The irony of the Mahayuti government now championing the Constitution through campaigns like “Ghar Ghar Sambhavidhan” is glaring, especially given its own troubling history of undermining constitutional principles. From the very moment of its formation, the government has been marred by constitutional controversies. The Eknath Shinde-led coalition itself came into existence after a dramatic political coup, where defecting legislators bypassed democratic norms, raising serious questions about constitutional propriety. This was followed by a series of actions that further eroded constitutional values—ranging from bulldozer politics that disregarded due process to systematic attacks on dissent, and the selective targeting of marginalised communities. After repeatedly trampling upon the very ethos of the Constitution, it is deeply ironic, and indeed cynical, for this government to now promote itself as a defender of constitutional values. This sudden embrace of constitutional imagery in the run-up to the elections seems more like a strategic ploy to reclaim lost moral ground rather than a genuine commitment to safeguarding the foundational document of Indian democracy.

The expensive price tag of political propaganda

Before we dive into the irony of the advertisement, it is essential to point towards the financial cost of these advertisements, estimated to be upwards of ₹15–25 lakh for full-page placements in high-circulation dailies like Maharashtra Times and Lok Satta, is substantial. For perspective, multiple full-page ads in these leading publications over several days could cost the government crores of rupees. This expenditure begs the question: Why is the state splurging on image-building campaigns when Maharashtra faces urgent fiscal challenges? While these advertisements are a clear attempt to boost the image of the Mahayuti government ahead of elections, what’s often overlooked is who’s footing the bill for this political propaganda: it’s the taxpayer. Public funds—our taxes—are being used to pay for these ads that serve little more than to bolster the political capital of the ruling government.

Maharashtra’s public sector continues to grapple with a host of issues—rural healthcare infrastructure is overstretched, drought-hit farmers continue to demand support, and unemployment rates are rising. Despite these pressing needs, state funds are being diverted toward political advertising, and not just any advertising, but a clear attempt to consolidate votes before the election code of conduct is enforced. The misuse of public money for electioneering feels particularly egregious. Instead of being channelled into improving healthcare, education, or providing meaningful support to drought-affected farmers, taxpayer money is being diverted toward high-cost political advertisements. This blatant misuse of public resources for partisan gain not only raises ethical concerns but also underscores a government that prioritises its electoral fortunes over the actual needs of its citizens.

Take for instance the advertisement featuring Devendra Fadnavis himself. Prominently featuring Dr. B.R. Ambedkar’s image, it seeks to position the coalition of Shiv Sena (Shinde faction), National Congress Party (Ajit Pawar faction) and Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) as the protector of constitutional values. However, behind the façade lies a government that has, on multiple occasions, shown contempt for the Constitution’s core principles of equality, justice, and fraternity.

The misuse of Ambedkar’s legacy

Dr. B.R. Ambedkar is a figure synonymous with the Indian Constitution, but his image has often, more so in the recent times, been co-opted by political parties for electoral gain. The “Ghar Ghar Sambhavidhan” campaign is an example of this strategic co-optation. At a time when Dalits and those marginalised communities continue to face violence, discrimination, and exploitation, invoking Ambedkar’s legacy without addressing the core issues affecting these communities is an exercise in tokenism.

Dr. B.R. Ambedkar’s life was dedicated to dismantling the oppressive caste system and fighting for the rights of Dalits and other marginalised communities. However, the Mahayuti government’s invocation of Ambedkar’s image through campaigns like “Ghar Ghar Sambhavidhan” rings hollow when juxtaposed with the escalating violence, discrimination, and land-related exploitation faced by Dalits and Adivasis in Maharashtra. While Ambedkar’s face is splashed across newspaper ads, Maharashtra’s Dalit and Adivasi communities continue to bear the brunt of systematic oppression and neglect under the very government that claims to uphold his ideals.

In March 2020, a brutal case of atrocity against Dalit women had surfaced from Solapur district, wherein a 16-year-old Dalit girl had been gang-raped by 10 men for more than 6 months, underscoring the stark reality of caste-based sexual violence in Maharashtra. The girl’s family faced immense pressure from the perpetrators to withdraw the complaint, while local authorities delayed taking action, sparking protests and demonstrations demanding justice. In August 2023, in Satara, Maharashtra, a Dalit woman had faced public humiliation and assault. Her only “crime” was daring to demand the return of money she was reportedly owed. These cases mirror the growing epidemic of violence against Dalit women in the state, where crimes of rape, assault, and social ostracisation are disturbingly frequent.

In November 2023, on Maharashtra’s Beed, a Tribal woman had been stripped naked by tearing her clothes, molested and beaten for land disputes. The heinous crime had been committed in the presence of police, and those involved included a BJP MLA Suresh Dhas’s wife along with three people.

In October 2023, four Dalit children had been hung from a tree upside down and thrashed for “stealing goats and pigeons” in Srirampur in Ahmednagar district. This deep-rooted casteism is a direct affront to Ambedkar’s fight for land and economic equality, yet the state government has been silent in addressing these ongoing attacks.

Furthermore, across rural Maharashtra, Dalit farmers are facing increasing threats of land grabbing, forced evictions, and illegal occupation of their agricultural lands. As many as 81% of Dalit farmers in Maharashtra were agricultural labourers, who had no land of their own and worked on others’ farmland as opposed to 49% of landless farmers among non-Dalits, according to Census 2011.  Even today, in many cases, state authorities turn a blind eye to these atrocities, failing to protect Dalit farmers’ rights to land and livelihood.

The displacement of Adivasi communities has also surged in recent years. A notable case occurred in the tribal regions of Palghar and Nashik in 2020, where Adivasis were forcibly evicted from their lands to make way for government infrastructure projects. These land grabs were carried out without proper compensation or resettlement, leaving entire communities destitute and without basic means of survival. Adivasis, who have historically been among the most marginalised groups in Indian society, find themselves repeatedly deprived of their constitutional right to land, despite the government’s public commitment to protecting the Constitution.

In Gadchiroli, in 2023, another alarming incident saw forest rights activists, including Adivasi leaders, beaten and detained for protesting the illegal encroachment of their forest lands by private contractors. This blatant disregard for the Forest Rights Act, which guarantees land rights to indigenous communities, reflects the deepening crisis in Maharashtra’s tribal belts. Dr. Ambedkar’s legacy, which emphasised the protection of marginalised communities and their access to land, is being blatantly violated by the state’s development policies, often at the behest of private industrial interests.

Another case that highlights caste violence occurred in February 2022, when a Dalit family in Latur district was attacked and boycotted for entering a local temple. The upper-caste mob severely beat the family members, accusing them of “defiling” the temple, a throwback to the deeply entrenched untouchability practices Ambedkar fought against. Even in September 2024, a Shiv Sena leader, purportedly a close aide of Maharashtra CM Eknath Shinde, had been booked along with several others for allegedly preventing Dalits from entering a temple. The local police initially refused to register a case, demonstrating how institutionalised caste bias continues to deprive Dalits of their basic rights, even in modern Maharashtra.

The grim reality for Maharashtra’s Dalits and Adivasis stands in stark contrast to the Mahayuti government’s public posture of honouring Ambedkar’s legacy. While the government spends crores on advertisements featuring Ambedkar’s image, the very communities he sought to uplift are being left vulnerable to exploitation, violence, and systemic marginalisation. The deliberate use of Ambedkar’s legacy in electoral campaigns without addressing the state’s failing record on Dalit and Adivasi rights reflects a cynical and opportunistic politics—one that exploits historical symbols for short-term political gain while ignoring the lived realities of the most oppressed sections of society. In this light, the state’s public campaigns appear less as a genuine commitment to constitutional principles and more as a cynical attempt to secure votes from marginalised communities ahead of elections.

Maharashtra, like other BJP-ruled states, has seen a rise in caste-based atrocities and systemic discrimination. In 2022 alone, the state recorded a total of 2276 cases of atrocities against Dalits under the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, including heinous cases of violence and rape. Dr. Ambedkar’s vision for social justice is far removed from the reality faced by Dalit communities in Maharashtra today, and the state government’s actions have done little to address these grave injustices.

Trampling upon constitutional values: The reality

While the government speaks of safeguarding the Constitution through its campaigns, its actions paint a different picture. Multiple incidents highlight how the Eknath Shinde-led administration has failed to uphold constitutional values in practice.

Bulldozer justice and lack of due process: Maharashtra has seen instances where the state, like several other BJP-ruled states, has resorted to demolition drives targeting the homes of the accused before trials are even conducted. These extrajudicial actions violate the fundamental right to life and property as enshrined under Article 21 of the Indian Constitution. The most notable recent instance of bulldozer being used against Dalits was on June 6, when state authorities razed Jai Bhim Nagar in Powai to the ground. It is essential to note that even though demolitions and evictions are prohibited in the state during monsoons, civic and state authorities collude with developers and builders to carry out these alleged lawless evictions. 

The shrinking space for dissent: In Maharashtra, the crackdown on dissent has been particularly severe, with Adivasi rights activists facing relentless persecution for standing up against state-backed exploitation of their lands and resources. The state’s targeting of activists advocating for tribal rights underscores a broader trend of silencing dissent and crushing resistance from marginalised groups. From the tribal regions of Gadchiroli, where those protesting illegal land acquisitions by private contractors have faced brutal retaliation, including physical violence and arbitrary detention, to Palghar evictions, the state has abused its brutal power against those dissenting against him.

One also cannot forget the infamous Bhima Koregaon case, which is another chilling example of how dissent, especially from Dalit and Adivasi rights activists, has been criminalised in Maharashtra. The case stems from the January 2018 Bhima Koregaon violence, where clashes broke out after Dalits gathered to commemorate the 200th anniversary of the Battle of Bhima Koregaon, a symbolic event marking Dalit pride and resistance. However, in the aftermath, several prominent activists—many of whom had a history of defending Adivasi and Dalit rights—were arrested under draconian anti-terror laws, accused of being part of an alleged Maoist conspiracy to incite violence.

Among those targeted were well-known intellectuals and human rights defenders like Sudha Bharadwaj, an Adivasi rights lawyer, and late Father Stan Swamy, an 84-year-old Jesuit priest who had spent decades working to protect Adivasi land rights in Jharkhand and Maharashtra. The Bhima Koregaon case, which was initially about caste-based violence, was quickly transformed into a case about “national security,” with the state using the spectre of Maoism to suppress voices advocating for Dalit and Adivasi rights. The arrests of these activists not only stifled a crucial movement for social justice but also sent a chilling message to those working for the rights of marginalised communities in Maharashtra. It highlighted the shrinking space for dissent, where speaking up against caste violence, land grabs, and state excesses could be framed as a crime.

This pattern of state repression is also visible in the treatment of grassroots activists who oppose large-scale development projects that threaten to displace Adivasi communities from their ancestral lands. The government’s ruthless crackdown on these voices reflects its prioritisation of corporate interests over the rights of indigenous populations, while branding activists as “anti-development” or “urban Naxals” to justify their suppression. One must not forget that only in June 2024, the Maharashtra government tabled the Maharashtra Special Public Security Bill, 2024 on the penultimate day of just concluded session of the state assembly (Vidhan Sabha). The said bill, introduced by the state’s industries minister Uday Samant, was deemed to be brought in to stop the “proliferation of Urban Naxalism” in the state of Maharashtra.

Political expediency at the cost of governance

In the weeks leading up to the elections, the Eknath Shinde government has also issued a series of populist government orders, many of which appear designed to win votes rather than address long-standing problems. Many “beneficial policies” for the marginalised are being hastily rolling out s to win voter favour before the Model Code of Conduct (MCC) takes effect. In a clear election ploy, CM Eknath Shinde announced the waiving of tolls for light vehicles at all five entry points to Mumbai, effective midnight. This decision comes just days before elections are expected to be declared, aligning with a pattern of voter-friendly initiatives that prioritise political gain over substantive governance.  Notably, the toll waiver affects entry points at Vashi, Airoli, Mulund (LBS Road), Mulund (Eastern Express Highway), and Dahisar, where tolls were recently raised to Rs 45. Critics argue this move is a transparent gimmick to distract from more pressing issues.

Additionally, the Cabinet has approved salary hikes for madrasa teachers and increased the budget of the Maulana Azad Minority Financial Development Corporation from Rs 700 crore to Rs 1,000 crore. The government is also seeking to attract OBC and tribal voters by raising the non-creamy layer income limit for OBCs from Rs 8 lakh to Rs 15 lakh and doubling the guarantee for the Shabari Tribal Finance Corporation from Rs 50 crore to Rs 100 crore.

While these initiatives may appear beneficial, their timing raises concerns about their true intent, suggesting a focus on short-term electoral gains rather than addressing long-standing socio-economic challenges in the state. It is also ironical as the state has dragged its feet on providing meaningful relief for years, this sudden rush of policies ahead of elections reflects poorly on its intentions.

One glaring example of this election-oriented governance is the delay in resolving the long-pending Maratha reservation issue. Although the state government expressed its commitment to resolving the demands of the Maratha community, it has failed to bring about substantial solutions, choosing instead to delay contentious decisions to avoid political backlash. But now, as elections draw near, the same issues that were left on the back burner are being dusted off and used to appease the agitated electorate. This pattern of governance by political expediency is evident, yet the government hopes to manipulate voters by promising last-minute relief.

A gimmick wrapped in Constitutional drapes

The Eknath Shinde-led government’s actions are a masterclass in political posturing. By rolling out expensive, taxpayer-funded advertisements and issuing symbolic government orders in the eleventh hour, the administration is hoping to distract the electorate from its failures and shortcomings. The use of Dr. B.R. Ambedkar’s image to bolster its claims of constitutional integrity is a cynical move, especially in light of the numerous instances where this very government has undermined the values Ambedkar stood for.

As Maharashtra heads toward its elections, the electorate must critically assess whether these last-minute, high-cost campaigns and symbolic gestures represent genuine governance or if they are merely a well-timed charade designed to retain power. The people of Maharashtra deserve more than gimmicks and propaganda; they deserve a government that truly respects and upholds the Constitution, not just in words but in action.

Related:

Despite legal promises, hate speech prosecutions in Maharashtra remain paralysed

Bombay HC chastens Maharashtra Police for shoddy investigation in cases involving sexual assault against minors and women

Maharashtra: Swift action on protesters, delayed justice for sexual assault against minors, police priorities need to be questioned

Maharashtra Special Public Security Bill tabled in assembly, using the myth of “urban naxals” to supress dissent?

The post Pre-Election Gimmickry, Maharashtra: Mahayuti govt compelled to appropriate INDIA alliance Constitution driven call? appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The petition has also been sent to Mallikarjun Kharge President, Indian National Congress, Sitaram Yechury Secretary-General, Communist Party of India (Marxist), Arvind Kejrival National Convener, Aam Aadmi Party, D Raja General Secretary, Communist Party of India (CPI) , M. K. Stalin President, Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK), Dr. Farooq Abdullah President,  Jammu & Kashmir National Conference,  Hemant Soren President, Jharkhand Mukti Morcha (JMM) , Sharad Pawar President, Nationalist Congress Party (Sharadchandra Pawar), . Akhilesh Yadav National President, Samajwadi Party (SP), Uddhav Thackeray President, Shiv Sena (Uddhav Balasaheb Thackeray), G. Devarajan President- All India Forward Bloc, Dipankar Bhattacharya National General Secretary, Communist Party of India (Marxist–Leninist) Liberation, Jose K. Mani Chairman, Kerala Congress (M), Thol. Thirumavalavan President, Viduthalai Chiruthaigal Katchi , Vaiko General Secretary, Marumalarchi Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (MDMK), Mehbooba Mufti, President, Jammu and Kashmir Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), P. J. Joseph Chairman, Kerala Congress, K.M. Kader Mohideen National President, Indian Union Muslim League, Hanuman Beniwal President, Rashtriya Loktantrik Party, E. R. Eswaran General Secretary, Kongunadu Makkal Desia Katchi, requesting their urgent intervention in staying ‘anti-democratic’ new criminal laws slated to come into effect from July 1.

The petition calls for a Joint Parliamentary Committee (JPC) scrutiny of the hurriedly passed through laws – ‘Bharatiya Nagarik Suraksha Sanhita, 2023’, ‘Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita, 2023’, and ‘Bharatiya Sakshya Adhiniyam, 2023’ and also urges legal expert consultation, and a meaningful debate on the proposed reforms in parliament.

According to the Petition, the signatories have urged the political parties to seize the chance to steadfastly defend the fundamental values enshrined in the Indian Constitution and would do every effort to protect the democratic rights.

“Sadly, as the situation stands now, there is a grave threat that is hanging over the nation in the form of three new criminal laws, namely, which were hurriedly pushed through Parliament on 20th December 2023 without a debate. “

“These laws are scheduled to come into effect from July 1, 2024…. the major concern is that the amendments made in the then existing laws are such that they are mostly draconian in nature. They deal exclusively with matters of life and liberty and criminal harm that can be caused to an individual in other multiple and various ways.

“They also (adversely affect) deal with civil liberties of citizens more particularly in the matter of freedom of speech, right to assembly, right to associate, right to demonstrate, and their other civil rights, which can be criminalized as part of the law and order provisions of these three laws. “Essentially, these new criminal laws would equip the government with adequate power to hollow out our democracy and transform India into a fascist state – should the government choose to deploy the new laws to their fullest extent.

“The proposed new laws would enable the government to dramatically scale up arrest, detention, prosecution and imprisonment of law abiding democratic opponents, dissidents and activists.

“Some of the chilling features of the new Criminal Code as requiring special attention are:

(1) The criminalisation of legitimate, lawful, non-violent democratic speech or action as ‘terrorism’;

(2) The broadening of the offence of sedition in a new and more vicious avatar (what could be called “sedition-plus”);

(3) The expansion of the potential for “selective prosecution” — targeted, politically-biased prosecution of ideological and political opponents;

(4) The criminalisation of a common mode of political protest against government through fasting;

(5) Encouraging the use of force against any assembly of persons;

(6) Exponentially enhancing ‘police raj’ by criminalising “resisting, refusing, ignoring or disregarding to conform to any direction given by [a police officer]”;

(7) Enhancing handcuffing;

(8) Maximising police custody during investigation;

(9) Making the recording of a FIR discretionary for the police;

(10) Dialling up the pain of imprisonment;

(11) Compelling all persons (even those not accused of any crime) to provide their biometrics to the government; and

(12) Shielding of some of the Sangh Parivar’s activities.

Related:

Ensure stay on new ‘anti-democratic’ criminal laws: 2,900 citizens’ Letter Petition to Chandrababu Naidu

Madras Bar Association urges return to original names of India’s criminal laws: Bharatiya Nyaya Samhita

The post 3695 citizens’ petition political leaders of India Alliance, several NDA partners: Ensure stay on new ‘anti-democratic’ criminal laws appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Uttar Pradesh, with 80 Lok Sabha seats, gave 43 seats to the INDIA bloc, an increase of 37 compared to 2019; it gave 36 seats to the NDA, a drop of 28. One independent has won there. There is no doubt that there was an extraordinary performance by the INDIA bloc in UP.

Significant Victory for MVA-INDIA

Coming to Maharashtra, the 2019 Lok Sabha election result for 48 seats was as follows: BJP – 23 seats (27.84 % votes), SS – 18 seats (23.5 % votes), NDA – 41 seats (51.34 % votes), NCP – 4 seats (15.66 % votes), INC – 1 seat (16.41 % votes), UPA – 5 seats (32.01 % votes), AIMIM (Aurangabad) – 1 seat (0.73 % votes), Independent (Amravati, later pro-BJP) – 1 seat (total of all independents and other smaller parties 3.72 % votes), Vanchit Bahujan Aghadi (VBA – Prakash Ambedkar) – 0 seats (6.92 % votes), Total – 48 seats (100 % votes).

In sharp contrast, in 2024, the people gave 30 of the 48 seats to the Maharashtra Vikas Aghadi (MVA-INDIA), an increase of 25 seats compared to 2019; they gave only 17 seats to the NDA, a drop of 24. An independent Congress rebel has won, and he is likely to return to the MVA.

While this is certainly a welcome development, the voting percentage of the two fronts is too close for comfort. For MVA-INDIA it is 44 %, and for NDA it is 43.6 %.

The number of seats won and the votes secured by each party in Maharashtra is as follows: MVA-INDIA – Congress – 13/17 seats (16.9 %), Shiv Sena (Uddhav Thackeray) – 9/21 seats (16.7 %), NCP (Sharad Pawar) – 8/10 seats (10.3 %). NDA – BJP – 9/28 seats (26.1 %), Shiv Sena (Eknath Shinde) – 7/15 seats (13 %), NCP (Ajit Pawar) – 1/4 seats (3.6 %), Rashtriya Samaj Party – 0/1 seat (0.8 %). The Mumbai North West seat was won by the Shinde Sena over the Thackeray Sena by only 48 votes, after recounts. The result will be challenged in the courts.

The MVA fought this election with its back to the wall. So far as the SS (UBT) and NCP (SP)were concerned, under pressure of the BJP, the Election Commission of India (ECI) gave both the name of the party and its symbol to the rebel factions led by Eknath Shinde and Ajit Pawar respectively. The original parties led by Uddhav Thackeray and Sharad Pawar were forced to take new election symbols. Money and media power were obviously controlled by the BJP. But the MVA fought back unitedly with grit and determination, and the people supported it.

The Maharashtra Lok Sabha results have become even more significant because the state faces its Vidhan Sabha elections within just four more months, in October 2024.

In a detailed write-up titled “The Maharashtra Lok Sabha Election Scene”, written and published before the results were declared, we had concluded as follows, “To sum up, if it is a reasonably fair election, it surely seems to be advantage MVA-INDIA, which should be able to win more than half the 48 Lok Sabha seats in Maharashtra this time, as against only five seats which the opposition had won in the state in 2019. That in itself would be a big and significant advance in this crucial nationwide battle for the defence of the livelihood of the people, and for the defence of democracy, secularism, and the Constitution itself.” This assessment has been vindicated by the results.

What Led to this Result?

A preliminary analysis of the Maharashtra Lok Sabha election results will reveal the following main reasons for the NDA setback and the MVA victory.

First, the people were sick of the BJP and its corrupt and immoral acts in the state in the last two years, which resulted in the splits in the SS, and then in the NCP, and then again nibbling at some of the Congress leaders. Over 80 MLAs out of the 100-odd MLAs of the SS and the NCP together were induced to support the BJP by using a combination of threats and blandishments. It was through such dirty conspiracies that the discredited Shinde-Fadnavis-Ajit Pawar state government was brought into existence. The corrupt and unprincipled splintering of the SS and NCP led to a big sympathy wave for their original leaders and activists.

In such a situation, the veteran NCP leader of many battles Sharad Pawar, SS leader Uddhav Thackeray, and INC leader Nana Patole, spearheaded the resistance of the people against this political chicanery, and strengthened the unity of the MVA, which was further buttressed by the formation of the INDIA bloc at the national level. In the 2019 Lok Sabha and Vidhan Sabha elections also, Sharad Pawar had played a salutary role of fighting against the BJP. The most high-profile Lok Sabha election contest in Maharashtra this time was between Sharad Pawar’s daughter Supriya Sule, and Ajit Pawar’s wife Sunetra Pawar. Supriya Sule won by over 1.5 lakh votes. MVA leaders addressed scores of huge public meetings as part of their election campaign. In several constituencies, it became like an election of the people against the BJP.

The second factor was clearly economic distress. The growing crisis in unemployment, inflation, agrarian distress, education, health, food security, and other sectors, and also the growing struggles on these issues in the state over the last few years, played a major part in ensuring the alienation of the people from the BJP-NDA. In the agrarian sector, the falling prices of onions, cotton, soyabean, sugarcane, and milk, became a major issue. So also were the recurring droughts, unseasonal rains, and hailstorms, for which no relief was forthcoming. The anger of the scheme workers and other unorganised sections was palpable. Naturally, the issue of economic distress had repercussions in all the regions of the state. As against the election campaign by Modi, Shah, Yogi, Nadda, Fadnavis, and other BJP leaders who only tried to create and intensify communal polarisation, the MVA-INDIA election campaign concentrated on these burning issues of the people and tried to put forth alternatives.

The third factor was that of caste, and reservations. This was a direct result of the agrarian crisis and burgeoning unemployment. We have briefly dealt with this in our last piece, hence no repetition is necessary. But it should be noted that in the Marathwada region, where the Maratha quota stir was the most intense, the BJP could not win even a single of the eight MP seats in the region. In other regions also it hit the BJP. Another significant feature of this election was the massive support of Muslims and other minorities to the MVA-INDIA bloc. This support also extended to the Shiv Sena (Uddhav Thackeray) group, because of it being a part of the MVA along with the Congress and the NCP, and also because Uddhav Thackeray as Chief Minister, and later, had taken a secular stand, which was the opposite of his father.

The fourth factor was the people themselves isolating the traditional spoilers like the Vanchit Bahujan Aghadi (VBA) led by Prakash Ambedkar, the AIMIM led by Asaduddin Owaissi, and others. Although the VBA put up its candidates in around 35 Lok Sabha seats, unlike in 2019, it could not achieve its desired aim of helping the BJP win, except perhaps in the Akola Lok Sabha seat in Vidarbha, which Prakash Ambedkar himself contested, and where he came third behind the BJP and the Congress. This trend was one of the welcome features of this election.

The fifth factor was the attack on Maharashtrian identity and pride. In the past few years, a large number of industries and projects which had been earmarked for Maharashtra were arbitrarily shifted to Gujarat by the Modi regime. This was a source of great heartburn, because it adversely affected employment and development. On top of that, in his election speeches in Maharashtra, Modi insulted MVA leaders by calling Sharad Pawar a “bhatakti aatma” (wandering soul). He also called Uddhav Thackeray’s Shiv Sena a “nakli” (fake) Sena. All this was naturally used by the MVA campaign to attack the BJP-NDA for insulting Maharashtrian identity and pride. This issue had big repercussions throughout the state.

The sixth factor was that, even so far as the media is concerned, this time several popular independent media outlets and YouTube channels were seen by lakhs of people, giving a stiff competition to the corporate Godi media, and exposing its increasing loss of credibility. Also, several social organisations came together and hit the streets by organising their own public meetings and other imaginative programmes under different banners, like the ‘Nirbhay Bano Andolan’, ‘Vote for Democracy’, ‘Nirdhar Maharashtracha (Determination of Maharashtra)’, and so on. With the encouraging poll results in the country and the state, this trend is sure to intensify in future.

And the seventh and last factor was, of course, the paramount issue in this whole election throughout the country – the defence of democracy, secularism, and the Constitution. The ‘400 paar’ slogan of the BJP was rightly interpreted by large sections of the people as showing its malignant intention to change and destroy the Constitution, and attack the rights given therein to the economically exploited and the socially oppressed. This became a major issue for Dalits, because Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar is regarded as one of the prime architects of the Constitution of India. But it was not an issue only for Dalits. It influenced vast sections of the patriotic people in the state and the country. And the MVA-INDIA election campaign rightly concentrated on this issue. This concerted campaign had the desired impact.

After this great victory in the Lok Sabha elections, the MVA-INDIA bloc will have to be even more vigilant, and redouble its efforts and its inclusivity to throw the rascals out in the ensuing Vidhan Sabha elections in Maharashtra which will take place in October 2024.

The post M’tra: A blow to BJP-NDA, a shot in the arm for MVA-INDIA appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The clean BJP sweep of Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh has therefore come as a major surprise after the BJP’s recent losses in Himachal Pradesh and Karnataka and given the signs of a popular yearning for change in Madhya Pradesh after eighteen years of BJP rule and no such visible anti-incumbency against the Congress governments of Chhattisgarh and Rajasthan.

For the Congress, which was perceived to be on the ascendant after its Himachal and Karnataka victories, the only win has come in Telangana. The Telangana developments of course mark a significant change for this newly created state and also in the larger context of political balance in south India, but the Telangana victory of the Congress cannot but be overshadowed by the party’s loss in the three big states in central and western India.

Before looking at the factors that led to this surprising outcome, let us take a closer look at the changes in vote share in Chhattisgarh, Madhya Pradesh and Rajasthan. It will appear that in terms of vote share, the Congress has not suffered any major decline — its vote share has decreased by 0.6% in Madhya Pradesh (41 to 40.4), 0.9% in Chhattisgarh (43.1 to 42.2) and even registered a very marginal increase of 0.2% in Rajasthan (39.3 to 39.5).

What dramatically changed the outcome is a major increase in the BJP’s vote share – by 7.45% in Madhya Pradesh (41.1 to 48.55), 13.27% in Chhattisgarh (33 to 46.27) and 2.9% in Rajasthan (38.8 to 41.7).

On the face of it, the increase in the BJP’s vote share has therefore happened not so much at the cost of the Congress as other non-BJP parties, but we clearly need to look beyond the figures at the actual social and electoral shifts on the ground.

A very significant shift has been the erosion in Adivasi support for the Congress with the BJP bagging 44 ST seats out of 76 in Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh (an increase of 25 seats from the 2018 tally of 19) and adding 4 more ST seats to its kitty in Rajasthan (12 out of 25) and the newly formed Bhartiya Adivasi Party polling close to a million votes in Rajasthan, winning three seats and finishing second in four.

Having suffered defeats in Himachal and Karnataka, the BJP was of course desperate to retain Madhya Pradesh and wrest Rajasthan and Chhattisgarh from the Congress. The elections witnessed brazen use of the ED all through the election period, double standards adopted by the EC in dealing with alleged violations of the model code of conduct and reported administrative manipulations at different levels and stages of the election process.

But fair elections cannot really be expected in today’s India. For non-BJP forces to succeed in elections, an election campaign must turn into a veritable people’s movement full of energy, mass participation and meticulous booth-level mobilisation. The victorious Congress election campaigns in Karnataka and Telangana exhibited considerable mass dynamism and energy, but the campaigns in Madhya Pradesh, Chhattisgarh and even Rajasthan, the best fought among the three, lacked this dynamism and energy.

In Karnataka, the Congress had won by exposing the corruption and all-round failure of the incumbent BJP government led by Bommai. But learning from Karnataka, the BJP in Madhya Pradesh tried to defuse the anti-incumbency factor by fielding several ministers and MPs as MLA candidates even as CM Shivraj Singh Chauhan ran a hectic personalised campaign focusing on the flagship schemes of his government.

To counter the appeal of the promises made by the Congress, the BJP made similar offers and termed them ‘Modi’s Guarantee’. The fusion of the Modi cult and the model of targeted direct transfer-based ‘welfare economics’ aimed at converting ‘beneficiaries’ into bonded voters seems to have once again worked as a complement to communal polarisation and aggressive Hindutva. The BJP had successfully applied this formula earlier this year in UP elections and now once again in Madhya Pradesh, Chhattisgarh and Rajasthan.

In the wake of its impressive Karnataka victory, the Congress centrally focused on two issues – the Adani-Modi nexus and caste census. For the Congress, which has never been a known votary of caste census and expanded reservation, the focus on OBC representation and caste census is a welcome new direction, but how far has the message percolated to the entire organisation and become an integral part of its political articulation?

While the central leaders of Congress raised this issue, in Madhya Pradesh Kamal Nath was busy seeking the blessings of Hindu Rashtra champion Bageshwar Baba (Dhirendra Shastri). Similarly the issue of Adani-Modi nexus does not just represent institutionalised corruption, it represents the most brazen face of corporate aggression.

The farmers’ movement successfully challenged this arrogant corporate power and any effective political campaign against the Modi-Adani nexus will have to forge organic ties with the growing unity of farmers and workers for a reorientation of India’s economic policy towards people’s welfare and the rights of India’s real producers.

Another major weakness of the Congress campaign in these elections was the complete absence of any will or plan to harness the potential of the INDIA alliance. On the contrary, we saw a totally unwarranted war of words between the Congress and Samajwadi Party in Madhya Pradesh.

Seat adjustment with Left, SP, Bhartiya Adivasi Party, harnessing INDIA potential could have made significant difference

In Telangana, the Congress has effectively channelised the accumulated anti-incumbency against the BRS government into a significant victory for the Congress, but we must remember that the BJP too has succeeded in doubling its vote share from 7% to 13.9% and the seat tally from the lone seat in the outgoing Assembly to eight seats.

Any serious attempt at seat adjustment with the Left, SP, the newly formed Bhartiya Adivasi Party and at harnessing the INDIA potential in the campaign could have made significant differences in all states and even further improved the Congress tally in Telangana.

There has often been a North-South divide in India’s electoral outcomes, most notably we had witnessed a sharp contrast in the post-Emergency 1977 election when the Congress was wiped out from North India even as it did fairly well in the southern states.

The doors being shut on the BJP in the south certainly marks a major blow to the BJP’s ambitions to dominate India for decades, but the decisive defeat of the party in 2024 will have to be shaped north of the Vindhyas. In Mizoram, the ZPM has swept the polls dislodging the NDA-affiliated MNF from power, but here too the BJP has increased its tally from 1 to 2 while the Congress tally has gone down from 5 to 1.

The concluding round of 2023 elections has certainly been a big morale-booster for the BJP, and the Modi regime has already started talking of scoring a ‘hat trick’ in 2024. This is nothing but psychological warfare. The fact is if the Assembly results in the four states of Madhya Pradesh, Chhattisgarh, Rajasthan and Telangana are seen in Lok Sabha terms, the Congress actually improves its tally from its 2019 strength of 6 to 28 and BJP tally actually goes down from 65 to 46.

The Assembly elections have certainly not settled the outcome of 2024 in the BJP’s favour and if we draw proper lessons it is still perfectly possible to dislodge the BJP from power in 2024. The onus is of course on INDIA to get its act together without any further delay and launch an energetic mass campaign on the burning issues of the day to galvanise the people towards a decisive victory in 2024.

*General Secretary, CPI(ML) Liberation

Courtesy: CounterView

The post Congress showed ‘total absence’ of any will to harness potential of INDIA alliance appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Related:

Meta Facebook releases second human rights report, activists say no concrete plan to tackle issues in India

Is Facebook shirking responsibility for enabling the spread of hate in India?

The post INDIA alliance writes to Facebook, Google CEOs on ‘Communal Hatred’, ‘Neutrality’ appeared first on SabrangIndia.