observer Post, he said, “Today you must be seeing that all the encroachments in Uttar Pradesh have been removed. Now, no one even thinks about riots there. Now no one offers prayers on the streets in Uttar Pradesh. Even the loudspeakers from the mosques have been taken down. In the next five years, you will see that people will forget that these things even existed.” The report states that a complaint against this statement has been filed at the ECI.

On May 29, the chief minister of UP again made a speech laced with communal sentiments, talking about how ‘Muslims will implement personal law,’ “They will implement Muslim personal law. They will become a Taliban regime. Women will have to wear Burqa and they won’t be able to go to school or markets. They want to bring back triple talaq and they want to implement the sharia law. This won’t happen under the BJP. ‘They’ will implement an inheritance tax and through it will X-ray your assets and distribute them among Pakistani, Bangladeshi, Afghan, and Rohingya infiltrators. Aurangzeb’s soul has entered Congress, and now the Inheritance tax is the new jizya. Let’s keep Aurangzeb buried.”

Sangli, Maharashtra

T Raja Singh once again made an inflammatory speech. Singh said, “Shoot in the chest of people who do ‘love-jihad’.” He also encouraged young Hindus to learn how to use weapons and to not hold fear for killing a “love jihadi.”

The event was reportedly organised by Sakal Hindu Samaj.

In #Maharashtra‘s #Sangli, #BJP MLA #TRajaSingh incited violence against #Muslims. He asked #Hindus to shoot down in the chest of those who convert people and are involved in ‘#LoveJihad‘. He also said ‘shoot the landya (Muslims)’ by referring the statement to #BalThackeray. pic.twitter.com/BcGoAOE2jy

— Hate Detector (@HateDetectors) May 28, 2024

Mustafabad, Delhi

In Northeast Delhi which is seeing a contest between incumbent BJP leader and singer Manoj Tiwari and Congress’ Kanhaiya Kumar, Kapil Mishra once again gave a speech on May 21, alluding to finding an “Afzal” in “every home”, and how PM Modi will “treat these diseases.”

“They used to ask “how many Afzals will you kill”, and that “you will find Afzal in each household.” Well, from wherever Afzal comes out, we will enter the house and kill him. Till when will they come out? They have stopped now.”

This is from #Mustafabad, North East Delhi.

On May 21, #BJP leader #KapilMishra in an election meeting says “They asked how many Afzals you will kill? You will find Afzal in each household. Wherever Afzal comes out, we will enter that house and kill him. For how long will they… pic.twitter.com/vgAFattdca

— Hate Detector (@HateDetectors) May 24, 2024

He further adds that the people have only seen a “trailer” and a “calm” Narendra Modi, who was laying the “foundation” for removing “termites.” In the coming third term, he argues, all these “diseases will be treated.”

Kendrapara, Odisha

On May 26, Himanta Biswa Sarma once again gave a communally charged speech in Odisha, saying, “Sri Ram Janambhumi has happened, but in Mathura, our Krishna Janambhumi, the Shahi Eidgah stands at that place. In Kashi, our Vishvanath Baba’s temple had Gyanvapi Temple, now it continues to remain Gyanvapi Mosque. Give Modji 400 seats and across, we have to build Krishna Janamibhumi and Gyanvapi Temple.”

This is from #Kendrapara, #Odisha.

On May 26, “#Kashi & #Mathura; Give 400 seats we will make the temples,” said #HimantaBiswaSarma.#LokSabhaElections2024 pic.twitter.com/nAanQLSvc7

— Hate Detector (@HateDetectors) May 30, 2024

On May 28, Sarma made similar such speeches at Bhadrak and Kakatpur in Odisha, arguing for the need to stop Muslim men from marrying four wives and implementing the Uniform Civil Code.

Ballia, Uttar Pradesh

On May 29 in Ballia, Uttar Pradesh, Home Minister Amit Shah similarly made a speech charging Congress of ‘Muslim appeasement’, “Electricity was only available during Ramzan, but now it is available for 18 hours a day. The Congress party wants to give reservations meant for Dalits, Adivasis, and Scheduled Castes to Muslims, as they have already done in Karnataka and Hyderabad. We will never allow this to happen.”

This is from #Ballia, #UttarPradesh.

On May 29, “Electricity only used to come in #Ramzan now its available 18 hours a day. #Congress wants to give #Muslims reservations which are meant for #Dalits, #Adivasi and SCs. They have already done so in #Karnataka and #Hyderabad. We… pic.twitter.com/VBnDPgBTCp

— Hate Detector (@HateDetectors) May 31, 2024

Related:

Spewing hate, slurring Muslims: an unchecked decade-long diatribe by Bharatiya Janata Party?

Hindutva groups seen holding weapons training camps and rallies in the past month in 4 BJP-ruled states

Repeat offender among suspects in lynching of Muslim man in Gujarat

Series of poll violations by ruling BJP. Inaction by ECI says Independent Panel

‘Inflammatory, communal’: Modi inciting hate in Jharkhand, poll official told

Bombay HC orders removal of derogatory posts “baselessly” attacking Malabar Gold, calls Kajal Shingala’s call to boycott the brand “prima facie defamatory”

The post Rising tide of hate speech marks India’s general assembly election campaigns appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Activist Majid Freeman took to X, formerly Twitter, to post about the incident. Slogans such as “Ayodhya toh abhi Jhanki hai, Kashi Mathura Baaki hain,” rang through the event. Similarly, slogans such as ‘Jai Sri Ram’, and ‘We are Hindu, Hindu Rastra is ours,’ were also raised at the event.

HINDUTVA PROVOCATION RESURFACES IN LEICESTER

During RamNavami procession on Thursday, Hindutva mob chanted “Ayodhya was just a glimpse, Kashi & Mathura are left. Lord Krishna, we will come & build the temple right there for u. We are Hindu & Hindu rashtra is ours” @UKIMCouncil pic.twitter.com/wH1s31HOIf

— Majid Freeman (@Majstar7) April 19, 2024

Freeman was actually an activist who, as per The Guardian, saved a man from a mob during the Leicester violence in 2022. Comments under this video on X include one user asserting that, “We will absolutely reclaim our temples.” Similarly, another user wrote a long post, arguing that it was Muslims who committed a large amount of crime in the UK, and accused the activist of collaborating with the police to spread, “Hinduphobia.”

On September 12, 2022, England had witnessed actual communal unrest between Muslims and Hindus in Leicester. The violence was triggered by false information originating from a distant source, as per Scroll, was spread in the city and soon the small incident escalated into a huge concern, with people armed with sticks and bats marching at each other. There was a march of around 300 masked Hindu youths who walked for about two miles to a predominantly Muslim neighbourhood, according to The Guardian. Reports suggest the false news had most probably originated in India and the police quickly debunked the misinformation. However, the tensions had run high with reports of violence by both communities.

An article published on the London School of Economics blog states that Hindutva has been growing as a steady presence over the years, especially after the 2022 incidents, in the UK. It highlights that this has been able to happen due to Hindutva oriented organisations becoming ‘more active’ in the recent years. It argues that the 2022 incidents saw the contribution of such organisations, as Hindutva organisations began to make use of existing tensions between communities for their own benefit.

According to a report by Maktoob Media, various local Muslim organisations have submitted complaints to the authorities regarding the anti-Muslim nature of the recent event. As per the report, Najeeb Patel, who is the Chair of Federation of Muslim Organisations, stated that, “I would urge Leicestershire Police to investigate this matter in the hope of identifying and quickly dealing with any harmful behaviour, dispelling any misinformation and avoiding the potential for any further disturbances or disruption to community relations in Leicester.”

Related:

Police file FIR against BJP leaders after seen holding weapon at Ram Navami rally

Ram Navami 2024: Provocative speeches advocating for desecration of Mosques, display of swords, slogans in front of Mosques mark the Hindu festival

Hindutva Rising: Muslim man lynched, day later Hindutva groups disrupt protest for Babri in West Bengal    

Hindutva’s “rice-bag” controversy

The post Hindutva slogans soar in Leicester, has communal hatred been exported overseas? appeared first on SabrangIndia.

“It’s the day of resurrection…”:

Swami Avdheshanand Giri after Pran Pratishtha ceremony in Ayodhya[1]

1.  A Memorial For a Supremo

‘Rajju Bhaiya Sainik Vidya Mandir’ Shikarpur Tehsil, Bulandshahr.

It was October 2020 when a Sainik School for boys was inaugurated in Shikarpur Tehsil of Bulandshahr District.[2] Right from Indresh Kumar, or Ram Lal, to Mahant of Junagarh Avadheshanand Giri, a seer supposed to be close to the proponents of Hindutva, many leading lights of the RSS and its frontal organisations or co-travellers of their ideology attended the high profile function.

The event made headlines for several reasons:

One, it was called the ‘first Sainik School of RSS’.

Two, a whooping sum of Rs 40 crores was supposed to be spent over it – thanks to the largesse extended by the union (Modi) government.

Thirdly, it was one of those rare occasions when RSS had moved beyond its founder member Dr Hedgewar to build memorials. Remember Rajendra Singh alias Rajju Bhaiya (1922-2003) was the first non-Brahmin and non-Maharashtrian Supremo of RSS from 1994-2000.  This Sainik School is located in the same place where he (Raju Bhaiya) was born.

Normally, an idea to start a school is met with jubilation. This one however had the opposite effect.  There were voices of concern raised by educationists, social activists as well as political leaders,

The added concern was that Vidya Bharati, the education wing of the RSS – which already runs 20,000 schools across India – would now also be running this military school although there was a clarification that this Army School will follow the CBSE curriculum and will have classes running from Class 6 to Class 12.

The same Vidya Bharatii (of the RSS’) whose stated mission is  

“To develop a National System of Education which would help building a generation of young men and women that is committed to Hindutva and infused with patriotic fervour”. [3]

Questioning the whooping sum of Rs 40 crores which would be spent over it, Akhilesh Yadav, leader of the Samajwadi {arty (SP) and former Chief Minister of UP, had, at the time, underlined that since we already have enough such institutions “[r]un by the government so where is the need for RSS to run its own army school,”[4]

He did not hide his apprehensions about what curriculum be taught there.

“RSS apparently wanted to serve its political purpose by opening the army school where the students will “probably be taught lessons in mob lynching and disrupting social harmony”.[5]

The concern expressed by many about this project could not be brushed aside easily. It is a different matter that in today’s mediatised world, things move with such a speed that the issue of a RSS run military school , the RBSVM – Rajju Bhaiya Sainik Vidya Mandir – and the attendant furore soon died down. Little did anyone carry the premonition that the founding of RBSVM was just a trailer of what lay in store: asli film abhi baaki thi‘.

2. Sainik Schools for Swayamsevaks??

‘Centre hands over 62% of new Sainik Schools to Sangh Parivar, BJP politicians and allies‘[6]

We were woken up from this momentary slumber by an investigative report published by Reporters Collective a team of dedicated investigative journalists and researchers – which has also been responsible for intrepid investigations on crucial issues that have generated public debate. What is remarkable that their key concern in taking up this work has been the failure of the mainstream media to ‘hold the powerful accountable to citizens.’ This report investigated by Astha Savyasachi was no less thorough and concerning.

What it effectively brought forth was that Sainik Schools like RBSVM – Rajju Bhaiya Sainik Vidya Mandir, are going to be a model for the future under this regime (until it remained in power). Such schools would come up or are coming up in rest of India which would effectively rely on ‘ideologically slanted organisations to train future cadets’ for the military.

The emergence of these new Sainik Schools has been facilitated by formation of an “Sainik Schools Society (SSS), an autonomous body under the Ministry of Defence (MoD), to run Sainik Schools under Public-Private Partnership (PPP) model’ and government opening doors for private players to run Sainik Schools in India ( 2021).

What appears rather striking to any neutral observer is that despite the fact that these Sainik Schools were being promoted to facilitate entry of eligible students in the military and other security forces, the only criterion of sorts to set up such a school was one related to infrastructure.

‘[a]s per the approval policy document  infrastructure was the only specified criterion that made a school eligible for approval. ‘Thus any school which had the SSS specified architecture like – land, physical and IT infrastructure, finanical resources and staff etc could apply to become one such school.’ [7]

What is clear in the union government’s “scheme”:

“[e]nabled schools linked with the Sangh Parivar and organisations with similar ideologies to apply.”[8]

To date, 40 schools have signed a memorandum of understanding (MOU) with the Sainik Schools Society (SSS) and the report further explains that out of which

“According to the RTI responses, at least 40 schools have signed MoUs with the Sainik Schools Society between May 05, 2022 and December 27, 2023. A closer review by The Collective reveals that out of the 40 schools, 11 are directly owned by BJP politicians or managed by trusts chaired by them, or belong to friends and political allies of the BJP. Eight are managed by RSS and its allied organisations directly. Additionally, six schools have close ties to Hindutva organisations or far-right rabble-rousers, and other Hindu religious organisations. None of the approved schools are run by Christian or Muslim organisations or any of the religious minorities of India.”

An idea of the people who are being given permission to run these schools can be had from the names of individuals which the report shares. It would be opportune here to share two such names who are widely known not only for their stature within the larger Parivar network but also for their speeches and actions which have raised concerns at deeper levels.

One of them is run by Mahant Balaknath Yogi, the incumbent BJP MLA from Tijara in Rajasthan.[9]  Anyone who has closely followed the assembly elections in Rajasthan would recall that he is called as ‘Rajasthan ka Yogi‘ by his followers and reports had appeared in a section of the press which had said that if BJP regains power in Rajasthan then he would be in the running to get the top post.

It is a different matter the BJP leadership decided otherwise because of its own considerations.

Apart from Mahant Balaknath Yogi, Sadhvi Rithambhara, called as Didi Ma in the Hindutva circles -happens to be another high profile individual from the Hindutva family.

Founder of Durga Vahini, Vishwa Hindu Parishad’s (VHP) women’s wing, and a key figure in the Ram temple movement, her fiery speeches during late 80s or early 90s during the mass movement against the five hundred year old mosque had come under scanner for provoking disaffection and discord in the society. Controversial for her speeches leading to the demolition of Babri Masjid in December 1992, historian Tanika Sarkar described Ritambhara and her speeches as “the single most powerful instrument for whipping up anti-Muslim violence.” The Liberhans Commission which probed the Babri Masjid demolition in Ayodhya, accused 68 people including Ritambhara of leading the country “to the brink of communal discord.”[10]

Even more than 30 years after that deplorable period she still remains significant within the Sangh Parivar and close to several BJP leaders. One learns that Union Home Minister Amit Shah had travelled to Vrindavan in December 2023 to wish her on her birthday.

As of now she runs two schools under this PPP scheme one in Vrindavan titled ” Samvid Gurukulam Girls Sainik School” and another, Raj Luxmi Samvid Gurukulam in Solan, Himachal Pradesh. The report also carries a video link – carried on the Facebook page of the school – and also an extract of Sadhvi Rithambhara’s speech where she addresses the students about ‘honour’, traditions and rituals during a personality development camp. She can be seen commenting on how girls are “out of control” in colleges and social media.

It does give one an idea about what sorts of thing would be taught or silenced.

No doubt it does not need profound wisdom to understand the content of education in all these schools. Would it be any different from the sectarian worldview which is taught in other RSS run schools where the mission itself is to build “[a] generation of young men and women that is committed to Hindutva and infused with patriotic fervour”.

3. FOR MILITARY REGENERATION OF HINDUS! REALLY?

Anyone who believes in Indian Constitution and understands the role of Sainik Schools – which prepare students to be made eligible for entry into Defence Services at various levels and manage to send around 25 per cent of its recruits – should feel deeply concerned with this policy of PPP model in founding of Sainik Schools.

There are many reasons which demand that this policy should be finally dumped:

• One, noted educationists have raised serious concerns over running such schools
• Two, defence personnel have similarly raised serious objections to such schools
• Three, Hindutva Supremacist organisations and their affiliates would be key players in running such schools, organisations whose world view does not resonate with the Constitution
• Four, unfortunately we have around 90 year old experience of such Sainik Schools running in our country – since before independence – mainly run by organisations/ individuals close to the Hindutva Supremacists World View and this has not been very encouraging
• Five, the first decade of the 21st century witnessed emergence of what is popularly known as Hindutva terror groups, who were engaged in terror acts within the country. Right from the Nanded Bomb Blast (2006) to the Malegaon Bomb blasts, we have few such examples where fanatic Hindus tried to engage in terror acts.

Courts are still dealing with these cases but prima facie evidence suggests that such fanatics had an initial exposure to radical ideas and even received training at such schools

Let us take up these reservations one by one:

One, it would be opportune here to revisit how a leading educationist – Prof Anita Rampal – shared her reservations when she learnt about the role of RSS in running a military school in Shikarpur. She broadly raised three points while participating in a panel discussion[11]:

• How any such special school goes against our basic demand that till ten years of age

(At least) there should be common school system for all?

• How studies show that all such ‘military schools’ – which are all filled with male students – encourage a ‘macho’ personality among students.
• Close on the heels of the discussions around New Education Policy Draft presented by Kasturirangan Committee, which even talks of role of retired teachers and retired army personnel in education this project looks worrisome.

Two, as we already mentioned it was the year 2021 when the present ruling dispensation had taken a significant step in the direction of setting up of 100 Sainik Schools in partnership with NGOs, private schools etc. What is worth noting that voices of concern and caution and need for ‘further introspection’ were immediately raised by military personnel (retd) and security analysts.

In his exhaustive piece Lt General Prakash Menon had cautioned ‘Don’t rush into Sainik School public-private partnership. It can dilute and corrut’[12] )  He emphasised that ‘The preservation of Sainik School ‘ethos’ cannot be done without the Ministry of Defence being in control.’[13]

His observations were about composition of students who would take up admissions in such schools, absence of any ‘multi-cultural’ character and most of them coming from a restricted pool and a majority of them anchored in narrow worldview:

Private/NGO schools have local students and may not be multi-cultural. The existing boarding schools available for incorporation will be from a restricted pool with most of them being privately administered. The majority of them will be anchored in narrow religious/corporate/family/social/cultural credos, which could run counter to the essential ethos of Sainik Schools acting as a melting pot for limited identities and catalysing the creation of a large Indian national one. This is a major flaw in the proposal and is derived from structural incompatibility of the proposed partnership model.[14]

He was worried also about the nexus developing between the Union and Private parties to promote an ideologically slanted education much removed from values enshrined in the Constitution and also the long-term strategic consequences of some of our future military leaders imbued in Hindutva/cultural nationalism

The potential greater danger is that of a nexus developing between the Union and the private parties to promote an ideologically slanted version of education that is far removed from the values enshrined in the Constitution. Take, for instance, Vidya Bharathi, one of the oldest and largest groups with a national footprint. Its mission is: “To develop a National System of Education which would help building a generation of young men and women that is committed to Hindutva and infused with patriotic fervour”.

Would such an outlook be compatible with the preservation and promotion of the Sainik School spirit? The long-term strategic consequences of some of our future military leaders imbued in Hindutva/cultural nationalism can remain a part of political debate. But from a national security perspective, decision-making on the issue must preserve national interests that are derived from constitutional values. This will require the political leaderships to put the nation ahead of their parties.[15]

Three, the fact that Hindutva Supremacist Organisations would be key players in such schools should definitely become a matter of concern.

Nobody can suddenly develop amnesia over the fact that Hindutva Supremacists organisations – few of which have been active before independence itself – have a controversial past about which they themselves or their ideological descendants have to do lot of explaining. A number of articles have been written about the fact that such formations did not participate in the freedom struggle and in fact, when broad masses of Indian people were united for anti-colonial struggle, by its actions they tried to weaken the unity.[16]

Their leaders had tremendous fascination for the ‘final solution’ offered by Hitler and yearn to implement it here as well.

In fact, when the newly independent nation embarked on having a new constitution for it – based on one man – one vote – which resolved to do away with all the age old privileges based on caste, gender, race, ethnicity etc, it had opposed its making and had even vouched for ‘Manusmriti’ as its Constitution.

Forget the feverish attempts by the present custodians of such organisations to sanitise their own past and package themselves in a more attractive manner, there are going to be genuine questions about what sort of worldview these future soldiers would be taught in schools which would be run under their or their affiliates guidance.[17]

It would be the height of innocence to think that it would not be an exclusivist worldview of the parent organisation which is premised on an ‘us’ and ‘them’ thinking and which has still not deemed it necessary to admit women in its fold, when equality between different sexes is an established idea.

Perhaps, more importantly, such formations have always maintained that military education is important for students citing rising threat to the nation.[18] Of course, there is nothing unique about this fascination for arming people and providing them military education, if one compares it to other exclusivist organisations.

Four, like every exclusivist ideology/organisation/formation which claims to be centred around a particular religion – may it be Islamism, Zionism, fanatic Buddhism – Hindutva has always entertained a dream of preparing/arming its followers to fight the ‘others’ and slowly albeit not so silently moving closer to usher into its dreamland of Hindu Rashtra. Its ideologues/leaders have been candid enough to point out to the faithful’s the ‘internal enemies’’ and ways to deal with them or exterminate them. All these preparations dotted by regular drills, games and other militant exercises serves as a counter to the much publicised notion by the same people that ‘Hindus are Cowards’.[19]  Or the canard that, “Islam was spread through the sword” which has been an item of belief for the Hindutva fundamentalists.

It was in the mid-1930s when a proper military school was established by Dr B S Munje, mentor of Dr Hedgewar and one of the founders of RSS which was aimed “…to bring about military regeneration of the Hindus” Apart from Dr Hedgewar, and Dr B S Munje, Dr L V Paranjpe, Dr B B Thalkar and Baburao Savarkar – V.D. Savarkar’s brother were present at the inaugural meeting of RSS on Vijaya Dashmi.[20] This military school was to be built on the lines of the The Balilla institutions an idea conceived by Mussolini for the ‘military regeneration of Italy’. Anyone can see that from day one its doors were closed for non-Hindus.[21]

In one of the first exhaustive write-up “”Hindutva’s foreign tie-up in the 1930s: Archival evidence” in Economic & Political Weekly, January 22, 2000 Marzia Casolari [22] had provided details of Dr Munje’s tour of Italy, his meeting with Mussolini and his impressions of The Balilla institutions an idea conceived by Mussolini for the ‘military regeneration of Italy’ and his resolve to develop similar institution with ‘’our institution Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh”

India and particularly Hindu India need some such institution for the military regeneration of the Hindus: so that the artificial distinction so much emphasised by the British of martial and non-martial classes amongst the Hindus may disappear. Our institution of Rashtriya Swayamsewak Sangh of Nagpur under Dr Hedgewar is of this kind, though quite independently conceived. I will spend the rest of my life in developing and extending this Institution of Dr Hedgewar all throughout the Maharashtra and other province..[23]

It describes how after the death of its founder Munje, merely six weeks after Gandhi’s assassination, it faced a tremendous crisis and it was the role of the RSS activists there which helped it revive.

The Bhonsala Military School was thus revived. But the revival came at a price. With Ghatate acting as Nagpur’s key aide in the whole exercise, the management of Moonje’s school was silently taken over by men belonging to the RSS. “The shift took place during the period between 1953 and 1956,” says Major (Retd.) Prabhakar Balwant Kulkarni—who witnessed the shift and who had been attached to the school in different capacities from 1956 to 2003—in a detailed interview that took place in Nashik. [24]

Five, the project of running a military school under such formations is worrisome also because of earlier experiences which were concretised with the intervention and involvement of Hindutva activists.

e.g. More than a decade back when exposures in the Malegaon bomb blast case were taking place and terror modules belonging to Hindutva formations were under scanner- thanks to the painstaking work done by the then ATS chief Hemant Karkare – an organisation called Maharashtra Military Foundation (MMF) based in Pune run by – Lt Col Jayant Chitale, a retired air defence artillery officer had also made headlines.

In an interview to the ‘Outlook’ reporter[25] Jayant Chitale told him that he had

“Over 1,000 of my boys serving in the three services today. Each one has been brainwashed by me. They are motivated, determined and will do anything for the nation.”

The visitor’s book which Chitale has carefully preserved lists the names of all the young men who were trained under him. Entry on February 20, 1993 tells us that Shrikant Prasad Purohit, Law College, Pune was also enrolled here. The same Purohit, who later became Lt Col in army and was an accused in the Malegaon bomb blast case under various sections of the UAPA and Indian Penal Code with others.

Coming back to the ‘Rajju Bhaiya Sainkik School’ a section of the media is claiming that this is going to be the ‘first Sainik School’ being conceived and run by RSS.  This claim is not based on facts.

Bhonsla Military School (BMS) founded by Munje – leader of Hindu Mahasabha and one of the founders of RSS itself – is a living example that for the last sixty years, RSS or its activists are effectively running the school, which has run into controversy one after the other.

In fact, ‘Shadow Armies’ a book by veteran political journalist Dhirendra K Jha, – which has devoted a full chapter to the Bhonsla Military School – takes a close look at burgeoning of fringe organizations such as the Sri Ram Sene, the Hindu Yuva Vahini, the Sanatan Sanstha and the Hindu Aikya Vedi apart from few affiliated organisations of the RSS itself which according to the author ‘stir up trouble, polarize communities, incite violence in the name of Hindutva.’ It is common knowledge that there is a very symbiotic relationship between the BJP and these ‘Shadow Armies’.  They have accompanied BJP’s steady advance over the last three decades from two Lok Sabha seats in 1984 to 282 in 2014.

The school remained under scanner of security agencies during first decade of 21^st century.

The school, ..has been linked to various attacks by Hindu extremists in the recent past. The Maharashtra Anti-Terror Squad, for instance, found during its investigation of the 2008 Malegaon blasts that several of the accused had been trained at BMS. Witnesses and co-accused told the ATS that they had participated in meetings with senior RSS leaders and their affiliates to plan the bombings, and that these had taken place on BMS premises.[26]

Not only in the Malegaon blasts, ATS investigating the Nanded Bomb Blast Case ( 6 April 2006) which had witnessed deaths of two Hindutva activists while making bombs had discovered that the Himanshu, one of the deceased had organised a training camp at the Bhonsala Military School in Nagpur, apart from other camps. The charge sheet and narcotics analysis of accused in the Nanded blast case made it very clear that a training camp was held in the Bhonsala Military School at Nagpur attended by 100 to 115 people in May 2000 from all over the country.[27]

4. In Lieu of a Conclusion

Much has been written on RSS run schools and their pedagogical programme.[28]

A glimpse of the critique can be had from one such study published quite some time back. (Teaching to Hate: RSS’ Pedagogical Programme, Nandini Sundar, Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. 39, No. 16 (Apr. 17-23, 2004), pp. 1605-1612 (8 pages) Published By: Economic and Political Weekly, https://www.jstor.org/stable/4414900)

To paraphrase from the above mentioned study, if schools are one of the modes in which nations imagine and reproduce themselves, debates over schooling system are, at heart, debates over style and content of this imagining

Looking at the fact that in today’s India when the RSS and its affiliated organisations and its worldview is on ascendant, and its notion of citizenship, patriotism and nationhood have a wider constituency, it is easy to imagine whether such Sainik Schools being run under PPP model would be seriously inculcating Constitutional Principles and Values among students when the only requirement is that you need to have an infrastructure to run a school?

Definitely not.

Elections are round the corner and whenever a new government takes over, concerned citizens, civil liberty organisations, educationists as well as political formations should impress upon the new government to review this policy and decide to discontinue it.

[1] https://www.aninews.in/news/national/general-news/its-the-day-of-resurrection-swami-avdheshanand-giri-after-pran-pratishtha-ceremony-in-ayodhya20240122225147/

[2] https://www.amarujala.com/delhi-ncr/up-bulandshahr-rajju-bahiya-sainik-school-inaugurated-by-avdheshanand-giri-maharaj?pageId=1

[3] https://theprint.in/opinion/dont-rush-sainik-schools-public-private-partnership-can-dilute-and-corrupt/673499/

[4] https://www.thehansindia.com/news/national/rss-to-open-army-school-in-name-of-rajju-bhaiya-551122

[5] https://www.ndtv.com/india-news/rss-to-open-army-school-dedicated-to-former-chief-rajju-bhaiyya-2078110

[6] https://www.reporters-collective.in/trc/centre-hands-sainik-schools-to-sangh-parivar-bjp-politicians

[7] https://www.reporters-collective.in/trc/centre-hands-sainik-schools-to-sangh-parivar-bjp-politicians

[8] https://www.reporters-collective.in/trc/centre-hands-sainik-schools-to-sangh-parivar-bjp-politicians

[9] . https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/jaipur/rajasthan-assembly-election-2023-result-who-is-mahant-balak-nath-yogi-all-you-need-to-know-about-bjp-candidate-from-tijara-constituency/articleshow/105693829.cms ; https://hindi.theprint.in/elections/yogi-of-rajasthan-who-is-mahant-balaknath-who-is-in-the-news-with-the-rise-of-bjp-in-rajasthan/635496/

[10] . https://www.reporters-collective.in/trc/centre-hands-sainik-schools-to-sangh-parivar-bjp-politicians

[11] .https://khabar.ndtv.com/video/show/prime-time/rss-is-opening-its-military-school-in-bulandshahar-523031

[12] https://theprint.in/opinion/dont-rush-sainik-schools-public-private-partnership-can-dilute-and-corrupt/673499/

[13] https://theprint.in/opinion/dont-rush-sainik-schools-public-private-partnership-can-dilute-and-corrupt/673499/

[14] https://theprint.in/opinion/dont-rush-sainik-schools-public-private-partnership-can-dilute-and-corrupt/673499/

[15] https://theprint.in/opinion/dont-rush-sainik-schools-public-private-partnership-can-dilute-and-corrupt/673499/

[16] https://www.telegraphindia.com/india/bharatiya-janata-partys-ideological-ancestors-supported-british-muslim-league-against-indians-mallikarjun-kharge/cid/2011944 ; https://sabrangindia.in/why-is-the-bjp-calling-the-congress-manifesto-2024-to-be-an-imprint-of-the-muslim-league/

[17] https://www.newsclick.in/many-silences-mohan-bhagwat

[18] https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/nashik/india-was-better-off-under-british-rule-mohan-bhagwat/articleshow/11984492.cms

[19] https://francoisgautier.me/2013/02/10/are-hindus-cowards

[20] Page 16, Khaki Shorts and Saffron Flags, Tapan Basu, Pradip Datta, Sumit Sarkar, Tanika Sarkar, Sambuddha Sen, Orient Longman

[21] https://kafila.online/2012/03/09/75-years-of-bhonsala-military-school-militarising-minds-hindutvaising-the-nation/

[22] http://www.epw.in/journal/2000/04/special-articles/hindutvas-foreign-tie-1930s.html

[23] From Munje Diary, http://www.frontline.in/cover-story/moonje-mussolini/article6756630.ece

[24] https://caravanmagazine.in/vantage/the-rss-bhonsala-military-school-dhirendra-k-jha

[25] ‘Godse’s War, Nov 17, 2008

[26] https://caravanmagazine.in/vantage/the-rss-bhonsala-military-school-dhirendra-k-jha

[27] https://www.countercurrents.org/gatade100312.htm

[28] http://www.sacw.net/HateEducation/Ramak101198.html ; http://scroll.in/article/815049/indianise-nationalise-spiritualise-the-rss-education-project-is-in-for-the-long-haul, https://caravanmagazine.in/politics/ekal-vidyalaya-abhiyan-rss-fts-vhp-hindutva-west-bengal-trinamool-bjp

The post Militarising Minds, Hindutvaising the Nation | Training Future Military Leaders Imbued in Hindutva Supremacism? appeared first on SabrangIndia.

1. Senior RSS leader asks Muslims to break Ramzan by drinking cow milk

Even before the month of Ramzan had begun, a speech by senior Rashtriya Swayam Sangh functionary Indresh Kumar asking Muslims to break their fasts with cow milk was made. As per a report of The Print, on March 8, Kumar was speaking at an event organised by the Muslim Rashtriya Manch, an RSS-affiliated organisation, of which he has been a patron for over two decades. The event was organised for the launch of a new book by the organisation called Bharatiya Mussalman: Ekta ka Aadhar (Indian Muslim: the basis of unity). In addition to asking Muslims to drink cow milk, he also urged them to take a pledge to not eat cow meat.

As per the report, Kumar had also asserted upon the common ancestry that Hindus and Muslims share by stating “We can change our religion, a Shyam may become Shahabuddin, but his ancestors remain the same as we have the same ancestors.”

Kumar also asked his majorly Muslim audience to repeat slogans in several languages declaring one’s love for their motherland- Madar-e-Watan in Persian, Bharat Mata ki Jai in Hindi, Vande Mataram in Sanskrit, Ek Hind, Jai Hind in Hindustani, and Love and Salute to Mother India in English.

2. Students offering Ramzan prayers attacked:

On March 18, a group of people stormed the Gujarat University hostel in Ahmedabad late in the evening and attacked international Muslim students who were offering namaz inside the premises, injuring five people during the melee. The said incident had attracted criticism from many for the increasing intolerance and pervasive anti-Muslim environment. It is essential to note that at least five international students were injured in the said assault. As per multiple media reports, the injured students, who were from Uzbekistan, Afghanistan, South Africa and Sri Lanka, were admitted to the Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel Institute of Medical Sciences and Research Hospital.

In the next two days following the incident, the Gujarat Police arrested five persons in connection with the mob attack. Out of these, three people – 22-year-old Kshitij Kamlesh Pandey, 31-year-old Jitendra Ghanshyam Patel and 21-year-old Sahil Arunbhai Dudhtiuva – were arrested on Monday, while two others, Hitesh Rakhubhai Mewada and Bharat Damodarbhai Patel, had been arrested on Sunday. The police had booked the accused persons under sections 143, 144, (unlawful assembly), 147, 148,149, (rioting, with deadly weapons, offence committed by members of unlawful assembly), 323, 324 (voluntarily causing hurt, by dangerous weapons), 337 (causing hurt by rash or negligent act), 447 (criminal trespass) of the Indian Penal Code.

While the incident was condemnable itself, the action taken by the authorities in pursuance to the incident was shocking as well. Days after the incident, Gujarat University issued guidelines to international students living in university accommodation and barred them from engaging in “religious activity” in common areas. Multiple media reports provided that a university official had also suggested the incident partly stemmed from a lack of “cultural assimilation” on the part of the foreign students. On April 8, a report of The Wire stated that weeks after the attack on the foreign students for offering namaz on the premises took place, six students from Afghanistan and one from East Africa had been asked to vacate the Gujarat University’s hostel rooms for alleged overstaying.

While there was a wave of criticism in response to the aforementioned incident, some far-right supporters also justified the aforementioned attack by stating that the “act of offering namaz in public hurt the sentiments of Hindus.” Vishwa Hindu Parishad leader Dharmendra Bhavani said the same while delivering the hate speech, while also adding that the victims wrote in Urdu. According to Bhavani, the “cadre went to give the International Muslim students a befitting reply through the mob attack, just like the Hindu mob had done during Gujarat riots in 2002.”

The said speech can be accessed here:

Vishwa Hindu Parishad (#VHP) leader #DharmendraBhavani justified the attack on foreign students at #GujaratUniversity. He said namaz at hostel hurt sentiments of #Hindus and accused them of writing in #Urdu. So, their cadre went to give them a reply. He said it was a reaction to… pic.twitter.com/QNHpGPCtu6

— Hate Detector (@HateDetectors) March 17, 2024

3. Harassment of Muslim man by forcibly putting colour on his face

This incident was reported from Thane, Maharashtra as the festival of Holi was being celebrated on March 25. As per a report in the Siasat, a young Muslim auto rickshaw driver who was fasting claimed that a group of people celebrating Holi forcibly made him break his fast as they threw colours and water on his him. According to the report, the driver, Khan Mohammed Kadir, had picked up a female passenger from Kalwa and was on his way to Kharegaon. As they were passing the said area, four to five unidentified men stopped his auto and forcibly applied colours on me. Kadir also stated that “Although I pleaded with them that I was fasting, they did not listen.”

Kadir lodged a complaint at the Kalwa police station. Furthermore, as per the complaint, the group also broke windshield of Kadir’s auto.

The post can be accessed here:

At least five unidentified men were booked for allegedly harassing a #Muslim youth and forcibly putting colours on his face in a nearby locality of #Maharashtra’s #Thane on Monday. The victim, identified as Mohammad Kadir, said he had to break his #Ramzan fast due to the act.… pic.twitter.com/uE5I4wuQwN

— Hate Detector (@HateDetectors) March 26, 2024

4. More incidents of attack on Muslims after evening prayers:

Assault:

On March 31, an incident of assault of minor was report by Hate Detectors on ‘X’. As per the post, a Muslim kid aged 12 was attacked after Taraweeh prayers in Ahmedabad, Gujarat. As per the information provided, the kid had gone for a walk on the Dudheshwar riverfront while wearing a skull cap when the attack on the boy took place. It has been alleged that the perpetrators beat up the child and then fled from the scene. The minor victim had been brought to SVP Hospital pursuant to the attack. A video showing an ambulance coming to the scene of incident has been uploaded on social media.

The video can be accessed here:

This is from #Ahmedabad, #Gujarat.

After Taraweeh prayers, innocent Muslim kid Sufiyan (12) went for a walk on the #Dudheshwar riverfront wearing a skull cap when some extremist attacked the boy, beat him and fled.

The victim Sufiyan has been brought to SVP Hospital. pic.twitter.com/NSyZVGa2Aa

— Hate Detector (@HateDetectors) March 31, 2024

Lynching:
On April 2, a disturbing news emerged from Bahraich area of Uttar Pradesh where a Muslim man named Wakil Ahmed, aged 35, was going killed by a group of unknown people on his way to his home after Tarawih prayer. As per a report in the Siasat, Ahmed was reportedly beaten to death by unidentified persons at around 11 pm in the night.

Videos post the incident were circulated on social media platforms, where the deceased’s naked body is seen lying on the ground with extensive wounds. The said incident led to a big uproar amongst the residents. The video can be viewed here:

Uttar Pradesh: Bahraich,

In the month of #Ramadan Muslim Man Wakil Ahmed (35) was going to his Home at 11 PM after #Tarawih prayer ls when Unknown People killed him by beating him on the way.

Mr Wakil was only earning member in family.#Islamophobia

https://t.co/gnonT7xQkT

— Crime Reports India (@AsianDigest) April 2, 2024

As per the report, Bahraich police officials had launched an investigation into the heinous killing. The police informed the media that the deceased ran a shop and went home late in the evening after closing his shop. According to a senior police official, the body had been sent for post-mortem examination. “We have sent the body for autopsy and a probe has been launched to nab all culprits involved in the heinous crime. Further investigation is underway,” said the police officer. There have been no further updates in this incident.

Related:

Why is the BJP calling the Congress Manifesto 2024 to be an “Imprint of the Muslim League”?

Bittu Bajrangi arrested after beating man in front of police

Mira Road: Mosque clerics welcome people from across religion and caste to Jama Masjid Al Shams this Ramzan

Sufidar Trust, Walajah Big Mosque: The 4 decades long tradition of Hindus serving Iftar meals to Muslims during Ramzan

The post Targeting Muslims in Ramzan: Lynching, assault, harassment mar the holy month in India appeared first on SabrangIndia.

PM Modi in the eyes of Hindutva bigots represents the resurgent Hinduism and defender of Hindu nationalism against its enemies. The pre-Independence Muslim League led by MA Jinnah is a favourite punching bag for him which also helps him in spreading hatred against Indian Muslims. In any election PM takes the form of a relentless warrior against Muslim separatism. Reacting to the release of Indian National Congress’ manifesto for the forthcoming parliamentary elections in an election rally in Saharanpur, Uttar Pradesh (which has a substantial population of Muslims and history of religious polarization) he declared that “The manifesto of the Congress, released yesterday [April 5, 2024], shows that it cannot fulfil the aspirations of the country. The Congress manifesto has the imprint of the policies of the Muslim League before Independence”.

‘Congress manifesto reflects policies of Muslim League before Independence: PM Narendra Modi’, The Indian Express, Delhi April 7, 2024.

https://www.telegraphindia.com/elections/lok-sabha-election-2024/congress-manifesto-reflects-policies-of-muslim-league-before-independence-pm-narendra-modi/cid/2011716

Modi as a leader and ideologue of Hindutva can be forgiven for indulging in blatant lies (RSS is the biggest Gurukul or university in the world which trains manufacturing-speaking lies) but not as PM of India. In any accountable democracy he would have been charged for perjury and forced to step down. But in the present scenario when the regulator of Indian elections, Election Commission of India is more an appendage of the ruling party only people of India can teach a lesson to such a lies.

Let us get familiar with the Hindutva archives to know, who the real pals of the Muslim League were in pre-Independent India.

SAVARKAR AS THE ORIGINATOR OF TWO-NATION THEORY

Savarkar, one of the originators of the politics of Hindutva was the Hindu nationalist who developed the most elaborate Two-nation theory. The fact should not be missed that Muslim League passed its Pakistan resolution in March 1940 only but Savarkar, the great philosopher and guide of RSS, propagated the Two-nation theory long before it. While delivering the presidential address to the 19th session Hindu Mahasabha at Ahmedabad in 1937, Savarkar declared unequivocally,

“As it is, there are two antagonistic nations living side by side in India. Several infantile politicians commit the serious mistake in supposing that India is already welded into a harmonious nation, or that it could be welded thus for the mere wish to do so. These our well-meaning but unthinking friends take their dreams for realities. That is why they are impatient of communal tangles and attribute them to communal organizations…Let us bravely face unpleasant facts as they are. India cannot be assumed today to be a Unitarian and homogenous nation, but on the contrary there are two nations in the main: the Hindus and the Moslems, in India.”

[Savarkar, VD., Samagar Savarkar Wangmaya (Collected Works of Savarkar), vol. 6, Hindu Mahasabha, Poona, 1963, p.296.]

RSS AS PRACTITIONER OF TWO-NATION THEORY

The RSS, following into the footsteps of Savarkar, rejected out rightly the idea that Hindus and Muslims together constituted a nation. The English organ of the RSS, Organiser, on the very eve of Independence (August 14, 1947) editorially chalked out its concept of nation in the following words:

“Let us no longer allow ourselves to be influenced by false notions of nationhood. Much of the mental confusion and the present and future troubles can be removed by the ready recognition of the simple fact that in Hindusthan only the Hindus form the nation and the national structure must be built on that safe and sound foundation…the nation itself must be built up of Hindus, on Hindu traditions, culture, ideas and aspirations.”

AMBEDKAR ON HINDU MAHASABHA AND MUSLIM LEAGUE COLLUSION

Dr. B. R. Ambedkar, a keen researcher of the communal politics in pre-independence India, while underlying the affinity and camaraderie between Hindu Mahasabha and Muslim League on the issue of the Two-nation theory wrote:

“Strange it may appear, Mr. Savarkar and Mr. Jinnah instead of being opposed to each other on the one nation versus two nations issue are in complete agreement about it. Both agree, not only agree but insist that there are two nations in India—one the Muslim nation and the other Hindu nation.”

R. Ambedkar, Pakistan or the Partition of India, Govt. of Maharashtra, Bombay, 1990 [Reprint of 1940 edition], p. 142.

HINDU MAHASABHA LED BY SAVARKAR RAN COALITION GOVERNMENTS WITH MUSLIM LEAGUE

The children of Hindu nationalist, Savarkar ruling India presently are oblivious of the shocking fact that Hindu Mahasabha led by Savarkar entered into alliances with the Muslim League in order to break the united freedom struggle, specially, the 1942 Quit India Movement against the British rulers. While delivering Presidential address to the 24th session of Hindu Mahasabha at Cawnpore (Kanpur) in 1942, he defended hobnobbing with the Muslim League in the following words,

“In practical politics also the Mahasabha knows that we must advance through reasonable compromises. Witness the fact that only recently in Sind, the Sind-Hindu-Sabha on invitation had taken the responsibility of joining hands with the League itself in running coalition Government. The case of Bengal is well known. Wild Leaguers whom even the Congress with all its submissiveness could not placate grew quite reasonably compromising and socialable as soon as they came in contact with the Hindu Mahasabha and the Coalition Government, under the premiership of Mr. Fazlul Huq and the able lead of our esteemed Mahasabha leader Dr. Syama Prasad Mookerji, functioned successfully for a year or so to the benefit of both the communities. Moreover further events also proved demonstratively that the Hindu Mahasabhaits endeavoured to capture the centres of political power only in the public interests and not for the leaves and fishes of the office.” Hindu Mahasabha and Muslim League also ran coalition governments in Sind and North-Western Frontier Province.

[Savarkar, VD. Samagar Savarkar Wangmaya (Collected Works of Savarkar), vol. 6, Hindu Mahasabha, Poona, 1963, pp.479-480.]

It is tragedy of this nation that a person occupying Prime Minister’s office resorts to brazen lies learnt in RSS shakhas and boudhik shivirs (ideological training camps) which even Hindutva archives does not corroborate. He is betraying the honour, prestige and decorum of the office. The nation must request PM Modi that if he wants to act as a cadre of RSS he should resign from the office and take a seat in the hierarchy of RSS.

The post Dear PM Modi! It was Hindutva Organisations, not the Congress that colluded with the Muslim League in Pre-Independence India appeared first on SabrangIndia.

During one of the school events in June last year, the 60-year-old saffron-clad woman gets on the stage to address the students about ‘honour’, traditions and rituals during a personality development camp. In a video, shared on the school’s Facebook page, Ritambhara can be seen commenting on how girls are “out of control” in colleges and social media.

“What do we find in colleges? Girls smoking cigarettes at midnight. In these hubs of education, women are breaking liquor bottles, and spreading indecency with their boyfriends on motorcycles… We had never thought that the daughters of India would be so out of control. They are posting abusive reels on social media. They are doing nude photoshoots. They are showing off their bodies in undergarments. It seems that these women are mentally sick… These girls don’t have sanskar,” says Ritambhara.

Her girls’ school in Vrindavan and another, Raj Luxmi Samvid Gurukulam in Solan, Himachal Pradesh recently joined the list of at least 40 schools that have signed a Memorandum of Agreement (MoA) with the Sainik Schools Society (SSS), an autonomous body under the Ministry of Defence (MoD), to run Sainik Schools under Public-Private Partnership (PPP) model. 

In 2021, the Union government opened doors for private players to run Sainik Schools in India. In their annual budget that year, the government announced plans to set up 100 new Sainik Schools across India.

Any school having SSS specified infrastructure –  land , physical and IT infrastructure, financial resources, staff etc – could potentially be approved as one of the new Sainik Schools. As per the approval policy document, infrastructure was the only specified criterion that made a school eligible for approval. This limitation enabled schools linked with the Sangh Parivar and organisations with similar ideologies to apply.

Collated information from the Union government’s press releases and Right to Information (RTI) replies show a concerning trend. Our findings reveal that of the 40 Sainik School agreements so far, at least 62% were awarded to schools linked to Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) and its allied organisations, politicians of Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), its political allies and friends, Hindutva organisations, individuals, and other Hindu religious organisations.

While the government expects the new PPP model to bolster the recruitment pool for the armed forces, the initiative that brings in political players and right-wing institutions into the military ecosystem has raised concerns.

In the history of the Sainik School education system, this was the first time the government allowed private players to get affiliated with the SSS, receive “part financial support” and run their branches. On October 12, 2021, Prime Minister Narendra Modi led a cabinet meeting that approved a proposal to run the schools “as an exclusive vertical which will be distinct and different from existing Sainik Schools of MoD.”

According to the policy  document,  the government provides, through SSS, “an Annual Fee Support of 50% of fee (subject to an upper limit of Rs.40000/- per annum for 50% of the class strength (subject to an upper limit of 50 students) per year from Class 6 onwards till class 12, on Merit-cum-Means basis,” which means, for a school that has classes till 12th standard, SSS offers to provide support of maximum Rs 1.2 crore per annum. This is given as partial financial support to the students. Other incentives offered to the schools include “an amount of Rs.10 lakhs as training grant given annually based on academic performance of the students in class 12.”

Despite the government support and incentivisation, The Reporters’ Collective found that the annual fee for the senior secondary ranges from a nominal Rs 13,800 a year to as high as Rs 2,47,900, indicating a significant disparity across fee structures of the new Sainik Schools.

Who will run the new Sainik Schools?

Until the new policy, 33 Sainik Schools housing 16,000 cadets existed in the country with SSS acting as its parent body. SSS is an autonomous organisation under the Defence Ministry. Multiple government reports point to the importance of Sainik Schools in sending cadets to defence institutions. The Standing Committees on Defence have often emphasised Sainik Schools’ role in preparing cadets for the National Defence Academy (NDA) and Indian Naval Academy. In one of the most sought-after military entrance exams to join NDA, according to the 2013-14 Standing Committee, nearly 20% of Sainik School students appearing every year for the exam make the cut. According to data submitted in Rajya Sabha earlier this year, over 11 percent of Sainik School cadets joined the armed forces in the last six years. Defence Minister Rajnath Singh credits Sainik Schools for contributing  more than 7,000 officers to the armed forces.

Sainik Schools, along with Royal Indian Military College and the Royal Indian Military Schools, send more than 25-30 percent of the cadets to various training academies of the Indian armed forces.

“In principle, the PPP model is a good idea. But my apprehension is about the kind of organisations which will win these contracts. If the majority of the ownership is in the hands of BJP-related individuals/organisations, then that bias will impact the nature of education imparted. If, like regular Sainik Schools, these students also have to apply for NDA and other entrance exams for armed forces, the kind of education they have received will definitely impact the outlook of the armed forces,” said a retired Major General who didn’t want to be named.

According to the RTI responses, at least 40 schools have signed MoAs with the Sainik Schools Society between May 05, 2022 and December 27, 2023. A closer review by The Collective reveals that out of the 40 schools, 11 are directly owned by BJP politicians or managed by trusts chaired by them, or belong to friends and political allies of the BJP. Eight are managed by RSS and its allied organisations directly. Additionally, six schools have close ties to Hindutva organisations or far-right rabble-rousers, and other Hindu religious organisations. None of the approved schools are run by Christian or Muslim organisations or any of the religious minorities of India.

Sanctioned for party members and friends

From Gujarat to Arunachal Pradesh, a large number of these new Sainik Schools either see direct involvement of BJP leaders or are owned by trusts that they head.

Tawang Public School in Arunachal’s border town of Tawang is the sole Sainik School approved in the state. The school is owned by the state chief minister Pema Khandu. Hitendra Tripathi, Ex. Officio Secretary of the school managing committee, who also serves as the school principal, confirmed Khandu’s role as chairman of the school committee. Khandu’s brother Tsering Tashi, a BJP MLA from Tawang, is the managing director of the school.

When asked if the government has favoured their school because of their BJP links, Tripathi said, “I don’t find any truth in that claim because three thorough inspections were carried out by the concerned authorities.” Tashi and Khandu, however, have not responded to our queries.

In Mehsana, Gujarat, Shri Motibhai R. Chaudhary Sagar Sainik School is affiliated with Dudhsagar Dairy, which is chaired by Ashokkumar Bhavsangbhai Chaudhari, a former BJP general secretary for Mehsana. Last year, Home Minister Amit Shah had virtually laid the foundation stone of the school. Another school in Gujarat, Banas Sainik School in Banaskantha, is managed by the Galbabhai Nanjibhai Patel Charitable Trust under Banas Dairy. The organisation is led by BJP MLA from Tharad and the current speaker of the Gujarat Legislative Assembly, Shankar Chaudhary.

In Uttar Pradesh, Shakuntlam International School in Etawah is run by Munna Smriti Sansthan, a non-profit chaired by BJP MLA Sarita Bhadauria. Her son, Ashish Bhadauria, who oversees the functioning of the school said, “We don’t have any experience in running Sainik Schools. We will be starting it from the coming session.” He claimed, “The selection process was very extensive.” When asked whether their application was favoured for party association, he said, “You should ask this from the government.”

The investigation found many of the people benefiting from this new PPP model include several BJP politicians. This long list has BJP leaders from different states.

In Haryana, Shri Baba Mastnath Residential Public School of Rohtak is now a Sainik school. Former BJP MP Mahant Chandnath founded it and is currently run by his successor Mahant Balaknath Yogi, the incumbent BJP MLA from Tijara in Rajasthan.

Maharashtra’s newly approved schools include Ahmednagar’s Padmashree Dr Vithalrao Vikhe Patil School — an institution chaired by former Congress MLA Radhakrishna Vikhe Patil who joined BJP in 2019. Former Sikar district BJP president in Rajasthan, Hariram Ranwa is the chairperson of the trust that manages the Bhartiya Public School. SK International School in Sangli, which got Sainik School affiliation, was founded by Sadabhau Khot, a BJP ally who was a minister in the 2014 Devendra Fadnavis-led Maharashtra government. In Katni, Madhya Pradesh, Syna International School which received approval is headed by Nidhi Pathak, wife of the BJP MLA in Madhya Pradesh, Sanjay Pathak.

Some of the above-mentioned schools are existing schools which have received approval to become Sainik schools. Sainik schools, like many other government-run schools in the country, primarily follow the Central Board of Secondary Education curriculum with a few additional subjects, such as moral values, patriotism, communal harmony, and personality development, among others.

A school run by a foundation under the Adani Group, which is close to BJP, was also given affiliation.

Adani World School, in Nellore district, Andhra Pradesh, was also affiliated. The school is located near the Krishnapatnam port, a deep water port operated by the Adani Group on the eastern coast. The school is owned by the Adani Community Empowerment Foundation. Priti Adani, chairperson of the foundation hasn’t replied to our queries.

Saffronising Sainik Schools

The list of approvals didn’t just include BJP leaders, the mandate to run private Sainik Schools was handed out to RSS institutions and several Hindu right-wing groups linked with it. Vidya Bharati Akhil Bharatiya Shiksha Sansthan (Vidya Bharati) is the educational wing of RSS. Seven such affiliations went to already existing Vidya Bharati schools across India — three of them are located in Bihar, and one each in Madhya Pradesh, Punjab, Kerala, and Dadra and Nagar Haveli. Bhausahab Bhuskute Smriti Lok Nyas, an affiliate of Rashtriya Sewa Bharti, the social service wing of RSS, is also part of the cohort running the schools. Their school in Hosangabad, Saraswati Gramoday Higher Secondary School, received approval.

Often accused of rewriting history, indoctrination and anti-Muslim curriculum, Vidya Bharati is upfront about how they define their mission. RSS established Vidya Bharati in 1978 to administer the growing number of schools under it. At present it has 12,065 formal schools under it, with 3,158,658 students, making it probably one of the largest network of private schools in India. They, as mentioned on their website, want to “build a younger generation which is committed to Hindutva and infused with patriotic fervour.”

The new policy changes have raised concerns involving ideologically skewed private players running Sainik Schools. “It is obvious, ‘catch them young’ is the concept. Not good for the armed forces,” said former Lt General Prakash Menon, agreeing that awarding contracts to such organisations will impact the character and ethos of the armed forces. Menon is currently the director of the Strategic Studies Programme at The Takshashila Institution.

In an article, Menon highlighted the potential danger “of a nexus developing between the Union and the private parties to promote an ideologically slanted version of education that is far removed from the values enshrined in the Constitution.”

Aditya Mukherjee, coauthor of the book RSS, School Texts and the Murder of Mahatma Gandhi: The Hindu Communal Project, found it shocking that such schools received sponsorship and official support from the Defence Ministry.   “In a democracy, Vidya Bharati kind of schools shouldn’t even exist because of the hatred they have been spreading against minorities. But at least they were only RSS schools. By affiliating them to national institutions, particularly defence, the government is bringing unspeakable danger to the country. This is bound to infect the defence forces with a majoritarian, communal outlook,” Mukherjee told The Collective.

In an interview with The Collective, Avneesh Bhatnagar, general secretary of Vidya Bharati central executive committee, said, “We don’t manage these applications centrally. Each school applies on an individual level. The school committee would know if they were favoured. I cannot answer that.”

However, D. Ramkrishan Rao, president of Vidya Bharati central executive committee, talked about plans to apply for more such affiliations, “For now, we just tried with a few schools. But, we are planning on getting more Vidya Bharati schools to apply and get affiliated to SSS, said Rao.

Bhonsala Military School, Nagpur, run by the Central Hindu Military Education Society, was also approved to be run as a Sainik School. The school was established in 1937 by Hindu right-wing ideologue B.S. Moonje. During the probes into the 2006 Nanded Bomb Blast and 2008 Malegaon blasts, the Maharashtra Anti-Terror Squad investigated the Bhonsala Military School where the blast accused were reportedly trained.

Just like BMS, several other Hindu religious trusts, some of them founded by Hindutva rabble-rousers, have received approvals to run Sainik Schools in their existing set-up. This includes Hindutva leader Sadhvi Ritambhara’s two schools mentioned above.

Infamous for her speeches leading to the demolition of Babri Masjid in December 1992, historian Tanika Sarkar described Ritambhara and her speeches as “the single most powerful instrument for whipping up anti-Muslim violence.” The Liberhan Commission which probed the Babri Masjid demolition in Ayodhya, accused 68 people including Ritambhara of leading the country “to the brink of communal discord.”

She remains significant within the Sangh Parivar and close to several BJP leaders. Union Home Minister Amit Shah travelled to Vrindavan in December 2023 to wish her on her birthday. In January, Defence Minister Rajnath Singh inaugurated an all-girls Samvid Gurukulam Girls Sainik School. During the ceremony, Singh commended Ritambhara for her pivotal role in the Ram temple movement. “Didi Ma [Ritambhara] made a significant contribution during the Ram temple movement. She has considered society as her family,” Singh was quoted by the news agency Press Trust of India.

Smt. Kesari Devi Lohia Jairam Public School in Kurukshetra, Haryana is owned by the National Vice President of Bharat Sadhu Samaj (BSS), a society of Hindu ascetics. Shri. Brahmanand Vidya Mandir Gujarat’s Junagadh, which too got the Sainik School affiliation, is run by Bhagvatinandji Education Trust, whose managing trustee — Muktanand ‘Bapu’ — has also been the President of Bharat Sadhu Samaj (BSS) since 2019.

Sree Sarada Vidyalaya, Ernakulam, Kerala is run by a Hindu religious organisation Adi Sankara Trust, a unit of Sringeri Sharada Peetham — a Sanatan Hindu mutt — believed to be set up by 8th century Hindu philosopher and scholar Adi Shankara.

The Collective sent detailed queries to the Defence Ministry and the Sainik Schools Society. We are yet to receive a response from either despite reminders. Requests to arrange a meeting with the founder of Param Shakti Peeth, Sadhvi Ritambhara and its general secretary, Sanjay Gupta, also went unanswered.

Courtesy: https://www.reporters-collective.in

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