1. Student of IIM Calcutta arrested for allegedly raping a woman on campus: The survivor said that she had been sexually assaulted by the accused while she was unconscious.”
2. Drugged, filmed, threatened: Lucknow mall supervisor arrested for raping, assaulting 20-year-old
3. Days after horrific murder, woman assaulted on suspicion of practising black magic in Bihar’s Purnea
4. Harassed over dowry, Kerala woman kills infant daughter, then self
5. Radhika Yadav’s Murder: Psychology Of Pride, Patriarchy, And Prejudice. Parents may expect success and obedience from their children by projecting their own goals or fears onto them.
6. She Set Herself on Fire to Be Heard: Odisha student’s death is a wake-up call

• Girl set on fire by miscreants in Odisha airlifted to AIIMS Delhi for advanced treatment

7. Odisha: Congress student wing chief Udit Pradhan arrested in connection with alleged Bhubaneshwar rape case

These headlines, together, barely scratch the number of incidences of sexual violence against women in India, or the larger issue of gender-based violence in the country. However, what they are representative of is very important. According to the World Population Review’s Women Danger Index, India ranks 9th in the list of countries that are the most unsafe for female solo travellers.

Looking beyond the headlines, CJP’s analysis of the data from the National Crime Records Bureau’s Crimes in India 2022 report reveal that the states of Uttar Pradesh, Maharashtra and Rajasthan have the highest number of incidences of crimes committed against women, with West Bengal and Madhya Pradesh not far behind.

Indian “culture” and its various segmentations have different sets of beliefs regarding women, but one thing it is inextricably linked to is patriarchy – and its various manifestations through different forms of violence. In this report, we analyse gender-based violence women and a few other gender minorities in India, gauging them into a timeline of what can be called a post-2020 one, through an intersectional lens that factors in caste, class and religion – and keeps in mind the structural and systemic inequities and inequalities that exist in contemporary Indian society.

In this report, we use data from CJP’s own database, and also data from multiple reliable think-tanks, non-governmental organisations, news outlets, legal filings and academic publications. We also take into account cross-verified posts from social media accounts that specialise in hate-watching, reporting on Dalit and Adivasi issues, etc. The data from the National Crime Records Bureau’s own publications has also been used for contextualization.

We have attempted to classify this data on the basis of geography, types of violence, and looked into institutional response: from law enforcement and respective state governments’ attitudes to caste-based violence. The report endeavours to be grounded in intersectionality, taking into account the changing metrics of class and gender, which quite obviously come into play while discussing caste.

Understanding Gender Based Violence

The UN Declaration on the Elimination of Violence against Women defines Gender Based Violence (GBV) as “any act of gender-based violence that results in, or is likely to result in, physical, sexual or psychological harm or suffering to women, including threats of such acts, coercion or arbitrary deprivation of liberty, whether occurring in public or in private life.” While the acronyms GBV and VAW (Violence Against Women) have been historically used as interchangeable terms post the former entered popular vocabulary in the 1990s, in current discourse GBV spans beyond the male-female binary of violence typology, and extends to multiple gender presentations and sexual identities, thus widening its working scope. The Council of Europe states, “Gender-based violence is based on an imbalance of power and is carried out with the intention to humiliate and make a person or group of people feel inferior and/ or subordinate. This type of violence is deeply rooted in the social and cultural structures, norms and values that govern society, and is often perpetuated by a culture of denial and silence. Gender-based violence can happen in both the private and public spheres and it affects women disproportionately.

Gender-based violence can be sexual, physical, verbal, psychological (emotional), or socio-economic and it can take many forms, from verbal violence and hate speech on the Internet, to rape or murder. It can be perpetrated by anyone: a current or former spouse/partner, a family member, a colleague from work, schoolmates, friends, an unknown person, or people who act on behalf of cultural, religious, state, or intra-state institutions. Gender-based violence, as with any type of violence, is an issue involving relations of power. It is based on a feeling of superiority, and an intention to assert that superiority in the family, at school, at work, in the community or in society as a whole … there is more to gender than being male or female: someone may be born with female sexual characteristics but identify as male, or as male and female at the same time, or sometimes as neither male nor female. LGBT+ people (lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and other people who do not fit the heterosexual norm or traditional gender binary categories) also suffer from violence which is based on their factual or perceived sexual orientation, and/or gender identity. For that reason, violence against such people falls within the scope of gender-based violence.”

These forms of violence vary across countries and cultures, and manifest in different formulations of perpetuating various degrees of hurt at women and other gender minorities.

Gender Based Violence on Women

GBV against women is systemic and structural. Chitra Lakhera writes, “When we frame violence systemically, it is freed from the liberal as well as radical assumptions of male dominance. It places emphasis on the observation of the system from within so that “actions” and not “actors” take precedence. While it does begin with a set of dichotomous variables—like men and women, violator and violated— but in its analysis, it discards such positions and only analyses communicational patterns that bring about peculiar forms of organizations. Luhmann [12] argues that social systems are essentially organized through communicational acts, which are also ultimately affected by psychological interpretations. Thus, the cultural codes and their psychological interpretations interact to produce a distinct social form of communication that, over time, formulate and sustain specific meanings and realities associated with women. Once internalized social systems built a self-destructive pattern within themselves, and they can no longer recognize injustice, inequality and violence as undesirable. A systems approach therefore re-reads the problem by unravelling the conscious and unconscious forces of aggression that produced historically through an interaction of social codes and psychological attributions.” In India, violence against women has been normalized to an observable form of a “natural precondition”, where the increasing figures of incidences reported do not raise alarm, but short-lived shock at best. This could be connected to Bourdieu’s conception of the “paradox of doxa” – which “refers to the puzzling observation that people often accept and even perpetuate social structures that disadvantage them, a phenomenon he termed “symbolic violence”. This paradox arises because doxa, the deeply ingrained, taken-for-granted beliefs and values of a society, are so normalized that they appear natural and inevitable, even when they contribute to social inequality.”

These forms of violence invent and reinvent themselves in more insidious styles, with the advancement of time – keeping at par with feminist progress, thus actively existing as a force of dismantlement, parallel to advancement of any sort – consistently undoing, if not essentially returning things to the original state. This violence, obviously, does not exist as a vacuum, assuming women as a uniform class that face the same degree of it across society. Caste, class and religious dynamics heavily influence the nature and the intensity of violence borne by women (and individuals, in general). Simantini Mukhopadhyay and Trisha Chanda explain that the failure to recognize intra-group differences would be detrimental in the context of violence against women since the experience of violence is often shaped by the simultaneous and complex interactions of the other identities of women, namely class and race, – as Crenshaw (1991) argued. Feminist writing in India has likewise argued that gender needs to be considered at its intersection with class and caste (a stratification unique to India) to understand how the control of female sexuality relates to the organization of production, sanctioned and legitimized by certain ideologies.

Typology

 Besides structural violence, in which there is no singular perpetrator-victim dichotomy but the existence of something larger, social and systemic – The World Report on Violence and Health, (WRVH 2002), presents a typology of violence that, while not uniformly accepted, can be a useful way to understand the contexts in which violence occurs and the interactions between types of violence. This typology distinguishes four modes in which violence may be inflicted: physical; sexual; psychological attack; and deprivation. It further divides the general definition of violence into three sub-types by using the victim-perpetrator relationship framework as required. These include

• Self-directed violence in which the perpetrator and the victim are the same individual and are subdivided into self-abuse and suicide.
• Interpersonal violence, between individuals, is subdivided into family and intimate partner violence and community violence. The first category includes child maltreatment; intimate partner violence; and elder abuse, while the second is broken down into acquaintance and stranger violence and includes youth violence; assault by strangers; violence related to property crimes; and violence in workplaces and other institutions.
• Collective violence refers to violence committed by larger groups of individuals and can be subdivided into social, political and economic violence (WRVH 2002: 6)

We can see this categorisation seep and structure itself into the categories of violence that we talk about further into the report.

We begin our typological analysis by looking at the last released intensive report by the National Crimes Record Bureau (NCRB): Crimes in India 2022. The data from the National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB) reveals that the rate of crimes against women in India (calculated as crimes per 100,000 of the women population) increased by 12.9% between 2018 and 2022. In India, the reported crimes against women per 100,000 women population is 66.4 in 2022, in comparison with 58.8 in 2018. This increase could be owed to a bevy of different factors, as Bushra Ansari and Sowmya Rajaram write, “including an increase in actual crimes, an improvement in reporting mechanisms, and a growing willingness of women to speak out about their experiences of violence.”

According to the NCRB, there were 445,256 incidents of reports of violence on women in India – inclusive of crimes categorized under the IPC (Indian Penal Code) and SLL (Special and Local Laws). Of these, the categories with the highest incidences were as follows:

1. Cruelty by Husband or his relatives (Sec. 498 A IPC, section 85 of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita): 140019 incidences, 144593 victims
2. Kidnapping & Abduction of Women (Total): 85310 incidences, 88273 victims
3. Assault on Women with Intent to Outrage her Modesty (Sec. 354 IPC, Section 74 of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita): 83344 incidences, 85300 victims
4. Protection of Children from Sexual Offences Act (Girl Child Victims only): 62095 incidences, 63116 victims
5. Rape (Total):  31516 incidences, 31982 victims

The following is a categorical breakdown of the shares of the different kinds of violence enacted upon women in the year 2022 – represented visually.

Kinds of Violence vs Number of Incidences – pictured.

According to the 2022 data, Cruelty by Husband or His Relatives is the crime with the highest number of incidences – and it comes under the banner of IPV (Inter Personal Violence) – and also its subcategory, intimate partner violence.

Giri and Parveen report in Intimate partner violence in India: Patterns, causes and way forward, that about 31.4% of Indian women between the ages of 18 and 49 report having at least once experienced domestic abuse, according to the National Family Health Survey (NFHS-5), which was performed between 2019 and 21. This rate is lower than the statistics from NFHS-3 but slightly higher than the results of the previous survey (NFHS-4), which was conducted in 2015–16. The below graph shows the percentage of women who have experienced spousal violence at least once since the age of 15, according to the NFHS Report.

Based on data from the NFHS-5 report, the graph shows the proportion of women who have at least once experienced domestic abuse since they were 15 years old. The average percentage of spousal violence nationwide is 32%. It is important to note that intimate partner violence and domestic violence in India are conflatable categories, and domestic violence manifests in a number of different strategies that are used to corner the victim in households where the woman is married. This includes all the four forms of violence aforementioned: physical, psychological, sexual and deprivation.  The NCW (National Commission of Women), by May, had recorded 7698 complaints from women across the country, with domestic abuse topping the list by category. The Hindu reported, “The total comprised 367 cases in January, 390 in February, 513 in March, 322 in April, and two in May. The category alone accounted for nearly 20 per cent of all complaints, according to official data.

Closely following were complaints of criminal intimidation, which saw 989 cases over the three months – 268 in January, 260 in February, 288 in March, 170 in April, and three in May. Assault was the third most commonly reported issue, with 950 complaints — 249 in January, 239 in February, and 278 in March, 183 in April and one in May.”  Scholars have attributed this widespread prevalence of domestic violence in India – right from the very hetero-patriarchal structure that they are born into – with most parents holding men to a higher preference due to their status as “economic providers”, to their disempowerment in their adulthood which is a consequence of this setup – resulting in lower rates of literacy and financial freedom among them. Jennifer C Hughes and Shreya Bhandari refer to the use of the Duluth Power and Control Wheel. The wheel helps in understanding the different combinations of abuse tactics used by the abuser to keep control over the victim – “The diagram portrays the tactics an abusive partner uses to keep the victim in the relationship. Whereas the inside of the wheel consists of subtle, continual behaviours, like using threats and intimidation, the outer circle ring clearly states the various blatant forms of violence. The abusive acts in the outer ring (physical & sexual violence) are explicit, forceful and often intense in nature that reinforce the regular use of other subtle methods of abuse. The types of DV stated in the inner and the outer circle of the wheel are universal in nature and applicable globally (Pence & Paymar, 1993).”

The Duluth Power and Control Wheel (Source: Lived Experiences of Women Facing Domestic Violence in India, Shreya Bhandari & Jennifer C Hughes)

These tactics clearly highlight the fact that women are not safe in the confines of their own home – and almost every aspect of her emotional and social life are manipulated and weaponized against her to maintain the disequilibrium of power that exists in most marital homes for them.

A lot of the violence that comes within the ambit of domestic violence is that which is related to dowry negotiations. It is suggested that traditionally, dowry was a voluntary marriage gift from a bride’s family to the groom at the time of marriage.  According to Mitchell and Soni, a precise chronology of the development of dowry is not available; however, the literature suggests that the dowry system was gradually institutionalised and expanded during the British period in India.

Over the course of time, however, the nature of this gift turned from a voluntary one into a compulsion for the parents of young daughters to make large payments to the grooms’ families in order for their daughters to marry. Additionally, dowries are increasingly being extorted after the time of marriage, where husbands’ families are demanding money from the wives’ families long after the time of marriage by threatening the life and physical safety of the wife. When the dowry is not paid, the husband or his family may beat, burn or murder the wife as a means of punishing her family for not paying.

Historically, dowry was recognized as streedhan within the dominant-caste Hindu tradition, a form of women’s inheritance and female property. Accordingly, a common justification for dowry is that it is a pre-mortem inheritance since women do not get any share of their fathers’ property. In the absence of any inheritance, dowry has also been argued to be a pro-women institution. Another point of view is that dowry was primarily a strategy to compensate for women’s shares of immovable property and land. Nonetheless, the contemporary dowry practice is a ‘cultural oxymoron that has no resemblance to the historical institution’, and a bride rarely has any control over her dowry. The practice of dowry was originally limited to the upper caste community of northern India, but today, dowry is practiced across regions, castes and classes.

The caste system in India is a hereditary social ordering which historically prescribed an individual’s occupation and place in society. Numerous Indian communities that traditionally practiced bride-price have since switched to dowry, contributing to the rise of dowry demands. A bride-price is when a groom or groom’s family provides a gift to the bride and her family, and both practices have historically occurred in India. In South India, the change from bride-price to dowry appears to have occurred first among the urban, educated Brahmin caste and then spread rapidly to rural areas, among the lower castes, and to Christians and Muslims.

Data available on the NCW websites state that up till December 31, 17%, or 4383 complaints were received which were related to dowry harassment, along with 292 reports of dowry deaths.

Sexual Violence on married women: In 2011, The International Men and Gender Equality Survey revealed that one in five men have forced their wives to have sex. The United Nations Population Fund Survey revealed that more than two-thirds of Indian married women between 15 and 49 years old claimed to have been beaten or forced into sex by their husbands. In another study, conducted by the Joint Women’s Programme, an NGO, New Delhi – it was found that one out of seven married women in India has been raped by her husband at least once. The International Institute of Population Sciences claimed that 26 per cent of women in Pune, 23 per cent in Bhubaneswar, and 16 per cent in Jaipur often have sex with their husbands against their will. The study found a direct link between alcoholism and sexual abuse. One-fifth of the women surveyed said their husbands were often drunk while forcing sex. (Chhibar, 2016).

It is imperative to be mentioned that marital rape in India is not criminalised. Over the last few years, the Supreme Court has heard multiple petitions challenging the very exception in Section 375 of the IPC, which continues to be held up by its so-called revamped and progressive successor Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita, states “Sexual intercourse or sexual acts by a man with his own wife, the wife not being under fifteen years of age, is not rape”. The Supreme Court Observer notes that “On October 4, 2024, the Union government filed an affidavit opposing the striking down of the marital rape exception. The 49-page affidavit is said to be the first time where the Union has opposed the removal of the exception. The affidavit stated that while the husband has no right to deprive the fundamental right of a woman, describing this violation as “rape” under the “institution of marriage can be arguably considered to be excessively harsh and therefore, disproportionate.” It stated that marital rape should be made illegal and criminalised as “a woman’s consent is not obliterated by marriage…However, the consequences of such violations within marriage differ from those outside it.” However, it relied on other provisions in the IPC and the Protection of Women from Domestic Violence Act, 2005 which are equipped to “ensure serious penal consequences for such violations”. On October 23, 2024 – the Supreme Court deferred hearings related to petitions involving the same. Earlier this year – a High Court judge, in Chhattisgarh acquitted a 40-year-old man of all charges who was convicted in 2019 by a trial court of rape and unnatural sex with his wife, who died within hours of the assault. Geeta Pandey reports for the BBC, “According to the prosecution, the incident took place on the night of December 11, 2017, when the husband, who worked as a driver, “committed unnatural sex with the victim against her will… causing her a lot of pain”.

 After he left for work, she sought help from his sister and another relative, who took her to hospital where she died a few hours later.

In her statement to the police and her dying declaration to a magistrate, the woman said she became ill “due to forceful sexual intercourse by her husband”.

A dying declaration carries weight in court and legal experts say it is generally enough for conviction, unless contradicted by other evidence.

While convicting the man in 2019, the trial court had relied heavily on her dying declaration and the post-mortem report, which stated “the cause of death was peritonitis and rectal perforation” – simply put, severe injuries to her abdomen and rectum.

Justice Vyas, however, saw matters differently – he questioned the “sanctity” of the dying statement, noted that some of the witnesses had retracted their statements and, most importantly, said that marital rape was not an offence in India.”

The Duluth Wheel’s centre is not just applicable to domestic violence – but to all forms of it. It is explicit that different forms of violence exist to enforce power and control on women – both on their bodies and their consciousnesses. Social and state infrastructures consistently employ mechanisms to ensure “obedience” in women. Women’s bodies and minds consistently become sites of violence outside their homes — in familiar spaces, in unfamiliar ones, and structurally, by impinging on their freedoms and dignities.

In Indian culture, women are assigned value in terms of a connotative form of honour that directly correlates her virginity / sexuality with the idea of the reputation of the family and the morality of the society she belongs to. This often results in honour killings, forced marriages, and in some cases – imprisonment on accusations of ‘love jihad’ inter-community or inter-caste unions, and ostracism. There have been reports that worldwide, nearly 20000 honour killings happen annually – with a third of them being from India and Pakistan. Namrata writes, “Within the ambit of a society built on honour-based social boundaries, having any sexual desires, having any kind of romantic relationship or sometimes even friendship with the opposite sex is wholly impossible. Thus, to be a “good daughter”, one has to refrain from developing romantic interests prior to marriage arranged by the family. As a result, those who transgress these social boundaries of honour have no option but to elope from their homes. Previous research has shown how couples are compelled to leave their homes due to severe parental opposition to their ‘self-arranged’ relationship/marriage and subsequent threats of violence or even killing. In addition, there is increased opposition if the couple belonged to caste, class, religion, same sex or same gotra.”

Violence in the workforce: Women in the workforce are often subjected to symbolic and physical violence – in the form of comments, verbal abuse, and “teasing”, while at the same time bearing with sexual harassment and assault. Women in the formal sectors have recently started relying on the POSH [Prevention of Sexual Harassment Act] – however rates of reporting remain incredibly low, especially in corporate spaces. Experts have also recommended to companies to start taking the implementation of this act not just to smoothen legal procedure, but also to ensure that their employees are not afraid to come forward with their allegations. In 2024 and 2025, there has been an added spotlight on workplace insecurity for women working within the formal sector – with the rape of a young female trainee doctor at the with the rape of a young female trainee doctor at the RG Kar Hospital in Kolkata, and the publication of the Hema Committee report.

Similarly, women in the informal working sector, also pretty often fall victim to the predatory actions of their employers and co-workers. With very little legal protection available to marginalised women who work in economies like this — these cases impact these women to such an extent that they are also deterred from further approaching institutional figures in fear of more exploitation. To begin with, unlike women in the formal sector, a daily wage earner or a domestic worker has no proof of employment to establish that she was at a workplace. Apart from this, according to section 9, any complaint of harassment has to be reported within three months. But as per the act, the committee is allowed to accept complaints even after this period. Social science researcher Anagha Sarpotdar found that committees do not interpret the provision to account for the marginalised condition of informal sector workers as a reason for delays in filing complaints.

— Digital Violence: The digital biosphere is one more space where women and queer people are consistently victimized — Technology Facilitated Gender Based Violence, or TFGBV — is a form of violence that has heightened over the last few years. Women often find themselves cyberstalked, harassed, abused, doxed, and even sexually violated. The advent of generative AI has made it extremely easy for abusive users to utilize publicly available photos on social media to make deepfake porn, and non-consensual nudes that they then circulate around the internet. A lot of this occurs especially to women who are outspoken on social media platforms — who are cyberstalked, harassed, and essentially “put in their place”. There has been extensive research done on manospheres across the Internet, and its growth in the Indian digital space — and its insidious connection to Brahminical patriarchy.

A report by USAID states, “Male dominance in online spaces and gendered cultural norms often make the internet inhospitable for women and girls. Just the idea of independent women making their opinions known online, regardless of the content, challenges the patriarchal social structure in India and makes them more vulnerable to violence. Because of this, research shows that female journalists, women’s rights activists, and politicians face much higher rates of online abuse compared to other women. This also contributes to women and girls self-censoring online. Women tend to only communicate to people they know online, use more private settings for communication, and are more selective about posting online—yet these actions create a barrier to being able to fully exercise their rights and freedoms in online spaces. This further perpetuates the patriarchal notion that women are unwelcome in public spaces.”

Indian Muslim Women and their trials with Gender-Based Violence

Muslim women in India face an intense form of gender-based violence that is located at the conjunction of multiple misogynies and oppressive structures. As feminist geopolitics research shows, territory-making and nation-building produce gendered victims and threats that necessitate assimilation or securitization within those borders. Gupta et. al suggest that women have been cast as victims in need of saving in many “femo-nationalist” state projects; here Muslim women are positioned as subjects to be protected by the Indian state while Muslim men are criminalized as intimate and geopolitical threats and become the targets of securitization. Muslim women’s legal claims for gender justice and equality are submerged in discourses of nationalism, religion, class, and electoral politics. The Triple Talaq judgment produces similar effects. Muslim women’s demands for marriage and divorce rights have paved the way for the state to criminalise Muslim men.

Nationalism takes a specific form in India, which was paradoxically defined in 1947 as secular through borders drawn according to religious identity. Post-independence politicians foregrounded India’s secular nature as one of its defining features, but in recent decades, this secularism has been contested. Hindu nationalism has gained force since the 1980s, portraying religious minorities in India as an existential threat. This is particularly true for the Muslim population, as partition along religious lines laid the foundation for Muslims to be understood as India’s eternal internal and external other. Under the government of Narendra Modi, systematic retrenchment of this othering has escalated in events such as the February 2020 violence against Muslims in New Delhi, which killed 52 (mostly Muslim) people. These episodes of violence targeting Muslims were in response to peaceful anti-citizenship amendment Act (CAA) protests (HRW, 2020), reaffirming the systemic violence inflicted against Muslims by the state. The Triple Talaq case reverberates and intensifies the RSS territorial notion of Akhand Bharat, i.e., an India undivided along religious lines. Akhand Bharat is a claim to territorial space that requires the exclusion of the other, with the Muslim populace being cast as such – with them being rendered into a shield of sorts, where their entire existence is flattened into deflection and villainization

In the context of a postcolonial nationalism that has relied upon representations of a Muslim other, legal cases that treat Muslim marriage and divorce practices as a problem requiring a legal solution are a means through which this minoritised religious community can be further marked as outside the boundaries of the nation-state. At the same time, through these legal cases, Muslims are selectively gendered and, through carceral logics, hailed into the state through legal subjecthood. As state actors and politicians seek to shore up the state’s ontological security, or to emphasize security threats for political purposes, they imperil the bodily safety and security of those marked as threatening others.

Gupta et. al further go on to suggest that these personal laws relegate Muslim men and women into the role of managed and manageable threat. When Muslim women are called into the state through the auspices of the law, they cannot engage in the fullness of their humanity, but are rendered as symbols and geopolitical instruments in relation to religious identity. The law is one vector through which global and national forms of paternalistic and Islamophobic discourses land upon women’s and men’s bodies. Laws can protect, safeguard, alienate, or criminalise people, places and entities. Laws that are ostensibly for the protection of Muslim women, minorities and other marginalized communities (and the discourses that surround them) can further state building and territory making. Muslims residing within the territory of India are marked as perpetual outsiders, and securitized through the creation of laws to manage their produced outsiderness. Following Perry, the law in this case situates Shah Bano within the “architecture of patriarchy,” here, a patriarchy formed in relation to the Hindu nation. This limits the horizons of possibility in terms of what kinds of justice can be obtained through legal recourse. To turn to the law, in this case, compromises the humanity of the community.

This continuous struggle with the state compounds and complicates the misogynistic attacks that Muslim women otherwise face, from their own and other communities alike. Not only do they face the culturally Indian patriarchy that looms over every female citizen in the country, they also have to constantly be wary of facing communal violence.

In 2021, many Muslim women – particularly those who had been outspoken in some shape or form in relation to feminist causes were found to be auctioned off on apps like Sulli Deals and Bulli Bai. Functionaries of the All India Muslim Personal Law Board have also been criticised for their excessively staunch stances. Amana Begam Ansari writes for the print, “AIMPLB also exhibits casteist and classist characteristic, as majority of its members come from the Ashraaf castes and upper socio-economic backgrounds. They often fail to understand or acknowledge the realities faced by ordinary Muslims, particularly those belonging to the Pasmanda community. These communities have distinct cultural differences from those in Arab countries. However, in the name of Sharia, the AIMPLB tends to prescribe laws based on their own cultural perspectives. Take this for example. Majority of Muslims do not practise polygamy and divorces are not socially acceptable. Hence, banning polygamy would make sense to protect the interests of ordinary Muslim women. However, the AIMPLB consistently opposes such measures.”

Within the Dawoodi Bohra sect of Muslims in India, there also exists a tradition of Female Genital Mutilation / Cutting (FGM/C) : in which there is a complete or partial removal of the clitoral hood because of its implied existence as an immoral piece of flesh. Currently, there are no legal protections against FGM/C.  Many scholars within the Dawoodi Bohra committee have protested against this practice, along with many pointing out that it is banned across the world in multiple Islamic countries. With the spread of dowry practices from Hindu to Muslim communities, resulting in multiple deaths across the nation.

It is to be noted that all of this violence that Muslim women are subjected to does not exist in a bubble or a vacuum. Patriarchal control over their lives has been challenged and condemned by Muslim women over decades, with them adopting different versions of feminism, be it Islamic or secular.

Violence faced by Dalit, Adivasi and Christian Women in India

Dalit women find themselves triply marginalised by gender, caste and class hierarchies in India. Out of the 200 million population of Dalits in India, 50% are women who disproportionately suffer from gender based violence and casteism. Pupul Lama writes for COFEM that the feminist research indicates that violence in the form of ‘caste privilege’ occurs due to the upper caste hegemony wherein men assume autonomy over Dalit women’s bodies and sexuality. This ideological hegemony of the caste-gender connection maintains caste boundaries and legitimizes GBV against Dalit women and girls to preserve the ‘purity of caste.’ In the Brahmanical sense, severe forms of sexual violence such as gang rape are often viewed as a weapon by the oppressor caste males to reinforce caste hierarchies and exercise power by collectively stealing the honour of Dalit women and their communities. It is also horrifying — the plight of Dalit girls who also become victims of SGBV through heinous caste-driven religious practices such as the Devadasi system, i.e., female prostitution in temples where they are forced to offer sexual services with religious sanctions. Not only are such practices rarely condemned by Hindus, they have also managed to romanticise this practice over time through various ostentatious displays of “culture”.

Between 2009 and 2019, the incidence of rape against Dalit women increased at a gruesome rate of 159%. What one also notices is that through time, Dalit victims of sexual and gender based violence and/or other crimes perpetrated by oppressor caste communities have reportage of the same neutralized, to completely invisibilise casteism and making it a solely gender issue. The judiciary and the institutional actors repeatedly fail at protecting Dalit women — IDSN had once pointed out that the conviction rate of rapes in India against Dalit women is only at a mere 2%, as opposed to the national average of 25%. The labour of Dalit women is also constantly erased — with almost 98% of those forced into manual scavenging being women.

Violence on Dalit and Christian women are intertwined in India. While savarna Christian women report on violence and patriarchal rules that affect many of them, Dalit/Adivasi Christian women, who are converts, are treated quite differently. One of the major allegations against Christians ever since the rise of the Hindutva government has been ‘conversion’. CJP recorded multiple hate crimes in the month of June, where women were attacked by Hindutva fanatics and “activists”, and they were humiliated constantly. At the same time, Dalit and Adivasi bodies of women are recognized as “more available”, when it comes to becoming subjects of harm.

Blessy Prasad writes in In India: Bearing the cross of gender, faith and tribe — that Christian Adivasi women often face trouble in their villages in the form of ostracism and harassment, and it concerns them further because they are primary caregivers within their families. Christian tribal women face severe economic marginalization, exacerbated by their tribal status and faith. Tribal economies in India rely heavily on agriculture and forest resources, where women contribute significantly but rarely hold land titles due to patriarchal customary laws. Conversion to Christianity can further restrict their access to communal resources, as village councils may deny them rights to shared land or forest produce. In Chhattisgarh, Christian tribal women often are excluded from government welfare programs, such as the Public Distribution System, due to religious discrimination by local authorities. Economic opportunities are scarce in remote tribal areas, and women face additional barriers in accessing credit or markets due to mobility restrictions and social stigma. Unlike non-Christian tribal women, who may rely on traditional networks, Christian converts often are cut off from these support systems, pushing them into precarious labour like daily wage work.

Christian tribal women have long been targets of gender based violence – during the 2007 Kandhamal riots, a huge number of them were raped and sexually assaulted. With forest areas in India becoming increasingly militarized / with government employed forces treating Adivasis like criminals in areas like Chhattisgarh and Telangana, the safety of women becomes another pressing issue to keep in mind.

Mapping Gender Based Violence on Women in India

Ansari and Rajaram further state, “The statistics in “Crime in India 2022”, the annual report by NCRB, show that a total of 13 States and Union Territories recorded crime rates higher than the national average of 66.4. Delhi topped the list at 144.4, followed by Haryana (118.7), Telangana (117), Rajasthan (115.1), Odisha (103.3), Andhra Pradesh (96.2), Andaman and Nicobar Islands (93.7), Kerala (82), Assam (81.2), Madhya Pradesh (78.8), Uttarakhand (77), Maharashtra (75.1), and West Bengal (71.8). The rate of crime in Uttar Pradesh — which contributed nearly 15 percent of the cases in India — stood at 58.6.” On an incidence count-metric, the four worst offending states would be Uttar Pradesh (65743 incidences), Rajasthan (45058), and Maharashtra (45331). Among Union Territories, quite predictably – is Delhi maintaining its spot as the region with the most number of crimes as it does when it comes to metropolitan cities.

The following are graphical representations of the same.

This choropleth map locates the incidences of violence in India on the basis of state-wise intensity.

This map shows intensity of violence with regards to cities.

As visible in the data above, the three worst offending states were Uttar Pradesh, Maharashtra, Rajasthan, West Bengal and Madhya Pradesh.

Uttar Pradesh: While Google search results would lead you to believe that Uttar Pradesh has been taking aggressive steps in making sure that violence against women stays in check, the on-ground reality has been quite different. For starters, UP’s state assembly only has 51 female MLAs out of  the 403 elected members — which only amounts to a rough 12.65%. The reigning party, BJP, in the state has had a lot of issues — with members attacking each other. The state’s Yogi Adityanath, has also stigmatised women in his speeches before.

At the same time, the Minister of State for Child Development, Nutrition and Women’s Welfare of Uttar Pradesh — Pratibha Shukla, has previously vocally stated her partiality to Brahmins, going as far as to tiff with a fellow party leader on the grounds that he was promising the people a lot. According to current National Crime Record Bureau (NCRB) data, Uttar Pradesh tops the list for crimes against women, yet the state has been hesitant to use the Nirbhaya fund, which is designated for guaranteeing the protection of women. Smriti Irani, the former Union minister for women and child development, recently informed parliament that Uttar Pradesh had used less than 4% of the funding allotted to it.^[1] Only 39.3 million of the 1,193.98 million dollars allotted to the state under which the fund has been used. Just 3.29 percent of the budgeted cash has been used. Following the violent rape and murder of a Delhi resident, the Nirbhaya Fund was revealed in the 2013 Union budget. The grant was intended to be used for initiatives that would directly improve women’s safety and security. (Meena & Kumar, 2022).

Maharashtra: Maharashtra has only 22 female MLAs, down from 24 last term – constituting only 7.6% of the total number. The state government has also not been faring well in terms of promises it made before coming to power. A Frontline report revealed that the Mahayuti government has been grasping for straws as its most successful strategic device, the Ladki Bahin Yojana – something that they had taken from MP’s style of governance – is looking to shrink. The Maharashtra Mahayuti government’s promised scheme, to grant Rs.1,500 every month to women below the poverty line, has begun to show cracks as the State faces a financial crunch in development work. Out of the 2.5 crore women registered under this scheme, the state is looking at a massive cutdown of around 15% – which is around 32-35 lakh women.

The rape case at Pune’s Swargate bus terminus has resulted in a lot of discourse surrounding the myth that Maharashtra is a “safe” state for women. The comments of the accused’s lawyer, and minister Yogesh Kadam who insisted that the victim did not ‘resist’.

In May, Nisha Nambiar had reported for The Times of India, that there exists a critical gap in Maharashtra’s emergency response system — as the integration of the women’s helpline (181l with the police helpline (112) remains incomplete even 2 years after its launch. The state government run call centre functions on only five operating systems, instead of the required 15. 15 personnel, apparently, handle the brunt of 3000+ calls every day. 

Rajasthan: Rajasthan, currently, has 21 female MLAs out of the 200 total count – barely crossing the 10% mark. On the other hand, Down To Earth reported that during the 2019 Lok Sabha elections, there were nearly 21 million women “missing” — women who were eligible to vote, but their names were excluded from lists due to the absence of voter cards or other complications. Out of these, Rajasthan was one of the top 3 offenders, which accounted for 10% of the 21 million women who were “missing”.

The security of women within the state has denigrated — as CJP, in its June report, Rajasthan recounted so many incidents of violence that it added up to a rape crisis. The Femme First Foundation reported in 2023 the state has initiated movements for the empowerment of women and girl children by introducing various schemes, focusing on education, the right to life and even financing women entrepreneurs  – ideal when . Sneha Sharon Patra writes, “Women have been moulded into living in a controlling lifestyle of multiple traditions, especially patriarchy, for so long that most get accustomed to the discrimination and accept it as natural. The dominance of certain traditions such as child marriage, dowry system, inferior treatment shown to women, sex selection, not celebrating the birth of girl-child, naming girls Mafi (Sorry), forcing them to drop out of school after primary level to assist at home while boys are expected to be educated and working are some examples of this. This develops into a conservative lifestyle for the women and restricts the voice of young girls adding to reasons for not being able to stand up for themselves.”

While now often referred to as a stereotype, Child marriage is still prevalent in Rajasthan, with 25.4% of women aged 20-24 having been married before 18, according to NFHS-5.

This is higher than the national average of 23.3%. The decline in child marriage rates has been observed, with the percentage of women married before 18 decreasing from 35.4% in 2015-16 to 25.4% in 2019-21.

West Bengal: West Bengal’s political relationship with the women residing in it is increasingly complicated. While the State Assembly has 41 female MLAs out of 294 – the state also has a Chief Minister who is female. While citizens had kept expectations of Mamata Banerjee and her party, Trinamool Congress in having a proactive approach towards handling women’s issues, the ministry has often disappointed. Post the gang-rape of a law student in Kolkata, Mahua Moitra, an MP from the state’s ruling party called out MP Kalyan Banerjee and MLA Madan Mitra for stating that women should be careful about the kind of company they keep – and not accompany those who have a “dirty mindset”. This is not a stand-alone incident, Banerjee herself has referred to the Park Street rape as an “orchestrated” event to malign her government. The state has also seen a string of high-profile cases of extreme violence against women, leading the citizens to lead consistent protest marches.

Soham Bhattacharyya and Torsa Saha write in Making of a Rape–Murder Atrocity and the Failed State of West Bengal, “The sense of irony that inspires and informs this write-up is produced by the popular portrayal of the TMC as the champion of women’s welfare in mainstream media. Economic pundits have lauded the TMC regime for its initiatives such as “Lakshmir Bhandar” (conditional cash transfers to married women), Kanyashree (cash transfer support towards female students), etc. Such schemes have been celebrated as evidence of the “progressive welfare force” at play, highlighting the support from the rural female vote bank that enables the TMC politically and socially (Bhattacharya and Chowdhury 2024). The recent reportages on rape and threat culture, however, point towards the rise of a politico-cultural mechanism that creates and sustains such a social environment, controlled largely by a network of locally operative TMC henchmen and their “franchise” (Bhattacharya 2023). If one puts together all the registered cases of crime and violence against women, it becomes evident that the figures have increased manifold. The fact that West Bengal consistently contributes to 5%–6% of total registered rapes and attempted rapes against women in India per week also highlights the failure of the mainstream media in reporting such instances of crime and atrocity.”

According to the authors, the data and discussion therefore bring to light two significant aspects. First, the two metrics of an emerging political ideology and the economic policies that sustain the socio-political system complement each other surreptitiously. The mainstream discourses around the economic welfare schemes introduced by the TMC government not only dilute the gravity of the increasing crimes against women but also serve to normalise a culture of gendered violence. Second, there seems to be no accountability for the recurrent institutional lapses that render women, especially working women from every socio-economic stratum, more and more vulnerable to the rising degrees of crime and violence in the state. These politico-economic mechanisms—as evident in the cases of Park Street, Kamduni, Sandeshkhali, R G Kar and so many other unreported ones—operate to create an atmosphere of fear and shame, enabled and controlled centrally by the informally organised wings of the TMC.

Madhya Pradesh : While Madhya Pradesh has a better share of women MLAs in their legislature, the state continues to appear in the news for the very reasons it should not. A recent report from The Indian Express notes, “A mob in Tetgama village of Purnia district assaulted and burnt alive five members of a tribal family, including three women, when the 16-year-old boy allegedly named his own mother as the witch. Three months ago, a 60-year-old indigenous woman in Rohtas suffered a similar fate. There are reports of women being strangled, and abandoned in jungles in the Khunti and East Singhbhum regions of Jharkhand because they were made scapegoats, blamed for someone’s sickness. In another recent incident in Umaria, Madhya Pradesh, on July 7, a tribal man was almost killed by physical assault by neighbours who believed he had used demonic powers to call out disease.” Witch-hunting in India, while sounding like it’s rooted in superstition, is far more complicated than that. It is an entirely gendered process of identification. While the male spiritual healers, called ojhas, are held in reverence and allowed the liberty to point out the witch – the “evil” female is blamed for poor harvests, land grabbing, and even ill-health in children. It often so happens that these women are the ones who have objected to sexual advances, hostile land takeovers, or essentially self-asserted. Madhya Pradesh, in the last few years, has emerged as a hotspot for such activity.

The state ministry is not far behind either, with MP Kailash Vijayvargiya announcing in a public meeting that he prefers girls who do not “wear skimpy clothes”. While Shivraj Singh Chouhan has earned the name “mama” for his intensive introduction of welfare schemes for women and for increasing the budget of the Women and Child Development Department from Rs 14,686 crore in the last fiscal to Rs 26,560 for the financial year 2024-2025, him and his government continue to stay silent on the fact that nearly 31,000 girls have gone missing from the state – from 2021 to 2024. Indore, reportedly, had 2384 cases of disappearances, but only 15 were registered by the police.

Delhi emerges as the city with the highest incidences of crime in the country. According to the WHO, data shows that the population of women in New Delhi was 1.5% of that of India as a whole, while crime against women was slightly higher at 5.2% (Table 4). In regard to the pattern of crime against women, it was noticed that the number of cases registered under “outrage and insult to modesty” was much higher in New Delhi (40.4%) in comparison to the country as a whole (27.8%). However, cruelty by husband and in-laws (members of husband’s family) was less common in New Delhi (20.5%) in comparison to the whole country (34.6%) (Table 5). Similarly, kidnapping and abduction cases registered were also higher in New Delhi (25.0%) in comparison to the country (18.1%). The One Stop Centers (OSCs) which were set up in Delhi post the Nirbhaya Rape Case failed completely – with The Reporter’s Collective digging up an undisclosed report from NITI Aayog, which stated that there was only 4% awareness existed among people regarding these centre’s existence. So have the 181 helplines.

This is clearly indicative of a deeper rot, where systematically, information has been hidden and configured in a way to protect the unpalatable ways the government of the city failed its women. Delhi’s status as national capital while being

Violence on LGBTQ+ People in India

The NCRB , as per the data from Trans Murder Monitoring (TMM), does not maintain specific data on crimes against trans people. a global project tracking homicide against transgender and gender-diverse persons, India recorded 102 registered murders of transgender persons between 2008 and 2021.

The NCRB report from 2021 reported that 236 Trans persons are reported victims of all crimes in India. As is apparent, these numbers are extremely low, and they are a reflection of severe underreporting of crimes, a result of inadequate documentation of the lives of trans persons — and genuine lack of initiative and interest in the lives of trans people in this country by the government. Trans, intersex, and hijra people already exist in the frays of society in India — with decisions taken on their life and living without active thought put into them.

As per a 2016 study conducted by National AIDS Control Organization (NACO), 31.5% of transwomen reported having been “forced to have sex in their first sexual encounter with a male partner. However, the legal framework under the old penal regime failed to adequately protect transwomen. In India, the landmark NALSA judgment of 2014 granted a range of rights to transgender persons under the Indian Constitution, with the right to self-identification being a primary focus.

The Transgender Persons (Protection of Rights) Act 2019, codified these rights into law.

However, the execution of the right to self-identification remains entangled in procedural difficulties such as issuing trans identity cards is hobbled by bureaucratic delays, gender biases, digital access issues, lack of sensitivity among the administrative staff, and unwarranted verification processes, rendering the lives (and deaths) of transgender individuals largely invisible in the country’s statistics. While Trans women could register their complaints under section 354A of the IPC, which has now been introduced as section 74 in the new BNS Act, without any change, for the offence of sexual harassment, the removal of section 377 leaves Trans persons with limited options for legal recourse for sodomy.

This purposeful reading out of protection for men and Trans persons is not only a failed opportunity to create a more just and equitable legal system but also reeks of misogyny in as much as there is a tacit understanding that it is only the bodies of women that need protection and that such protection need not be given to an anyone who is not a woman or a child. It also reflects a very one-dimensional understanding of the workings of gender justice.

The situation gets worse, as justice falters most profoundly in the cases of sexual assault against transgender individuals, who are mostly caught under the definitional void of men and women — considering any comprehension of non-cis identities are still treated as unnecessary and marginal in India, with the most inclusivity being available in the recognition of a “Third Gender”. Trans people were subject to different forms of sexual assault, like rape, sodomy, bestiality etc., collateralized with extortion, abuse, and violence, and often get unrecognized due to lack of proper protection and specific mentioning under the relevant statutes interwoven with various other socio-economic factors. A sampled survey shows an overwhelming eighty percent of the sample had experienced sexual assault and 37% reported repeat victimization-assault during both childhood and adulthood, a testament to their consistent vulnerability.

Abuse faced by Trans sex workers can also be worse than female sex workers. Compared to Section 376 of the Indian Penal Code, which deals with sexual abuse of a ciswoman and punishes the accused with rigorous imprisonment of at least ten years to life and a fine, the provisions under the Trans Act are starkly discriminatory and violative of the Constitutional right to equality of trans persons, thus reaffirming the near-subhuman legal treatment meted out to them.

According to the Centre for Law and Policy Research,  apart from the Trans Act, there are other laws that are used to harass and arrest trans persons in public spaces. One such example is the Telangana Eunuch Act, 1919 which borrows definitions and provisions from the repealed Criminal Tribes Act, 1871. Both Acts from colonial times, classify ‘eunuchs’ as habitual criminals, who by virtue of their birth, were seen as predisposed to committing petty offences and under Section 4 of the Act, police and state authorities are often found arresting transgender persons in cases where they are found singing or dancing or cross-dressing in public spaces. The said legislation has been stayed by the Telangana High Court in a petition challenging the constitutionality of this legislation. (Singh, 2023)

Institutional Action and Policy Changes

In India, institutional failures in addressing gender based violence is a combination of wilful ignorance, large-scale logistical failures, discriminatory policy making which is a feature of an ethnonationalist state — and large-scale corruption. The problem with the current state apparatus is that in its entire ordeal of promoting India as an “old civilization” rooted in culture, and holding mythology and scripture to apotheosized value — a lot of its machinery has refused to let in progress that is non-technological, in order to hold onto a homogenised idea of “Indian culture”, which is a combination of post capitalism and Brahminical heteropatriarchy.

Some of the Key Areas of Institutional Failure are as follows:

Law Enforcement:

Underreporting: Many GBV cases, particularly domestic violence and sexual assault, go unreported due to fear of stigma, lack of trust in law enforcement, and inadequate support systems. This is further exacerbated by ministers and government mouthpieces who further blame victims, questioning their morality.

Ineffective Investigation and Police Incompetence: Even when reported, police investigations are often delayed and inadequate. Officers often lack empathy or form any sort of respect for the survivor’s needs, leading to a lack of justice — and this failure is systemic because of administrations’ incompetence to train officers in gender sensitivity. A number of times, also, the police refuse to register cases if the perpetrator is influential — or if the victim does not fit the ideal of one.

Bias, Dog-piling, and Victim-Blaming: Law enforcement officers may exhibit biases against survivors, especially in cases of sexual assault, and may even engage in victim-blaming, therefore leading to women making the decision to avoid this added trauma altogether. The judicial process in GBV cases can be entirely too lengthy, which might span years, thus multiple people might not want to go through a process so taxing.

Even when perpetrators are convicted, sentences may be lenient, particularly in cases of domestic violence, sending a message that such violence is not taken seriously. Many judicial officers and lawyers may lack adequate training and awareness regarding GBV, leading to insensitive handling of cases and perpetuating harmful stereotypes. A lot of the time gender sensitisation is so little that judicial officers have no conception of dealing with people with histories of facing abuse.

Lack of Social Support Systems:

There is a severe shortage of safe shelters and accessible counselling services for survivors of GBV, leaving them with limited options for immediate support and long-term recovery. As aforementioned, when the governments are doing the needful, and setting up systems, they are not divesting enough money or energy in promoting these resources, thus fundamentally leaving them defunct.

Reformed Approach to Development

India needs a drastic restructuring of its policymaking practices, and ground the entire process in feminist allyship — and inclusivity, rather than using everyone as pawns to secure vote banks. Empathy should be one of the foremost devices that the state should employ, rather than a later thought.

The approach should also be rooted in the understanding that women are to be assimilated into society, and not segregated into confinements. Nilanjana Bhowmick writes, the institutional response to gender-based violence in India has mostly been to segregate women further. They want women to be confined to “safe” zones – pink carriages in the metro, pink autos, pink bus tickets, pink parks, pink toilets, separate queues. This segregation does not make public spaces any safer or more comfortable for women. This isolation of women, and invisibilization of non-cis, queer bodies enforces the belief that the public space is not a collective one, but only leased out by men out of their withdrawable benevolence.

The current figure on the NCW website for the number of complaints it has received is 13,583. When we started writing this report –a period of a month, approximately– it was in the 12,000s!

(The legal research team of CJP consists of lawyers and interns; this graphic visualisation report has been worked on by Saptaparma Samajdar)

[1] In the second term of the Modi Government, 2019-2024, Irani was appointed given the key portfolio Union Minister for Women and Child Development. Subsequently, in the cabinet re-shuffle of July 2021, Irani was again given the charge of the Ministry of Women and Child Development.

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The recently released World Economic Forum (WEF)’s Global Gender Gap Report 2025 delivers a sobering reality check for India: India ranks 131st out of 148 countries, with a gender parity score of 64.1%, despite global strides elsewhere. Despite slight gains in economic participation and education, India continues to struggle to unlock the potential of half its population. The ranking is not a mere statistic but represents a fundamental economic and social crisis that demands urgent, systemic intervention. Let us examine why: India’s gender gap extends beyond the women workforce participation rate, which stands at a dismal 29.9% in terms of earned income parity. It can be seen embedded deep into institutional frameworks that systematically exclude women from decision-making spheres. Women hold just 13.8% of parliamentary seats and a mere 5.6% of ministerial positions, reflecting the entrenched male dominance in India’s power structures.

The political underrepresentation unfortunately creates a continued cycle of failure to consistently address women and their lived realities. Globally, women constitute 41.2% of the workforce, however they hold merely 28.8% of leadership positions worldwide. In 2024, Indian women occupied 18.3% of senior leadership roles, a slight decrease from the 2023 peak of 18.7%. The issue is not women’s capability or ambition, but an ecosystem that persistently undervalues their contributions.

Beyond Employment: Reimagining Social Architecture

India’s gender parity efforts remain narrowly focused on employment schemes and quotas, missing the broader task of reforming foundational social structures. True transformation requires dismantling the invisible architecture of inequality shaping every aspect of Indian women’s lives right from childhood to leadership. This also requires that we begin from the education systems as well, for example, educational reform must transcend mere access to challenge curriculums that reinforce gender stereotypes. Educational institutions need to proactively counteract societal messaging that limits any girl’s aspirations in Science, Technology, Leadership and Entrepreneurship. This means training educators to recognize unconscious bias, revising textbooks to include diverse female role models, and establishing mentorship programs that steer young women toward leadership. In fact some states like Kerala have already started doing this and we need more states across the country to follow suit.

Urban planning must prioritize women’s safety and facilitate mobility through thoughtful infrastructure. Cities designed with women’s needs in mind that focus on adequate streetlights, accessible public transportation, childcare facilities near workplaces and safe public spaces, often directly impact women’s economic participation. When women feel secure moving through urban environments results in enhanced professional opportunities expand exponentially.

Workplace transformation requires more than maternity leave policies. Organizations need comprehensive support systems including flexible working arrangements, on-site childcare, equal parental leave and zero-tolerance harassment policies. These changes aren’t corporate social responsibility initiatives, rather they are strategic investments in talent retention and productivity.

The Political Will Imperative

Gender parity is not yet treated as the economic emergency it is. Yet research consistently shows that countries with higher gender equality experience faster economic growth, greater innovation, and more resilient societies. India’s demographic dividend—its large young population—remains half-spent when women are systematically excluded from productive participation. The Women’s Reservation Bill passed in 2023 after 27 years of legislative delays, promises change where it states that there will be reservation of one-third of parliamentary and legislative seats, albeit in 2029. Even before WRB’s implementation, political parties can voluntarily field more women candidates—an immediate, tangible show of commitment to equality.

Cultural Reengineering: The Ultimate Challenge

India needs deliberate cultural reengineering that challenges fundamental assumptions about gender roles. Media must evolve beyond glorifying female sacrifice and start showcasing stories of women’s leadership, ambition, and success. Entertainment, advertising and news coverage also shape societal perceptions; all such platforms need to actively counteract stereotypes that limit women’s potential. Family norms, especially those rooted in son preference, demand intentional change.Men must be encouraged to share childcare and domestic duties, support women’s careers, and celebrate daughters as enthusiastically as sons. Not all these changes need legislative influence, most of these require sustained social dialogue and role-modeling by influential figures. When respected voices within communities’ advocate for women’s education, professional participation and leadership, social change accelerates.

The Economic Imperative

India’s goal of becoming a developed economy by 2047 is incompatible with persistent gender inequality. Countries that have achieved sustained prosperity—from Nordic nations to East Asian tigers—prioritized women’s economic participation as a development cornerstone. India cannot afford to waste half its human capital while competing in a knowledge-based global economy. The demographic window is closing. India’s working-age population advantage will diminish within decades. Maximizing this advantage requires full utilization of both male and female talent. Each year of inaction bleeds trillions in lost economic potential.

India’s gender gap demands an ecosystem-wide approach—addressing legal, economic, educational, infrastructural, and cultural systems in tandem. Now we need coordinated action across government levels, private sector leadership, civil society engagement and individual behavior change. Most importantly, we need for gender equality to be viewed not as a women’s issue but as a national economic priority that determines India’s global competitiveness. The choice is clear: India must embrace radical change to unlock its full potential. The demographic dividend is fleeting.

About Author

Dr. Varsha Pillai

Dr. Varsha Pillai, a seasoned communications professional with over two decades of experience, currently leads Gender Diversity and Advocacy initiatives for Women in Manufacturing at Tata Electronics. Her journey is anchored by a PhD from Symbiosis International University (2022), where her research focused on Gender Advocacy in Digital Media. Recognized internationally through prestigious fellowships including the NFAI Research Fellowship, Netherlands Fellowship, and Think Tank Initiative Fellowship in Geneva, she was named a Changemaker by Change.Org India in 2022. Her expertise spans sustainability communications, DEI initiative, and policy advocacy across corporate and nonprofit sectors, where she combines academic insight with practical implementation.

Courtesy: The AIDEM

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On January 3, 1831, 176 years ago Savitribai Phule, arguably India’s first woman teacher and forgotten liberator was born. With the first school for girls from different castes that she set up in Bhidewada, Pune (the seat of Brahmanism) Krantijyoti Savitribai as she is reverentially known, by the Indian Bahujan movement, blazed a revolutionary trial. There have been consistent demands to observe January 3 as Teachers Day. Without her, Indian women would not have had the benefits of education.

To mark the memory of this remarkable woman we bring to you her letters to life partner Jyotiba. Jyotiba and Savitribai were Comrades in Arms in their struggle against the emancipation of India’s disenfranchised people.

Translated from the Original Marathi with an introduction Sunil Sardar Reproduced here are the English translation of three important Letters – (originally in Marathi and published in MG Mali’s edition of her collected works, Savitribai Phule Samagra Wangmaya) – that Savitribai wrote to her husband Jyotiba in a span of 20 years.

The letters are significant as they write of the wider concerns that drove this couple, the emancipation of the most deprived segments of society and the struggle to attain for them, full human dignity and freedom.

This vision for a new and liberated society – free from ignorance, bigotry, deprivation, and hunger – was the thread that bonded the couple, arching from the private to the personal.

Theirs was a relationship of deep and shared concerns, each providing strength to the other. When large sections of 19^th century Maharashtrian society was ranged against Phule’s reconstructive radicalism, it was the unfailing and shared vision and dedication of his life partner that needs have been emotionally sustaining.  In our tribute to this couple and the tradition of radical questioning that they harboured, we bring to our readers these letters.

1856. The first letter, written in 1856, speaks about the core issue: education and its transformative possibilities in a society where learning, had for centuries been the monopoly of the Brahmins; who, in turn, used this exclusive privilege to enclave, demoralize and oppress. Away at her parental home to recuperate from an illness, Savitri describes in the letter a conversation with her brother, who is uncomfortable with the couple’s radicalism.

October 1856
The Embodiment of Truth, My Lord Jyotiba,
Savitri salutes you!

After so many vicissitudes, now it seems my health has been fully restored. My brother worked so hard and nursed me so well through my sickness. His service and devotion shows how loving he really is! I will come to Pune as soon as I get perfectly well. Please do not worry about me. I know my absence causes Fatima so much trouble but I am sure she will understand and won’t grumble.

As we were talking one day, my brother said, “You and your husband have rightly been excommunicated because both of you serve the untouchables (Mahars and Mangs). The untouchables are fallen people and by helping them you are bringing a bad name to our family. That is why, I tell you to behave according to the customs of our caste and obey the dictates of the Brahmans.” Mother was so disturbed by this brash talk of my brother.

Though my brother is a good soul he is extremely narrow-minded and so he did not hesitate to bitterly criticize and reproach us. My mother did not reprimand him but tried instead to bring him to his senses, “God has given you a beautiful tongue but it is no good to misuse it so!” I defended our social work and tried to dispel his misgivings. I told him, “Brother, your mind is narrow, and the Brahmans’ teaching has made it worse. Animals like goats and cows are not untouchable for you, you lovingly touch them. You catch poisonous snakes on the day of the snake-festival and feed them milk. But you consider Mahars and Mangs, who are as human as you and I, untouchables. Can you give me any reason for this? When the Brahmans perform their religious duties in their holy clothes, they consider you also impure and untouchable, they are afraid that your touch will pollute them. They don’t treat you differently than the Mahars.” When my brother heard this, he turned red in the face, but then he asked me, “Why do you teach those Mahars and Mangs? People abuse you because you teach the untouchables. I cannot bear it when people abuse and create trouble for you for doing that. I cannot tolerate such insults.” I told him what the (teaching of) English had been doing for the people. I said, “The lack of learning is nothing but gross bestiality. It is through the acquisition of knowledge that (he) loses his lower status and achieves the higher one. My husband is a god-like man. He is beyond comparison in this world, nobody can equal him. He thinks the Untouchables must learn and attain freedom. He confronts the Brahmans and fights with them to ensure Teaching and Learning for the Untouchables because he believes that they are human beings like other and they should live as dignified humans. For this they must be educated. I also teach them for the same reason. What is wrong with that? Yes, we both teach girls, women, Mangs and Mahars. The Brahmans are upset because they believe this will create problems for them. That is why they oppose us and chant the mantra that it is against our religion. They revile and castigate us and poison the minds of even good people like you.

“You surely remember that the British Government had organised a function to honour my husband for his great work. His felicitation caused these vile people much heartburn. Let me tell you that my husband does not merely invoke God’s name and participate in pilgrimages like you. He is actually doing God’s own work. And I assist him in that. I enjoy doing this work. I get immeasurable joy by doing such service. Moreover, it also shows the heights and horizons to which a human being can reach out.”

Mother and brother were listening to me intently. My brother finally came around, repented for what he had said and asked for forgiveness. Mother said, “Savitri, your tongue must be speaking God’s own words. We are blessed by your words of wisdom.” Such appreciation from my mother and brother gladdened my heart. From this you can imagine that there are many idiots here, as in Pune, who poison people’s minds and spread canards against us. But why should we fear them and leave this noble cause that we have undertaken? It would be better to engage with the work instead. We shall overcome and success will be ours in the future. The future belongs to us.

What more could I write?

With humble regards,

Yours,

Savitri

The Poetess in Savitribai

The year 1854 was important as Savitribai published her collection of poems, called Kabya Phule (Poetry’s Blossoms).
Bavan Kashi Subodh Ratnakar (The Ocean of Pure Gems), another collection of what has come to be highly regarded in the world of Marathi poetry was published in 1891. (The Phules had developed a devastating critique of the Brahman interpretation of Marathi history in the ancient and medieval periods. He portrayed the Peshwa rulers, later overthrown by the British, as decadent and oppressive, and Savitribai reiterates those themes in her biography.)
Apart from these two collections, four of Jyotiba’s speeches on Indian History were edited for publication by Savitribai. A few of her own speeches were also published in 1892. Savitribai’s correspondence is also remarkable because they give us an insight into her own life and into the life and lived experiences of women of the time.

1868. The Second letter is about a great social taboo – a love affair between a Brahman boy and an Untouchable girl; the cruel behavior of the ‘enraged’ villagers and how Savitribai stepped in. This intervention saves the lives of the lovers and she sends them away to the safety and caring support of her husband, Jyotiba. With the malevolent reality of honour killings in the India of 2016 and the hate-driven propaganda around ‘love jehad’ this letter is ever so relevant today.

29 August 1868
Naigaon, Peta Khandala
Satara
The Embodiment of Truth, My Lord Jotiba,
Savitri salutes you!
I received your letter. We are fine here. I will come by the fifth of next month. Do not worry on this count. Meanwhile, a strange thing happened here. The story goes like this. One Ganesh, a Brahman, would go around villages, performing religious rites and telling people their fortunes. This was his bread and butter. Ganesh and a teenage girl named Sharja who is from the Mahar (untouchable) community fell in love. She was six months pregnant when people came to know about this affair. The enraged people caught them, and paraded them through the village, threatening to bump them off.

I came to know about their murderous plan. I rushed to the spot and scared them away, pointing out the grave consequences of killing the lovers under the British law. They changed their mind after listening to me.

Sadubhau angrily said that the wily Brahman boy and the untouchable girl should leave the village. Both the victims agreed to this. My intervention saved the couple who gratefully fell at my feet and started crying. Somehow I consoled and pacified them. Now I am sending both of them to you. What else to write?
Yours
Savitri

1877. The last letter, written in 1877, is a heart-rending account of a famine that devastated western Maharashtra. People and animals were dying. Savitri and other Satyashodhak volunteers were doing their best to help. The letter brings out an intrepid Savitri leading a team of dedicated Satyashodhaks striving to overcome a further exacerbation of the tragedy by moneylenders’ trying to benefit.  She meets the local District administration. The letter ends on a poignant note where Savitribai reiterates her total commitment to her the humanitarian work pioneered by the Phules.

20 April, 1877
Otur, Junner
The Embodiment of Truth, My Lord Jyotiba,
Savitri salutes you!
The year 1876 has gone, but the famine has not – it stays in most horrendous forms here. The people are dying. The animals are dying, falling on the ground. There is severe scarcity of food. No fodder for animals. The people are forced to leave their villages. Some are selling their children, their young girls, and leaving the villages. Rivers, brooks and tanks have completely dried up – no water to drink. Trees are dying – no leaves on trees. Barren land is cracked everywhere. The sun is scorching – blistering. The people crying for food and water are falling on the ground to die. Some are eating poisonous fruits, and drinking their own urine to quench their thirst. They cry for food and drink, and then they die.

Our Satyashodhak volunteers have formed committees to provide food and other life-saving material to the people in need. They have formed relief squads.
Brother Kondaj and his wife Umabai are taking good care of me. Otur’s Shastri, Ganapati Sakharan, Dumbare Patil, and others are planning to visit you. It would be better if you come from Satara to Otur and then go to Ahmednagar.

You may remember R.B. Krishnaji Pant and Laxman Shastri. They travelled with me to the affected area and gave some monetary help to the victims.

The moneylenders are viciously exploiting the situation. Bad things are taking place as a result of this famine. Riots are breaking out. The Collector heard of this and came to ease the situation. He deployed the white police officers, and tried to bring the situation under control. Fifty Satyasholdhaks were rounded up. The Collector invited me for a talk. I asked the Collector why the good volunteers had been framed with false charges and arrested without any rhyme or reason. I asked him to release them immediately. The Collector was quite decent and unbiased. He shouted at the white soldiers, “Do the Patil farmers rob? Set them free.” The Collector was moved by the people’s plights. He immediately sent four bullock cartloads of (jowar) food.

You have started the benevolent and welfare work for the poor and the needy. I also want to carry my share of the responsibility. I assure you I will always help you. I wish the godly work will be helped by more people.

I do not want to write more.
Yours,
Savitri

(These letters have been excerpted with grateful thanks from A Forgotten Liberator, The Life and Struggle of Savitrabai Phule, Edited by Braj Ranjan Mani, Pamela Sardar)

Bibliography:

Krantijyoti : Revolutionary flame
Brahmans: Priestly “upper” caste with a powerful hold on all fairs of society and state including access to education, resources and mobility (spelt interchangeably as Brahmins)
Mahars:The Mahar is an Indian Caste, found largely in the state of Maharashtra, where they compromise 10% of the population, and neighboring areas. Most of the Mahar community followed social reformer B. R. Ambedkar in converting to Buddhism in the middle of the 20th century.
Mangs: The Mang (or Matang -Minimadig in Gujarat and Rajasthan) community is an Indian caste historically associated with low-status or ritually impure professions such as village musicians, cattle castraters, leather curers, midwives, hangmen, undertakers. Today they are listed as a Scheduled Castes a term which has replaced the former the derogatory ‘Untouchable’
Satyashodhak Samaj:  A society established by Jyotirao Phule on September 24, 1873. This was started as a group whose main aim was to liberate the shudra and untouchable castes from exploitation and oppression
Shudra: The fourth caste under the rigid caste Hindu system; these were further made more rigid in the Manu Smruti
Ati Shudra: Most of the groups listed under this category come under the untouchables who were used for the most venal tasks in caste ridden Hindu society but not treated as part of the caste system.
Jowar: The Indian name for sorghum

How the Education for girls was pioneered

The Phule couple decided to start schools for girls, especially from the shudra and atishudra castes but also including others so that social cohesion of sorts could be attempted in the classroom. Bhidewada in Pune was the chosen site, a bank stands there today. There is a movement among Bahujans to reclaim this historic building. When the Phules faced stiff resistance and a boycott, a Pune-based businessman Usman Shaikh gave them shelter. Fatima Shaikh Usman’s sister was the first teacher colleague of Savitribai and the two trained teachers who ran the school. The school started with nine girl students in 1848.

Sadashiv Govande contributed books from Ahmednagar. It functioned for about six months and then had to be closed down. Another building was found and the school reopened a few months later. The young couple faced severe opposition from almost all sections. Savitribai was subject to intense harassment everyday as she walked to school. Stones, mud and dirt were flung at her as she passed. She was often abused by groups of men with orthodox beliefs who opposed the education for women. Filth including cow dung was flung on her. Phule gave her hope, love and encouragement. She went to school wearing an old sari, and carried an extra sari with her to change into after she reached the school. The sheer daring and doggedness of the couple and their comrades in arms broke the resistance. Finally, the pressure on her eased when she was compelled to slap one of her tormentors on the street!

Once the caste Hindu Brahmanical hierarchy who were the main opponents of female education realized that the Phule couple would not easily give in, they arm-twisted Jyotiba’s father. Intense pressure was brought by the Brahmins on Phule’s father, Govindrao, to convince him that his son was on the wrong track, that what he was doing was against the Dharma. Finally, things came to a head when Phule’s father told him to leave home in 1849. Savitri preferred to stay by her husband’s side, braving the opposition and difficulties, and encouraging Phule to continue their educational work.

However, their pioneering move had won some support. Necessities like books were supplied through well wishers; a bigger house, owned by a Muslim, was found for a second school which was started in 1851. Moro Vithal Walvekar and Deorao Thosar assisted the school. Major Candy, an educationalist of Pune, sent books. Jyotirao worked here without any salary and later Savitribai was put in charge. The school committee, in a report, noted, “The state of the school funds has compelled the committee to appoint teachers on small salaries, who soon give up when they find better appointment…Savitribai, the school headmistress, has nobly volunteered to devote herself to the improvement of female education without remuneration. We hope that as knowledge advances, the people of this country will be awakened to the advantages of female education and will cordially assist in all such plans calculated to improve the conditions of those girls.”

On November 16, 1852, the education department of the government organised a public felicitation of the Phule couple, where they were honoured with shawls.
On February 12, 1853, the school was publicly examined. The report of the event state: “The prejudice against teaching girls to read and write began to give way…the good conduct and honesty of the peons in conveying the girls to and from school and parental treatment and indulgent attention of the teachers made the girls love the schools and literally run to them with alacrity and joy.”

A Dalit student of Savitribai, Muktabai, wrote a remarkable essay which was published in the paper Dyanodaya, in the year 1855. In her essay, Muktabai poignantly describes the wretchedness of the so-called untouchables and severely criticizes the Brahmanical religion for degrading and dehumanizing her people.

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Olympic rings: as a small girl from a small village I did not know what was the Olympics or what these rings meant. As a small girl, I dream of things like long hair, flaunting a mobile phone in my hand and doing all these things that any young girl would normally dream of.

My father, an ordinary bus driver, would tell me that one day he would see his daughter fly high in a plane while he would drive on the road below, that only I would turn my father’s dreams into a reality. I don’t want to say it, but I think I was his favourite child because I was the youngest of the three. When he used to tell me about this I used to laugh at the absurd thought of it, it did not mean much to me. My mother, who could have a whole story written on the hardships of her life, only dreamt that all her children would one day will live a life better than she did. Being independent and her kids being up on their own feet was enough of a dream for her. Her wishes and dreams were much more simple than my father’s.

But the day my father left us, all I was left with were his thoughts and words about flying in that plane. I was confused about it’s meaning then but held that dream close to me anyway. My mother’s dream was now further away because a couple months after my father’s death she was diagnosed with stage 3 cancer. Here began the journey of three kids who would lose their childhood to support their single mother. Soon my dreams of long hair, a mobile phone faded as I faced the reality of life and got into the race of survival.

But survival taught me a lot. Seeing my mother’s hardships, never-give-up attitude and fighting spirit is what makes me the way I am. She taught me to fight for what is rightfully mine. When I think about courage I think about her and it is this courage that helps me fight every fight without thinking about the outcome.

Despite a difficult road ahead we as a family never lost our faith in god and always trusted that he had planned the right things for us. Mother always said God will never let bad things happen to good people. I believed this even more when I crossed paths with Somvir, my husband, soulmate, companion and best friend for life. Somvir has taken every place in my life with his companionship and supported me with each role he took. To any we were equal partners when we faced a challenge would be wrong, for he sacrificed at each step and took my hardships, shielding me always. He placed my journey above his and offered his companionship with utmost loyalty, dedication and honesty. If not for him, I cannot imagine being here, continuing my fight and taking each day head-on. This is only possible because I know he is standing with me, behind me and when needed in front of me, always protecting me.

My journey here has allowed me to meet so many people, most good and some bad. In the past 1.5-2 years, a lot has happened off and on the mat. My life took many turns, felt like life took a stop for good and there was no way out from the pit we were in. But the people around me had honesty in them, they had goodwill and massive support for me. These people and their faith in me was so strongly grounded, it is because of them that I could continue through the challenges and get through the past 2 years.

For my journey on the mat, my support team for the past two years has played a huge part.

Dr. Dinshaw Pardiwala. This is not a new name in Indian Sports. For me, and I think for many other Indian athletes, he is not just a doctor but an angel in disguise sent by god. When I had stopped believing in myself after facing injuries, it was his belief, work and faith in me that got me back on my feet again. He has operated on me not once but thrice (both knees and one elbow) and has shown me how resilient the human body can be. His dedication, kindness and honesty towards his work and towards Indian Sports is something no one will doubt including God. I’m forever grateful to him and his entire team for their work and dedication. As a part of the Indian contingent having him present at the Paris Olympics was a god’s gift for all fellow athletes.

Dr. Wayne Patrick Lombard. He has helped me through the most difficult journey that an athlete faces not once but twice. Science is one side, no doubt about his expertise, but his kind, patient and creative approach toward handling complicated injuries has gotten me so far. Both the times I was injured and operated it was his work and efforts that made me bounce back from the bottom. He taught me how to take one day at a time and every session with him has felt like a natural stressbuster. I see him as an elder brother, always checking on me even when we were not working together.

Woller Akos. Anything I write about him will always be less. In the world of Women’s Wrestling, I have found him to be the best coach, best guide and best human, able to handle any situation with his calmness, patience and confidence. He does not have the word impossible in his dictionary and he is always ready with a plan whenever we face a tough situation on or off the mat. There were times when I doubted myself, and was shitting away from my internal focus and he would know exactly what to say and how to bring me back on my path. He was more than a coach, my family in Wrestling. He was never hungry to take credit for my victory and success, always humble and taking a step back as soon as his work was done on the mat. But I want to give him the recognition he much deserves, whatever I do will never be enough to thank him for his sacrifices, for the time he spent away from his family. I can never repay him for the time lost with his two small boys. I wonder if they know what their father has done for me and if they understand how important his contributions have been. All I can do today is tell the world that if it hadn’t been for you I would not have done on the mat what I have done.

Ashwini Jeevan Patil. The first day we met in 2022, immediate security I felt by the way she took care of me that day, her confidence was enough to make me feel that she could take care of wrestlers and this difficult game. Through the past 2.5 years she went through this journey with me like it was her own, every competition, win and loss, every injury and rehab journey was hers as much as it was mine. This is the first time I met a physiotherapist who has shown this much dedication and reverence towards me and my journey. Only the both of us really know what we went through before every training, after every training session and in the moments in between.

Tajinder Kaur. The journey of my weight loss post-surgery for the past year was as challenging as rehabbing the injury. Cutting over 10kgs while taking care of an injury and preparing for the Olympics is no easy task. I remember when I first told you about playing in the 50kgs category and the way you reassured me that we would achieve this while taking care of the injury simultaneously. It was your persistent encouragement and your reminders about our goal, the Olympic gold, that helped me get through the weight cut.

Olympic Gold Quest (OGQ) and team. (Viren Rasquinha Sir, Yatin Bhatkar, Mugdha Barve – Psychologist, Mayank Singh Garia – SnC Coach, Arvind, Shubham, Paryas, Yugam – Sparring partners and many others working behind the curtain) I cannot imagine the upward journey Indian Sports has had without the contributions of OGQ. What this entire team has achieved in the past decades is all because of the people in this team and their honest passion towards sports. In two of the most difficult times in recent years, one – post-Tokyo Olympics in 2021, and two – post the Wrestler’s protest and ACL surgery in 2023, it was because of their backing and constant support that I could overcome. Not a day passed by without them checking in, making sure I was safe, progressing and on the right path. Me and my many fellow athletes in this generation are very very lucky to have OGQ, an organisation made up of and founded by some legendary athletes who take care of us.

CDM (Chef-de-Mission) Gagan Narang sir and the Olympic team support staff. I met Gagan sir in close acquaintance for the first time and his kindness and empathy towards an athlete was exactly what is needed in high-pressure situation like the games. I want to appreciate the genuine efforts of the entire team that worked day and night for the Indian contingent in the games Village. The recovery room team, masseuse was something I had never experienced in my entire career during the games.

During the wrestlers protest I was fighting hard to protect the sanctity of women in India, the sanctity and values of our Indian flag. But when I look at the pictures of me with the Indian flag from 28th May 2023, it haunts me. It was my wish to have the Indian flag fly high this Olympics, to have a picture of the Indian flag with me that truly represents it’s value and restores it’s sanctity. I felt that by doing this it will correctly reprimand what the flag went through and what wrestling went through. I really was hoping to show that to my fellow Indians.

There is so much more to say and so much more to tell but words will never be enough and maybe I will speak again when the time feels right. On the night of 6th August and the morning of 7th August, all I want to say is that we did not give up, our efforts did not stop, and we did not surrender but the clock stopped and the time was not fair. So was my fate. To my team, my fellow Indians and my family, it feels like the goal that we were working towards and what we had planned to achieve is unfmished, that something might always remain missing, and that things might never be the same again. Maybe under different circumstances, I could see myself playing till 2032, because the fight in me and wrestling in me will always be there. I can’t predict what the future holds for me, and what awaits me in this journey next, but I am sure that I will continue to fight always for what I believe in and for the right thing.

First Published on The Aidem.

The post Vinesh Arrives in India With A Resolve To Fight appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The objective behind organising this event, which was named as “India’s New Criminal Laws: Reform or Repression?” was to analyse the three criminal laws and the impact that they would have on the working of the justice system and the people of India. Many have, including the three speakers, been criticising the new laws for being regressive and stringent, and for introducing such laws that will increase the power of the state to take arbitrary action against those dissenting. 

At the event, many such provision were referred to and discussed in detail by the three speakers. Teesta Setalvad highlighted several provisions that provide draconian powers to the police, endanger the statutory right to bail, criminalise free speech (in a newly introduced provision that she described as “sedition plus” and also penalise, if not criminalise legitimate democratic protest. She further lamented the consciously absent safeguards against police abuse that are missing from the criminal laws. In addition to this, Setalvad spoke on the repacked, yet more stringent, version of sedition that has been introduced in the BNS, which will penalise as well as criminalise legitimate democratic protest.

Senior advocate Vrinda Grover came down heavily upon the claim of the union government’s that these laws will be the process of decolonisation needed by India. Calling the introduction of these law as regressive, she highlighted how the citizens of India have been turned from victims to suspects and mute spectators. She specifically spoke about the provision on expansion of the period of police custody through the BNSS, which could lead to increase in cases of intimidation, torture and coercion of the ones arrested. 

Vijay Hiremath focussed on how under the guise of doing a copy-paste job, the union government has introduced many illogical and draconian legislations, which have granted unprecedented powers to the executive and the police officers. Hiremath further highlighted the issue of impossibility of filing complaints against any defaulting police officer, due to the rather sinister and confusing sections the BNSS has. Hiremath concluded ends by saying that these laws are extremely dangerous, and will make the whole of the country and its citizens a target. 

Based on the concerns raised as well as the discussions that took place, those present at the gathering then passed a resolution to reinforce the persistent demands countrywide to defer the enforcement of these laws, citing sparked serious concerns about their constitutionality and their potential to erode the very foundation of India’s democracy. A Letter Petition campaign addressed to Prime Minister, Narendra Modi, and Leader of the Opposition, Rahul Gandhi and Supreme Court Bar Association (SCBA), Kapil Sibal was initiated. It is to be highlighted here that at the time of the event, the three laws has not come into force.

The letter petition can be viewed here:

A detailed press release of the event can be viewed here:

A pamphlet explaining the impact that these newly implemented three criminal laws will have on the fundamental rights guaranteed to individuals of India by the Constitutional were also made available at this event. The pamphlet explored the ways in these criminal laws go against Articles 14, 19 and 21 of the Constitution, commonly known as the golden triangle, and curtail rights and freedoms righted to dissent, peaceful protest, life, liberty and equality.

As highlighted in the pamphlet, here are some of the chilling features of the new Criminal Code that require special attention:

1. the criminalisation of legitimate, lawful, non-violent democratic speech or action as ‘terrorism’;
2. the broadening of the offence of sedition in a new and more vicious avatar (what could be called “sedition-plus”);
3. the expansion of the potential for “selective prosecution” — targeted, politically- biased prosecution of ideological and political opponents;
4. the criminalisation of a common mode of political protest against government  through fasting;
5. encouraging the use of force against any assembly of persons;
6. exponentially enhancing ‘police raj’ by criminalising “resisting, refusing, ignoring or disregarding to conform to any direction given by [a police officer]”;
7. enhancing handcuffing;
8. maximising police custody during investigation;
9. making the recording of a FIR discretionary for the police;
10. dialling up the pain of imprisonment;
11. compelling all persons (even those not accused of any crime) to provide their biometrics to the government; and
12. Shielding of some of the Sangh Parivar’s activities.
    

The pamphlet can be viewed here:

New Criminal Laws

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From colony to police state? India’s new criminal laws receive dissent

The UN High Commissioner condemns the prosecution of Arundhati Roy and Sheikh Showkat Hussain, urges the government to reconsider move

India’s flawed rape laws: a betrayal of equality

The post New Criminal Laws: Future risks for democracy and rights in India appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Details of the incidents

Gujarat 

On April 15, Bhagirathsinh Rathod, founder of Ekta Aj Laksh Sangathan, delivered a communally charged speech in Kathlal, Kheda, indirectly accusing the Muslim community of engaging in stone pelting, and asking the young women audience to be wary of Muslim youngsters pursuing love jihad. The event was organised under the banner of “Samagra Hindu Sanatan Samaj”, purportedly celebrating “Ram Navami Mahotsav 2024”.

The excerpt from his speech reads, “If someone tries to meddle with our gods, faith, sisters, and cows,  we will respond back a brick with a stone. I warn (you), if this time some Jihadi minded people throw stones at our Shobha Yatra, then we will go the place from where he is throwing the stone, and we will throw him from that place.…though we do not disrespect any religion, we Sanatanis will not tolerate disrespect to our religion.…I repeat again, when you go to Navratri, see how do you look? You look like goddess Amba…(now) if some Mahishasur (demon) in the form of love jihadi comes to you, do not get trapped there, but tear his chest apart. We (all) are envisioning the Hindu Rashtra, therefore, we Hindus should not be fighting among ourselves over petty issues…we should aim to hold our unity together…”

Unnao

BJP MP Sakshi Maharaj gave the speech on April 17 at Bhagwantpur, Unnao, Uttar Pradesh, during which he propagated false conspiracy theory of population jihad by hinting that Muslim men have 4 wives and 40 children, thus requiring population control law to prevent overpopulation in the country.

An excerpt from his speech reads, “When next time the Prime Minister Modi returns to the power he will do two things, first is the law to regulate population. ‘We two, and our two’ (hum do, hamare do), or whatever else it may be, but in any case, it will not allow 4 wives and 40 children. The availability of land is reducing and population is increasing, where will (you) stay? what will (you) eat? where will (you) reproduce? That is the reason why we need the law on population control.  We cannot have two constitutions in the same country, we have shown that in Kashmir. We also need to have Uniform Civil Code, and we will do it. Once we get 400+ seats, then there will be no symbol of slavery in this country, and then you will feel that the country has got freedom.”

Shambhaji Nagar

On April 17, in an event organised at Shambhaji Nagar in Maharashtra, children and minors were found performing the song whose lyrics advocated expulsion of people who did not sing Vande Mataram. The involvement or deployment of minors in the propagation of hate has seen some rise in the recent years. Most recently in Uttar Pradesh, school teacher had used communal slurs and directed classmates to slap a fellow minor Muslim classmate for not performing well in the academics. 

The children in this incident can be found performing the song with the following lyrics, “…(You) will have to sing Vande Mataram (audience repeats) or else you will have to leave from here (audience repeats again). If (you) refuse to leave, we will forcibly remove you, we will show (you) your place (aukaat). Jai Siya Ram, Jai Siya Ram, Raghupati Raghav Raja Ram, Jai Siya Ram, Jai Siya Ram.”

Amravati

On April 19, BJP Lok Sabha Candidate for Amravati Constituency, Navneet Rana, incited the crowd by saying that those who want to stay in India must chant Jai Shree Ram. 

Rana asks the crowd, “If you want to stay in India then…”, the audience responds back, (If you want to live in India then…) “you will have to say Jai Shree Ram”. Rana continues, “and you definitely have to say it (Jai Shree Ram)”. “Every kid has got aware about it, now Pakistan’s flag will not be tolerated in India, it will not be tolerated in Amravati.” “Those who love Pakistan…in my country only our flag will be hoisted, no other country’s flag will be tolerated by today’s youth”. 

As Rana retreats, another woman takes over the stage, telling the audience that cow slaughterers will go to hell, before the music starts playing in the background. The woman also incites the audience by referring to Kashi and Mathura (temple-mosque controversy), suggesting that they will meet similar fate as Ayodhya. The video shows that the crowd continues to cheer and dance to the beats of the music system while the woman adds to their frenzy with her own singing, suggesting religious and communal connotations as she begins singing to the beats of the loud speakers.

Chhattisgarh

On April 21, Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath was caught delivering a communally charged speech during his event in Rajnandgaon, Uttar Pradesh, where he used the familiar trope of Jihad, accusing the Congress of appeasement politics.

The excerpt from his speech reads, “Sisters and brothers, I ponder sometimes that even (our) mother cows were handed over to cattle smugglers and butchers, when jihadi activities were given free hand. What kind of incident had taken place with Bhuneshwar Sahu? I congratulate the public of Chhattisgarh for electing his father Ishwar Sahu as an MLA, paying a real tribute to Bhuneshwar Sahu. Bhuneshwar Sahu made only one mistake, that he opposed love jihad and Congress’s appeasement politics.”

Nashik

In a speech given by Harsha Thakur during an event organised by Sakal Hindu Samaj on 22 April at Budhwar Peth, Nashik, Maharastra, the speaker gave an open call to Hindu women to take up arms in order to protect themselves, with an ambiguous reference made against the Muslim community. 

The excerpt from the speech reads, “Learn to hold weapons in your hand, anybody can hide under Burqa. If you leave your religion, you will be found in 35 pieces, and then only fridge and suitcase will be discovered. Read Shaashtra (ancient literature) and take up the arms. Become staunch and loyal towards your religion.” 

Rajasthan

BJP leader Mahant Balaknath Yogi gave a speech in Sirohi, Rajasthan, on April 23, accusing the government of favouring a “particular” religious community while unfairly discriminating against Hindus. Mahant accused previous Congress government in Rajasthan of appeasement politics, noting that Hindus did not get a single rupee in compensation even while a cow smuggler’s family from a “particular” community received 25 lakhs in compensation by the former Rajasthan CM.

The transcript of the speech reads, “…The kind of activities that have taken place in Rajasthan in recent times, how the politics of appeasement was given a push. You must not have forgotten the Jaipur and Udaipur incidents, how somebody slit the throat of a Ram Bhakt. In Jaipur, a member from a particular community was killed in an accident, what right did they have to give Rajasthan’s 50 lakh rupees as a compensation? So many sisters and daughters have been disrobed of their respect, and many were brutally killed, but nobody got any money; on the other hand, particular community is getting paid 50 lakhs. Somebody killed a smuggler in Alwar, he was (actually) killed in other state, that is what people are saying. Chief minister had gone to his house, 10 cases of cow smuggling is registered against this person, and the chief minister gave his household 25 Lakhs…your former chief minister (gave it).” 

In a separate incident in Gurugram (Haryana), Bajrang Dal members were captured on record forcibly closing Muslim shops selling non-vegetarian food on Hanuman Janmotsav festival. The video of the incident was uploaded by Hindutva Watch on April 26 on its Telegram channel.

Related:

Elections 2024: The past fortnight of April 2024 saw the first phases of the Lok Sabha polls marred by repeat doses of hate speech

Ram Navami Celebrations 2024: Calls for mosque desecration, sword displays, and provocative slogans ignite tensions

Several instances of hate speech in March and April mar the election cycle, demonise religious minorities before the polls 

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Responding to the plea for increasing voter verifiable paper audit trail (VVPAT) cross verification from present 5 EVMs machines (randomly chosen) in each Assembly Constituency (for both state assembly election and General Election) to 100% cross verification, Justice Khanna wrote that, “First, it will increase the time for counting and delay declaration of results. The manpower required would have to be doubled. Manual counting is prone to human errors and may lead to deliberate mischief. Manual intervention in counting can also create multiple charges of manipulation of results. Further, the data and the results do not indicate any need to increase the number of VVPAT units subjected to manual counting.”

However, significantly, the court did introduce measures to improve transparency and accountability of the present system by allowing runner up candidates positioned second and third after the highest polled candidate to seek verification and checking of burnt memory/microcontroller in 5% of EVMs per (respective) Assembly Constituency or Assembly  Segment in case of Parliamentary Election. 

The court recorded that such request for verification must be made within seven days of declaration of results and “The District Election Officer, in consultation with the team of engineers, shall certify the authenticity/intactness of the burnt memory/microcontroller after the verification process is conducted. The actual cost…for the said verification will be notified by the ECI, and the candidate making the said request will pay for such expenses. 

The expenses will be refunded, in case the EVM is found to be tampered.” Significantly, the court refused to accede to the petitioners’ request to direct the Election Commission of India (ECI) to disclose source code of the EVM, arguing that revealing the source code can lead to its misuse.

The judgment also directed Election Commission (ECI) to ensure that Symbol Loading Units (matchbox sized apparatus used to put candidate and party information into VVPAT through laptop/PC) are sealed immediately upon use and stored in strong room(s) for 45 days after the declaration of results. Pertinently, the court remarked that feeding serial numbers and names of candidates and their party symbols in bitmap files (images) in VVPAT cannot be equated with uploading a (malicious) software, The Hindu reported. 

The verdict also rejected the plea to return to ballot paper system, describing the attempt as “foible and unsound”. In addressing another technical issue regarding the design of VVPAT, Justice Khanna in his judgement noted that “ECI has been categoric that the glass window on the VVPAT has not undergone any change” and “The tinted glass used on the VVPAT printer is to maintain secrecy and prevent anyone else from viewing the VVPAT slips”, though still allowing a voter to view her printed VVPAT slip for seven seconds, confirming her candidate and party choice. The petitioners in the case were arguing that not having a full transparent view of VVPAT’s workings raises suspicion as a voter might not be sure whether a fresh slip is produced every time, or the same slip is displayed (in the case where the previous voter had cast the vote for the same), thus illicitly cutting down votes of a party and benefitting a rival party.

The order may be read here:

How do EVM, VVPAT and Symbol Loading Unit function?

The Electronic Voting Machine or EVM unit consists of Control Unit (CU) and Ballot Unit, which jointly functions to successfully register a vote. The Control Unit is placed with the Presiding Officer or a Polling Officer and the Balloting Unit is placed inside the voting compartment, both are joined through a cable. The two units in the third generation EVMs are connected via VVPAT. The FAQ on EVM and VVPAT issued by the Election Commission notes that Polling Officer in-charge of the Control Unit will release a ballot by pressing the Ballot Button on the Control Unit and this in turn will enable the voter to cast his vote by pressing the blue button on the Balloting Unit against the candidate and symbol of his choice. 

Similarly, it explains that VVPAT is an “independent system attached with the Electronic Voting Machines that allows the voters to verify that their votes are cast as intended. When a vote is cast, a slip is printed containing the serial number, name and symbol of the candidate and remains exposed through a transparent window for 7 seconds. Thereafter, this printed slip automatically gets cut and falls in the sealed drop box of the VVPAT.”

EVMs were first used in 70-Parur Assembly Constituency of Kerala in the year 1982, and since then its use was gradually increased to cover all state and national elections. VVPAT was first introduced in a bye-election from 51-Noksen (ST) Assembly Constituency of Nagaland in 2013, though its field trial had already taken place in 2011. Currently, EVMs and VVPATs are manufactured by two public sector companies, namely, Electronics Corporation of India Ltd (ECIL) and Bharat Electronics Ltd (BEL).  These companies had recently refused the names and contact details of the manufacturers and suppliers of various components of EVMs and VVPATs under the RTI Act citing “commercial confidence”, Business Standard reported.

Symbol Loading Unit (SLU) is an apparatus used to transfer the details of parties and candidates for the given polling booth to VVPAT, in order to allow the latter to print the paper slip containing those details of chosen candidate and party symbol. SLUs were generally reused to feed the requisite information to numerous VVPATs across polling booths or constituencies, but with the latest court order on April 26, this will not be possible as SLUs need to be immediately sealed once they have transferred relevant data in a given constituency, and secured in a strong room, just like EVMs and VVPATs.

Challenges to the credibility of EVMs and VVPATs

While general allegations about hacking or manipulation of EVMs have been consistently raised by those who oppose EVMs on technological grounds, there has been no conclusive demonstration to prove the alleged charges, except with the possibility of physical tampering. Given that handling of EVMs is undertaken in a secured environment, with 24×7 CCTV surveillance of strong rooms, and double lock system, whose keys are held separately by two different officials appointed by the electoral officer, the possibility of large-scale rigging is difficult in the absence of physical access to the device or complicity of officials. Furthermore, EVMs cannot be connected to any wireless or Bluetooth connection given its manufacturing built.

Likewise, ECI has argued that the VVPAT has (burnt) one-time programmable memory and flash memory of 4 megabytes, which is designed to solely store and recognise a bitmap format file. It can store a maximum of 1024 bitmap files containing the symbol, the serial number and name of the candidate, and does not store or read any other software or firmware. This explanation came in response to the questions raised regarding the possibility of tempering with VVPAT machines or EVMs as connected to VVPATs through software manipulation or insertion of a malicious code.

Furthermore, first level checking (FLC) for EMVs and VVPATs are conducted in the presence of representatives of political parties to ensure that the devices are free of any flaw(s) or manipulation. This exercise is conducted well in advance of the polls (at least 120 and 180 days before the state assembly and the general election respectively), and the checked EVMs and VVPATs are then sealed with signatures of the representatives of political parties present on the said seal. For the remaining period before the election(s), the devices will continue to be placed in the strong rooms under CCTV surveillance, and only these checked devices can be used in the polls. There is also a separate checking process in before the beginning of the polls to ensure additionally level of trust and safety.  

More substantial charges against EVMs are regarding the handling of EVMs rather than against EVM per se, as several instances have some to light where poll body has castigated its officials for mishandling EVMs or not following proper guidelines and SOPs. The Election Commission has also rejected the news reports which claimed that around 20 lakh EVMs were missing from ECI records, saying that reports are misleading and fake. 

Incidentally, when EMVs were first piloted in 1982 in 50 out of 84 polling stations in the Parur constituency, the apex court had set aside the election result in the constituency, asking ECI to reconduct the polls using ballot papers as the law then did not permit the use of EVMs in the elections, as per the Indian Express report. As per the same report, later, in 1988, “the election law was amended to insert Section 61A, which allowed the ECI to specify the constituencies where votes would be cast and recorded by voting machines.” 

Past petitions nudging for improved electronic voting system

One of the earliest petitions requesting changes in the way EMVs were used in the elections was filed by Rajendra Satyanarayan Gilda (Writ Petition (Civil) No. 406 of 2012) and Subramanian Swamy (Civil Appeal No.9093 of 2013), in which they urged the court to strengthen the electoral process by introducing paper slip trail so that the voter can verify that her vote was corrected recorded by the EVM machine. Swamy had argued that the EVMs were open to hacking, just like any other electronic device, irrespective of the claim made by the ECI to the contrary. Clubbing both the petitions, the Supreme Court bench of Justice P. Sathasivam and Ranjan Gogoi delivered its judgement on October 8, 2013, directing the Election Commission, which in 2013 had already used VVPAT in all the 21 polling stations of Noksen Assembly Constituency of Nagaland, to expand its use in phased manner throughout the country. The bench noted in its judgement that “we are satisfied that the “paper trail” is an indispensable requirement of free and fair elections. The confidence of the voters in the EVMs can be achieved only with the introduction of the ‘paper trail’”. Thus, with this order, VVPAT came to be gradually used for all state and national level elections as an essential component of the election process to assuage the doubts regarding the credibility of EVMs, and strengthen the integrity of the elections.

The order may be read here:

In 2018, a year before the General Election of 2019, petition was filed in the Bombay High Court by Manoranjan Santosh Roy, alleging serious fraud and discrepancy in the purchases and handling of EVMs. The PIL in the case claimed that the information obtained through Right to Information (RTI) from manufacturers, Law Ministry, and ECI had conflicting answers to his queries on the purchase and the handling of EVMs. Some of the news media had reported that the petition in the court had revealed that 20 lakh EVMs were missing from the custody of ECI, suggesting mishandling of the EVMs, but the said reports were rejected by the ECI as misleading. 

In the same year, the petition filed by Delhi based Nyaya Bhoomi seeking replacement of EVMs with ballot papers in 2019 General Election was rejected by the bench of Justices Ranjan Gogoi, K M Joseph, and M R Shah.

In 2018 another petition was filed by M.G. Devasahayam (Writ Petition (Civil) No.1514/2018) asking the Supreme Court to increase the VVPAT paper slips verification to 50% in every Assembly Constituency.  To undertake this, the petitioner asked the SC to quash the Guideline No. 16.6 of the Manual on Electronic Voting Machine and VVPAT which mandated verification of VVPAT paper slips in 1 polling booth per Assembly Constituency. ECI in its affidavit had maintained that the present ratio of verification was well above the statistically reasonable sample size of 479 EVM-VVPAT verification as suggested by the Indian Statistical Institute (ISI). It argued that the existing rule would result in verification of 4125 EVMs, way above 479 needed to achieve 99% accuracy in the election results. The petitioners in turn rejected the criteria suggested by ISI, and citing the authority of Dr. S.K. Nath (former Director General of the Central Statistics Organisation) argued that “Without counting of VVPAT paper slips in a significant percentage of polling stations in each constituency, the objectives of verifiability and transparency in the democratic process would remain unrealized”.  Incidentally, Dr. S.K. Nath had suggested that at least 30% cross verification must take place in a given assembly segment of 200 booths to achieve sufficient accuracy. This petition was eventually tagged with a batch of other petitions requesting the Supreme Court to issue similar directions with regard to the issues concerning EVM-VVPAT cross verification.

The order may be read here:

In the case of N Chandrababu Naidu vs. Union of India (Writ Petition (C) No. 273 of 2019) the petitioners were making the same demand for increasing the verification to 50% cross verification of VVPAT paper slips with EVM vote count. Delivering the judgement in this case on April 8, 2019, the Supreme Court bench of Justice Ranjan Gogoi, Deepak Gupta, and Sanjiv Khanna increased the cross verification from 1 EVM-VVPAT cross verification to 5 per Assembly Constituency. In observed in its verdict that “If the number of machines which are subjected to verification of paper trail can be increased to a reasonable number, it would lead to greater satisfaction amongst not only the political parties but the entire electorate of the Country”. The bench did not agree to the threshold of 50% cross verification after taking into account the additional requirement of manpower and possibility of delay in the declaration of the results by 5-6 days.

The order may be read here:

Related:

Making Every Vote Matter 

EVM Malfunction: Does Criminalisation Deter Genuine Complaints? 

Is the Indian EVM & VVPAT System free, fair, fit for elections or can it be manipulated? 

VVPAT-EVM Verification: SC issues directions for fool-proofing EVM, sealing of EVMs & SLUs enabling runner-up candidate verification

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Supply Sodium Cynanide and a Rope to every Dalit student-Rohit to the VC a month before he took his life

This letter, dated December 18, 2015 has not been so widely quoted nor has it gone viral. It is a comment on all of us, especially those of us in the media, that we failed to read the warnings or feel the anguish.  After all it is since August 2015 that the social boycott and ostracizing of Dalit students, including Rohith was systematically afoot. That is close to five months ago.

Nearly a month to the day that he tragically gave up the struggle to live and took his own life, on December 18, 2015, a hand-written letter from Rohith Vemula to Vice Chancellor Appa Rao says it all. Taunting and tragic, the note will now be read as a precursor of what was to come. In a hand-written scrawl that hints at acute desperation, he says, “Your Excellency (addressed to the Vice Chancellor Appa Rao) “make preparations for the EUTHANASIA for students like me from the Ambedkarite movement…and may your campus rest in peace forever.”

The letter traces the officially sanctioned “social boycott” of Dalit students after they took on a member of the Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad (ABVP) for his derogatory remarks to the Dalit students. “Donald Trump will be a Lilliput in front of you,” Rohith tells Appa Rao then offering a piece of chilling advice. “Please serve 10 miligram of Sodium Azide to all the Dalit students at the time of admission…Supply a nice rope to the rooms of all Dalits students..”The text of the letter can be read here and a scanned hand written copy seen here.

Now we know, and fret over the fact that his Rs 25,000 per month stipend (as of all his other suspended colleagues) was stopped after suspension and he had to borrow money, even from home, to survive the struggle. Now that he is dead we listen to the plight and anguish of his family. Why did we not listen before? As the isolation and anguish built up to make Rohith take a step so final that it signalled no return? Yes, we are all to blame.

“After the stipend was stopped, his family was struggling to support him. He borrowed Rs 40,000 from a friend and was living frugally. Almost every day, he used to say that his money was stuck,’’ said Velmula Sankanna, a fellow PhD scholar and one of the other five students who were suspended. “In December, Rohith wrote an angry letter to the V-C, sarcastically asking him to provide euthanasia facilities for Dalit students. Since then, he was scared to go to the administration building and ask about his stipend. He became silent and withdrawn. He said that he was falling into depression because he was being defeated by the system at every turn. He blamed himself, his caste, and the circumstances around him. He did not take much interest in anything except studies,’’ added Sankanna, a close friend.

We did not rise to feel, see or appreciate the seriousness implicit in the warnings. In August 2015, a questionable mode of ‘suspension’ of five singled out students of the Ambedkar Students Association (ASA) followed by the arbitrary stopping of their scholarship stipend, further followed by their being locked out of their rooms from January 4, 2016. Yet they fought on, sleeping out near the shopping complex in the cold. Awaiting fair hearing, democratic space for protest(s) and justice.

From the night of January 4, 2016 until today the sleep out protests continue.

After the tragic and unnecessary loss of the life of a budding science scholar, a proud Ambedkarite, will justice and fair hearing happen? Yesterday in a fully articulated representation to PL Punia, Chairperson of the National Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Commission, the Joint Action Committee for Social Justice, University of Hyderabad (UoH) has demanded:

• Punish the Culprits under the SC/ST Atrocities Act:
• Banadaru Dattareya, Union Cabinet Minister of State for Labour and Employment
• P Appa Rao, Vice Chancellor
• Professor Alok Pandey, Chief Proctor
• Susheel Kumar, ABVP President
• Ramchandra Rao, MLC
• Remove P Appa Rao from the post of Vice Chancellor
• Employ a family member of Rohith Vemula at the University of Hyderabad and give his family Rs 50 lahs in compensation
• Drop the fabricated cases against five Dalit Research Scholars immediately and unconditionally
• Revoke the suspension of Students immediately and unconditionally

The Anger Spreads; Demands for resignation of Vice Chancellor Appa Rao

Anger and grief are potent combinations and both were visible in plenty at the mortuary of the Osmania Hospital on Monday, January 18 where Rohith Velumal lay, a day after he tragically ended his own life. His mother’s anguished cry says it all, ““I used to proudly tell everyone in my village that my son was doing PhD at Hyderabad University. Today, I have come to collect his dead body.’’ The family is from Gurazala near Guntur, his mother a tailor and father, Manikumar a security guard at the Hyderabad University. Rohith has two siblings, an elder sister and a younger brother.

Over 1200 students of the University of Hyderabad (UoH) participated in a rally on Monday evening and have resolved to protest on Tuesday, January 19 and not allow the university to function until the current Vice Chancellor, Appa Rao steps down. Before the rally, his close friends and colleagues, along with his family were present at the cremation of Rohith in Hyderabad. (see Image story)

Simultaneous and spontaneous protests continued through the day yesterday at Hyderabad, Vishakhapatnam, Mumbai and Delhi. The road outside Shastri Bhavan, the office of Smriti Irani, the Ministry for Human Resources Development (MHRD) was cordoned off akin to a war zone (see pictures). In Hyderabad, a visit from the chairperson of the Scheduled Caste/Scheduled Tribes Commission allayed feelings somewhat.

Though it is Rohith is the one who has made the most recent and most tragic sacrifice, the question is whether it will still open India’s eyes and hearts?

We read every other day not just of the social boycott of Dalit children in the mid day meal schemes. In ‘Dravidian’ politics ruled Tamil Nadu colour bands on Dalit students brand them with their caste. There is little political, social or cultural outrage. The television channels, packed as they are with ‘journalists’ most of whom sport a myopic caste consciousness of the elite Indian that simply excludes any mention of discrimination or exclusion while badgering home ‘the banner of tolerance’, rarely flag anti-Dalit atrocities as an institutional ill to be faced squarely then remedied.
In ‘progressive’ west India the discrimination takes similar forms, and examples abound. In Phugana, three young Dalit children, one a baby was burnt alive in a burst of Rajput rage.

Just like the Blacks fought (and have barely won) the Civil Rights battle in the West – last year’s incidents at Fergusson are evidence of how thinly layered this success is –it is privileged India, caste Hindus who need to hang their heads in acknowledgement, first, and the, shame.

We need to internalize what Dalit students experience when they enter schools, colleges and universities and break the glass ceiling and enter India’s famed institutions of higher learning, the IITs, the IIMs and Universities.

Not only is the percentage of Dalit students who enter higher educational institutions small. They are subject to insidious caste practices and exclusion that batters the hard earned self-esteem. A dangerous argument of ‘meritocracy’ cloaks well organized money and caste induced privilege.

This everyday institutional and societal exclusion and othering needs to be acknowledged squarely by each and one of us.

It is time we ask difficult ourselves some hard and uncomfortable questions.

What kind of history do we teach? Who are our heroines and heroes?
How many Dalits are there in the media, print and television?
How many Dalits in Institutions of power and governance?

The Dalit experience says that entering the corridors of elite educational institutions like Indian Institute of Technologies (IIT) and Indian Institute of Managements and Central Universities for scores of Dalit students is like walking into a living hell, where the fear of being shamed and humiliated hangs heavy on the heart and soul of every student.

Before Rohit, we lost Senthil Kumar and Nagaralu Koppalas, also in the Central University of Hyderabad. Have these earlier losses, deaths of young men in their prime been internalized and taught the UoH any lessons worth learning? The recent and continuing unfair suspension of Dalit scholars would appear to suggest that no lessons have yet been learned.

Is India willing ready and able to accept her Not So Hidden Apartheid?

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The Open letter made public on December 25, 2023 may be read here:

To
Shri Rajiv Gauba
Cabinet Secretary
Govt of India

Dear Shri Gauba,

I refer to the news report which revealed that the Aadhar data relating to 815 million citizens had been leaked, with the data put on sale in the dark web. This implies that the Aadhar data of 57% of the population of India is on sale. One is not sure whether the data relating to the rest of the population are also leaked! 

This is far too serious a matter for it to be treated lightly and it calls for nothing less than an independent judicial enquiry, for the following reasons:

1. It is the government that has been obstinately insisting on Aadhar card linkage for every conceivable part of the citizen’s life, including bank accounts, medical insurance, Covid testing/ vaccination, voter’s identity, passports and whatnot, without putting in place a commensurate fool-proof security system to pre-empt hacking and leakage of the personal information of the citizens.
2. I had earlier written to the Election Commission of India (ECI) that in many States, the number of Aadhar cards exceeded the population and a sharp spike in the number of Aadhar cards had been observed in some sensitive States, giving room for the proliferation of fake Aadhar cards. My letter dated 29-4-2023 (https://countercurrents.org/2023/04/proliferation-of-fake-aadhaar-cards-a-threat-to-integrity-of-2024-elections/) refers. Already, in several States, there have been instances of single households having hundreds of voter identity cards, about which the Commission is fully aware. Are some political parties involved in manipulating the electoral rolls to their advantage by misusing the above-cited Aadhar data? This can play havoc with the integrity of elections during general elections of 2024.
3. Had the government conducted the 2021 Census on time, there would have been a basis for cross-checking the State-wise Aadhar card numbers as a macro verification instrument. It is the Centre, citing the COVID epidemic, that insisted on deferring the 2021 Census, conveniently forgetting that even when the Spanish Flu paralysed India around 1918-19, the then government with little resources, preferred to conduct the 1921 Census, given its importance as an important statistical necessity. Should not the government own responsibility for deferring the Census count and depriving the country of an authentic population count?
4. By resorting to unduly excessive use of Article 282 of the Constitution to escalate the multiplicity of Centrally Sponsored schemes (CSSs) to a mind-boggling number of 314 involving Rs 4.76 lakh crores of public money, largely transferred directly to the beneficiaries’ bank accounts linked to their Aadhar Cards, the large-scale existence of fake Aadhar cards would have led to large numbers of fake Jandhan bank accounts, resulting in public funds going to wrong beneficiaries. I have brought this to the notice of the Finance Ministry without eliciting any response (https://countercurrents.org/2023/07/length-of-the-last-mile-how-well-the-welfare-schemes-fare-in-the-last-mile/). Who are the beneficiaries of the mis-directed public funds?
5. The sale of Aadhar data through the dark web, as reported, has enabled hackers to obtain mobile numbers linked to those Aadhar cards and misuse them in myriad ways, including hacking bank accounts, harassing people through such fake mobile numbers and so on. For no fault of theirs, the citizens find themselves subject to investigation by the police and other agencies. I have brought instances of this kind to the attention of TRAI, RBI, and UAIDA without much response. 

Since individual regulatory authorities seem to be treating this matter somewhat casually, leaving unwary citizens in the lurch and since the consequences of the Aadhar breach can create all-round chaos and lawlessness, the Centre is under an obligation to institute an independent enquiry by members of the higher judiciary so that the citizens may repose trust in its credibility.

Kindly treat this as urgent as the 2024 elections are not far away and large-scale hacking of bank accounts etc. is already taking place, which the government cannot afford to ignore.

Regards,

Yours sincerely,

E A S Sarma
Former Secretary to the Government of India
Visakhapatnam

Related:

MHA authorises Registrar General to authenticate Aadhar for birth and death registration

Centralising record of deaths and births: Centre’s play at a future NRC?

Census is not a priority for the Union government

Identifying fake Aadhaar, a plot to bring in CAA-NRC?

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