Reportedly, the police had raided a nearby village on reports of alleged cultivation of marijuana cultivation. This escalated to tensions and an ensuing conflict between the people and police; the police retreated back facing resistance. There was seemingly a peace compromise between both parties. Juba village is an entry to the neighbouring villages.

Key findings of the report:

1. Desecrating the Church

Preparations were on, at the Juba Church, on March 22, 2025 for the next day’s Sunday Prayers and worship. Four young Adivasi women from Kondh tribal group, two young women, 20 and 18 years old and two minors aged 12 years were among those engaged in the task. According to the report this is when police, numbering around 15 personnel, barged into the Catholic Church around 1.30 pm before the young women could sense anything. The aggressive policemen broke the cleaning instruments, and desecrated the sacred space of the Church. 

Legal and constitutional violations: It is alleged that Police entered the Catholic Church premises without a warrant and desecrated the sacred space in violation of Article 25– Right to Freedom of Religion, which includes the right to manage religious affairs and violation of sec 298 of Bharatiya Nagrik Suraksha Samhita (BNSS), 2023 – Injuring or defiling a place of worship with intent to insult the religion. 

2. Assault, abuse, molestation of young women

The two young women belonging to the Kandh tribal group, were beaten with sticks within the Church and then dragged almost 300 meters away to a police bus, being beaten all the way. Seeing this, the two other minor girls ran for their life towards the presbytery. Crying inconsolably, and in shock, the girls asked for help from the Priests who were in their residence within the compound.

Another young woman cook, aged 38 belonging to the Sabar tribal group, who was in the Residence came out to the portico hearing the cries of the minor girls and was also beaten badly. Two male police caught hold of her neck and gave a strong blow to the face, tore the kurtis (upper clothes) of the woman pulling at the neck without any concern that they were outraging the modesty of the woman.

It is reported that even the children from an adjacent village, some of whom were in the arms of their mothers, were not spared. The children and women were taken in the bus to a distance and left there, forcing them to walk the long distance back. A couple of mobile phones were snatched from the women, and are yet to be returned to them.

Legal and constitutional violations: Beatings and molestation of tribal women occurred in and around the church compound in violation of sec 74 of BNSS – Assault or criminal force to woman with intent to outrage her modesty and violation of art 21 and POCSO Act, 20212 given that minors were involved and in violation of art 15 (3 &4) – Prohibits discrimination and calls for affirmative protection of women and tribal communities.

3. Brutal Assaults on the two Catholic Priests

After violating the sacred space of the Catholic Church, the police followed the young girls towards the Priests’ Residence. Hearing the cries of the children and women, two Catholic Priests had come out from their residence where they had been resting after attending a funeral service in the village. In a flash, a lady police officer attacked the priest with her cane.

Father JG (name has been withheld to protect identity, age 56 is a native of Pala/ Kottayam in Kerala. He has been working for the development of tribal and Dalit communities that inhabited in the hills for last 40 years.  Father DN (name has been withheld to protect identity, a native of Gajapati district was taken aback at the assault on him by the police. Both priests were dragged in two different directions; being beaten by the police all the way to the police buses some 300 to 400 meters away. The Priests were accused of being “Pakistanis” and converting the people.  Fr. DN, who was ordained a priest only three months ago and had joined as assistant priest in the Church, was to celebrate his birthday that day. Father DN was grievously injured with a fractured shoulder blade. At one time, he fainted & fell, but was dragged on to the bus.

While the priests were being beaten, the children and women forgot their own trauma and protested to the police on why they were beating the religious men. The police then thrashed the cook for speaking up for the priests. Meanwhile, a group of police personnel also entered the presbytery, drank the water; and reportedly took away 40,000 in currency notes from the priests’ residence.

The brutal attack, led by a lady police officer apparently filled with hate, was carried on without concern for human dignity or any sense of respect toward the tribal community, and the states of the priests as religious minorities.

Legal and constitutional violations: Unprovoked assault on unarmed priests within a religious compound in violations of arts 19 (1)(a) and (d)– Right to freedom of speech and movement as well as of the Indian Police Act, 1861, Section 23 – Duty of police to prevent offences and maintain decorum.

4. Wife and minor daughter were assaulted in midst of mourning

MM (name has been withheld to protect identity)  aged 62 had lost her husband the previous night, and had just returned from the burial ground around 10.00 am; and was mourning along with her family and relatives. At the police assault, her relatives and others ran away; while she and her minor daughter RM, aged 17 years, stayed back. Both of them were beaten with sticks; the police didn’t care that this family had just buried their beloved one, and were in mourning. The widowed mother and her minor daughter were dragged physically while being abused & beaten with the lathis carried by the police to the police bus.

Legal and constitutional violations: Beating and dragging of a grieving widow and her minor daughter in sec 5 of JJ Act, 2015– Punishment for cruelty to child and violation of art 39 (e+f) – Duty of the state to protect children and ensure their development.

5. Assaults on Vulnerable Christians

The team members were told the police forcibly entered and damaged the homes of the residents; approximately 20 motorcycles were destroyed, as TV sets, whole foods supplies including rice, paddy, chickens and eggs, were destroyed.

It was evident that the police were targeting Christians as they also broke and desecrated the status of Jesus and Mary. Destruction of homes, food supplies, desecration of religious icons.

Legal and constitutional violations: All these actions are violations of Article 14 and 21- Right to Life and Equality before the Law and equal protection of laws and SCST (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, 1989, sec 3(1)(r), 3(1)(s), and 3(2)(vii) – Offences of insults and damage to property of Scheduled Tribes.

Our Observations:

Gajapati District is one of the lowest on the Human Development Index; in fact, ranked 27^th out of 30 districts.  Gajapati is recognised as only one among 30 districts as a minority concentrated district with 38% of Christians. Gajapati is also one of the very few districts that has above 50% tribal population. The violence hit Mohana block is one of the least developed blocks in the district and 2^nd largest block in Odisha with 37.11% female literacy rate and 93% people living in rural areas.

As per Census 2011 out of total population, 7% people live in urban areas while 93% live in the rural areas. The ST male and female literacy rates are 55.4% and 32.8% respectively

Gajapati district has the population belonging to both socially and religious ethnic minorities; at disadvantages at multiple levels. The district police and the general administration need to introspect itself of its policies/decisions vis addressing the issues of Adivasi, Dalit and religious minorities in the district in spirit of constitutional, secular and democratic values.

It is unfortunate that the incidence of this nature has taken place, where innocents suffer at the hands of the police.

1. There are no complaints so far lodged even if it is more than 20 days since brutalities against children and women from tribal communities, and violation of multiple laws
2. There is no information received by the priests on the complaints filed by the priest in Mohana police station as he has not been given any acknowledgement of the complaints. However, it is reported that complaints have also been made to the Superintendent of Police, Gajapati.
3. The grievously injured priest Fr. DN is in a state of shock and trauma along with the senior clergy. The fact that the finding tram could not interview him. There is palpable fear, insecurity and disbelief among the children, women and including the priest as the protectors have turned into perpetrators. This does not sound good for the administration.
4. This is the first time that the catholic priests are being targeted, beaten and paraded while showering lathis and abuses by the police in Odisha known history. This speaks for itself. The blatant violations of Articles 21, 25 and 29 of Indian constitution.
5. The team believes it is handiwork of some identified communally biased police personnel towards religious minorities, and / or with a casteist mind-set towards tribal groups, and with no sense of human rights and dignity for children and women; even not allowed to mourn the loss of the beloved family members with scant regards to Art 21 (Right to life & liberty, a basic dignity accorded to the dead person)
6. The team could not come across pro-active community and civil society to take note of the incidents of brutalities here and facilitate the victims’ survivors to address the grievances and seeking justice; could be ignorance or trust deficit of statutory bodies like N/OSCPCR, Women Commission, National/Odisha State Human Rights Commission/Scheduled Tribe Commission/National Commission for Minorities, New Delhi
7. Team did not get any report; or even from Media on the brutalities of incidences and attacks on the children and women.

Recommendations for the state administration

1. Identify & take stringent action against criminal elements among the police having communal and caste bias towards women, Adivasi’s and religious minorities. Immediate application of SC/ST (PoA) Act, POCSO Act, applicable sections of BNSS and Fundamental Rights enshrined in the constitution.
2. Activate community policing; recruiting police from diverse backgrounds; grounded them in laws on SC ST Prevention Act, POCSO, Women and Minority protection laws; as well inculcate the spirit of respect for all religious spaces; temples, churches and mosques
3. Train the police with constitutional and secular values & principles to respect marginalised and religious minority communities; respect for all religious traditions & beliefs. Implement Mandatory Human Rights Training for Law Enforcement under National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) protocols.
4. Focus on holistic development programmes and open legal cells to support citizen centric schemes for the region and encourage and facilitate civil society to work along the administration towards truth & reconciliation
5. The state administration should ensure that the police turned into vengeance; The police damaging the house, properties, livelihoods nor rob food supplies and livestock of the poor whose lifetime savings; thus losing trust and credibility among the citizens.
6. Needed interface between law enforcement agencies, district administration and civil/community leaders; whereby trust of the communities restored; development processes fastened
7. Media could play its role in augmenting as watchdog expected in democratic set ups bringing into light of the plight and brutalities.

Conclusion:

The aim of the report is to document and make it public in order to avoid the repeat of such incidents and bring about peace and harmony. The report based on the testimonies narrated by the victims’ survivors, whose names have been withheld.

Related:

Persecution of Christians: Women leaders appeal to President Murmu

Arunachal Christians gird up to face a challenge from Sangh and the government

Missing the Mark: Inviting PM Modi to a Christmas Reception Ignores the Plight of Persecuted Christians

The post From Protectors to Perpetrators? Police assaulted women, Children, Christian priests in Odisha: Fact-finding report appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The open letter, released on April 8, observes that as concerned Catholics, committed to values of justice, fraternity and inter-faith harmony which even the Church upholds, constitutional values of equality, freedom of faith and protection of minority rights are key.

The letter also elaborates on an example of a conflict in Kerala wherein the Catholic community in Kerala is currently facing a distressing situation in Munambam, where 400 to 600 Christian families in a coastal village are under the threat of displacement due to a local Waqf claim over the land and states that though extremely unfortunate, this is a localised matter that should be addressed through legal, negotiated, and conciliatory means. This case, already under judicial consideration, should not have served as the basis for supporting a national legislative change that now has far-reaching implications for another religious minority community, state the authors of the open communication. They observe that the CBCI press note/letter risks legitimising state intrusion under the guise of reform.

The entire text of the open letter may be read below:

April 8, 2025

To

The Catholic Bishops Conference of India

Dear Bishops,

We write to you as concerned members of the Catholic community in India—laity, religious and clergy—deeply committed to the values of justice, fraternity, and interfaith harmony that the Church upholds. As citizens of a secular and democratic republic, we also hold dear the constitutional values of equality, freedom of religion, and the protection of minority rights.

We read with growing concern the recent press statement issued by the Catholic Bishops’ Conference of India (Ref: CBCI/PR/25-03) urging political parties in Parliament to support the proposed amendments to the Waqf Act. This intervention, in our view, raises several serious issues that merit careful reconsideration.

Since then, the proposed amendments have been passed by both Houses of Parliament and have now received presidential assent, making them law. The new Act introduces significant changes to the governance of Waqf properties, including the inclusion of non-Muslims in Waqf Boards—an issue that has generated widespread apprehension and opposition, particularly from the Muslim community and a range of political parties. One of the central concerns is that the legislation infringes on the autonomy of a religious minority’s institutional affairs.

While we understand that the Catholic community in Kerala is currently facing a distressing situation in Munambam, where 400 to 600 Christian families in a coastal village are under the threat of displacement due to a local Waqf claim over the land, we believe that this is a localized matter that should be addressed through legal, negotiated, and conciliatory means. This case, already under judicial consideration, should not have served as the basis for supporting a national legislative change that now has far-reaching implications for another religious minority community. The CBCI letter risks legitimising state intrusion under the guise of reform.

It is important to recognise that responses shaped primarily by immediate or local anxieties may inadvertently lead to consequences that also affect the Christian community’s long-term interests. A precedent that enables state interference in the affairs of one minority may well open the door to similar intrusions into the rights and governance of other religious communities, including Christians.

At a time when Christian institutions are themselves under increasing scrutiny and pressure from political and state authorities—and when the number of reported incidents of violence and discrimination against Christians has sharply risen, including over 800 documented cases in 2024 alone—we must be particularly vigilant in safeguarding the broader principles of minority rights and religious freedom. As citizens, it is our constitutional duty to uphold the rights of all religious communities and to stand in solidarity with those whose freedoms are under threat.

We hope that the CBCI will engage in deeper reflection and consultation before issuing public statements on matters that have wide-ranging consequences. The strength of our witness as a Church lies in our commitment to justice, peace, and solidarity—not only within our own community but with all those who are vulnerable.

We trust that this concern will be received in the spirit of respectful dialogue and shared responsibility that binds us all in faith.

Sincerely in Christ,

1. Susan Abraham, Lawyer and Human Rights Activist
2. Allen Brooks, Ex Chairperson, Assam State Commission for Minorities
3. John Dayal, Ex Member, National Integration Council
4. Brinelle D’Souza, Academic and Activist
5. Dorothy Fernandes PBVM, Former National Convener, Forum of Religious for Justice & Peace
6. Walter Fernandes SJ, Director, North Eastern Social Research Centre, Guwahati
7. Astrid Lobo Gajiwala, Secretary, Ecclesia of Women in Asia
8. & Indian Women’s Theological Forum
9. Frazer Mascarenhas SJ, Former Principal, St. Xavier’s College Mumbai
10. AC Michael, Ex Member, Delhi Minorities Commission
11. Elsa Muttathu PBVM
12. Prakash Louis SJ, Activist, Patna
13. Thomas Pallithanam, People’s Action For Rural Awakening & Meluko, AP
14. Cedric Prakash SJ, Activist, Ahmedabad
15. Lisa Pires PBVM, Working in Goa on Issues of Trafficking and Migration

Related:

Letter to Minorities Minister: Waqf bell tolls for Christians too

Was the Waqf Beneficial for Muslim Society?

The Waqf Bill 2024: An Open Letter to the Joint Committee of Parliament, the Opposition, and India’s Muslim Communities

The post Christian academics, activists write to CBCI urging re-think on newly enacted Waqf law appeared first on SabrangIndia.

First of all, let me congratulate you for successfully piloting the Waqf Bill, now rechristened UMEED, which in both Hindi and Urdu means “Hope”. I am sure President Droupadi Murmu will soon give her assent to the Bill and it will become the law of the land. In this context, I remember the agricultural Acts the Modi government had to rescind following a massive protest from the farmers.

I liked your assertion in the Lok Sabha that you yourself belong to a minority community and you do not feel any discrimination against minorities. As you are the minister in charge of minority affairs, can you say with confidence that there is no such discrimination?

As you are a Buddhist, I do not have to tell you that the Buddhists have built great Peace Pagodas like the one in Delhi and elsewhere. They are all architectural marvels and I never miss them on my visits to places like Leh in Ladakh, Darjeeling in West Bengal, and Kathmandu in Nepal.

I am sure that you will not contest me when I say that the greatest pilgrim centre for Buddhists the world over is not Lumbini in Nepal, where Siddhartha Gautama was born. Instead, it is the Mahabodhi Temple in Bodh Gaya where Lord Buddha attained enlightenment under a Bodhi tree. I have visited the place several times.

In the eighties, I did a cover story on the Mahabodhi Temple for the Sunday Magazine of the Hindustan Times. One of the highlights of the article was the demand the Buddhists were making for control of the temple. They resent Hindu Brahmins doing Puja there and the Hindus controlling the administrative affairs of the temple.

The agitation for control of the temple still goes on, though it does not get traction in the media. As a Buddhist and Minister for Minority Affairs, you will do a great service to the nation if you can liberate the Mahabodhi Temple from the immoral control of non-Buddhists. Instead, you want non-Muslims to have a say, if not control, of the Waqf Boards at the Centre and in the states.

You should see this in the light of the Tirupati temple authorities’ draconian decision to terminate the services of all their non-Hindu employees. The argument is that Tirupati temple belongs to the Hindus and only Hindus can work there. I don’t think you have taken any action against the retrenchment of the few non-Hindu employees.

The greatest Hindu pilgrimage centre in Kerala, from where I come, is Sabarimala, which is controlled by the Devaswom Board. The MLAs can vote for various posts in the board but only Hindu MLAs can take part in the voting. The Vaishnodevi temple in Jammu and Kashmir is run by a Trust. The Lieutenant-Governor holds the post of Chairman of the Trust.

If a non-Hindu is appointed governor, a Hindu has to be appointed chairman of the Trust. Once, when General S.K. Sinha was governor and no ice lingam was formed in the Amarnath cave, he managed to procure tonnes of ice from as far away as Jammu to create an ice lingam. Alas, a press photographer published the pictures of the ice lingam which had dirty hand marks of the workers who made it. Sinha escaped unscathed.

Early this week, the details of the will of Ratan Tata, worth Rs 10,000 crore, appeared in the media. Most of the wealth has gone to philanthropic organisations. What attracted me is a clause under which his favourite dog, Tito, and other pets will benefit from a Rs 12 lakh fund, which will be used to care for his pets, ensuring that each of them will receive Rs 30,000 per quarter for their care. He also mentioned that his cook, Rajan Shaw, will take care of Tito after his demise.

The executors of the will have a duty to ensure that the money is distributed as mandated by Tata.

In the seventh century, Umar ibn al-Khattab, also spelled Omar, who later became the Caliph, owned land on the shores of the Khyber. He approached the Prophet on what he should do with the land. He was advised to give it to Allah, which will, of course, deprive him of all his authority over the land. The land could be used only for religious or charitable purposes and the person responsible for it was known as Mutawalli. I owe this information to an article by Advocate T. Asaf Ali in the Madhyamam daily.

A Jew who fought unsuccessfully against the Prophet bequeathed all his property for similar purposes. All the rules and regulations governing Waqf follow from this precedent. This reaffirms the point that Waqf properties cannot be sold for profit; they can only be used for religious or charitable purposes.

Under UMEED, only a person who has been a practising Muslim for at least five years can will away his property as Waqf. Since you studied the Bill, let me ask you how will you determine whether a person remained a Muslim for five years or not?

A person becomes a Muslim when he dedicates his prayer solely to Allah and considers Mohammed as the final prophet and messenger of God. Of course, his religious practices are enumerated in the Five Pillars of Islam: the declaration of faith (shahadah), daily prayers (salah), almsgiving (zakat), fasting during the month of Ramadan (sawm), and the pilgrimage to Mecca (hajj) at least once in a lifetime.

Anybody can become a Christian and the longevity of his faith does not matter to God. That is why the thief on the cross attained salvation because he believed in Jesus as the Son of God. He did not live even for a day after his conversion. This being the case, on what basis do you say that to be a Muslim one must practice the religion for five years?

Last Sunday, Prime Minister Narendra Modi visited the RSS headquarters at Nagpur. He also visited the Deekshabhoomi, the ground where people led by Dr B.R. Ambedkar got ordained as Buddhists. This religious mass conversion at one place was the first ever of its kind in history. The day they took Deeksha, they became Buddhists.

You may like to know why Ambedkar chose Nagpur for his conversion to your religion. Nagpur is where the Nags lived on the banks of the Nag river. They were the ones who fought vigorously against the invading Aryans. And they were the ones who propagated Buddhism in far corners of the land, including Arunachal Pradesh, to which you belong.

When the British wanted to build a house for the Viceroy in Delhi, they did not go to a temple for a model. Instead, they looked at a Buddhist vihara to draw ideas. When you take UMEED to the Rashtrapati Bhavan for the President’s signature, please check whether the building resembles a temple or a Buddhist vihara.

On the day Parliament was debating the Waqf Bill, UP Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath claimed that the Waqf authorities had declared the area where the Mahakumbh was held as Waqf property. Even if it is true, did it prevent Yogi from driving away every Muslim selling even Bisleri water bottles from the banks of the Ganga?

Home Minister Amit Shah even claimed that the Waqf authorities could have declared Parliament House as Waqf property. You and your party have perfected the art of scare-mongering. You don’t even leave Aurangzeb, who died 318 years ago.

The whole world knows that Mukesh Ambani’s grotesque house, Antilia, in Mumbai—consuming power worth Rs 70 lakh every month—is situated on Waqf land. Has Ambani suffered on this account? But you portrayed the Waqf Boards as more powerful than even the Supreme Court.

And some persons, like Baselios Cleemis, the current Major Archbishop-Catholicos of the Syro-Malankara Catholic Church, fell for it. He saw the issue from the perspective of the residents of Munambam, numbering 600 families, mostly Catholic. If Ambani could not be evicted from his Antilia, how could they be evicted?

The broader issue was that the Muslims were not consulted on the drafting of the Bill. You mentioned that it was vetted by a parliamentary committee. Was even one suggestion of an Opposition member accepted? During the debate in the Lok Sabha and the Rajya Sabha, was even one amendment suggested by an Opposition MP accepted? It was a Bill of the government, by the government, and for the government.

With non-Muslims allowed to decide Waqf-related issues, the Muslims will lose control of their Waqf properties. The Waqf Boards will be deprived of assets to run madrasas, orphanages, and hospitals. The Bill’s agenda is clear to the discerning.

Small wonder that the Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee (SGPC), which controls Sri Harmandir Sahib or Darbār Sahib, also called the Golden Temple, has opposed the Bill, for it knows that tomorrow, the government can amend the Sikh Gurdwara Act to their disadvantage. Alas, the Catholic Church leadership can’t see the woods for the trees.

The Catholic and other churches own thousands of acres of land and properties worth billions of rupees. Using the same argument, the government can easily take them over. In fact, many Church-run schools and colleges are situated on government land given by the British on lease for 100 years. The government has already started putting pressure on the church to vacate such properties, as in the Army Cantonment in New Delhi.

While Parliament was discussing the Waqf Bill, some Opposition members drew Parliament’s attention to the attack on two Catholic priests in Jabalpur. As Minister in charge of Minority Affairs, who prevented you from opening your mouth on the action you have taken on the matter?

Nonetheless, I was glad to hear you quoting the Sachar Committee report. Justice Rajinder Sachar appeared for me in a case the Punjab and Haryana High Court instituted, suo motu, against me and some of my colleagues at The Tribune. Have you ever thumbed the pages of his report except to find out what it said about Waqf properties? You say that if the Waqf properties are put to commercial use, Muslims will earn a lot.

That is exactly what is happening under crony capitalism. Government properties are handed over to the likes of Ambani and Adani so that they can become the world’s richest, pushing the poor down the ladder further and further. True, if they are handed over the Waqf properties, they will surely earn billions—so that they can have their swimming pools on their rooftops while the women in Mumbai stand for hours to get a pitcher of water.

By the way, the Sachar Committee made many suggestions, including a mechanism to monitor whether the government’s minority welfare measures benefit the communities concerned.

What amused me the most was your assertion that Muslim welfare was your government’s prime concern. You don’t have a single Muslim colleague in the ministry of which you are a member. Muslims constitute about 200 million in this country. It is unbelievable that the Prime Minister cannot find a single Muslim from among them to represent the community. Forget the Centre—mention one name of a Muslim minister in any of the BJP governments, from Gujarat to Manipur and Delhi to Uttarakhand.

Modi demonstrated his concern for Muslims by introducing the law banning triple talaq during his second term. Divorce frees a woman from marital bondage, especially when the husband no longer wishes to live with her. In many ways, it is better than abandonment of wives.

It has been over five years since the triple talaq law was enacted. Can you name even one conviction under it? The law was designed to appease Hindutvawadis rather than genuinely help Muslims. Unfortunately, the Waqf Bill follows the same pattern, aimed at depriving Muslims of their limited rights. I only wish Christians had realised— to borrow poet John Donne’s words—that the bell tolls not just for Muslims, but for them as well.

Yours etc.

Courtesy: Indian Currents

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The case presented a complex legal challenge at the intersection of Articles 14, 15, 21, and 25 of the Indian Constitution, raising questions about equality, religious freedom, and the right to dignity in death.

With the Supreme Court’s two-judge bench issuing divergent opinions, the matter brought to light the judiciary’s struggle to reconcile competing interests. Justice BV Nagarathna delivered a progressive opinion firmly rooted in constitutional values, calling out the State and local authorities for perpetuating discrimination against Christians and emphasising the secular fabric of India.

In contrast, Justice Satish Chandra Sharma’s opinion prioritised public order and adherence to regulatory norms, reflecting a more conservative approach that arguably overlooked the structural inequities at play.

The court’s eventual compromise, directing the burial at a designated Christian graveyard under Article 142, addressed the immediate dispute but left broader constitutional questions unresolved, raising critical concerns about the judiciary’s handling of systemic discrimination.

Justice BV Nagarathna’s opinion: A strong defence of Constitutional values

Justice BV Nagarathna delivered a strongly worded opinion, criticising the State and the gram panchayat for perpetuating discriminatory practices against Christians and undermining constitutional principles. She described the refusal to allow the burial in the village graveyard as “unfortunate, discriminatory, and unconstitutional,” explicitly highlighting its violation of Articles 14 (equality before the law), 15 (prohibition of discrimination on grounds of religion), and 21 (right to dignity, which includes dignity in death).

As per the report of LiveLaw, Justice Nagarathna noted that the village panchayat’s actions and the affidavit submitted by the Additional Superintendent of Police (ASP), which opposed the burial, “betray the sublime principle of secularism.”

She observed:

“The refusal to bury the deceased in the ancestral village graveyard violates Articles 21 and 14 and furthers discrimination on the grounds of religion. The State cannot deny equality before the law.” 

According to the LiveLaw report, Justice Nagarathna further criticised the State for failing to act against discriminatory attitudes, asserting that it had abdicated its duty to foster fraternity and ensure equality. It was her opinion that the attitude of the village panchayat gave rise to hostile discrimination, and such an approach betrays the secular fabric of our nation and the duty of every citizen to foster fraternity.

“How could ASP Bastar could give such an affidavit and what was the authority? It betrays the sublime principle of secularism. Secularism along with fraternity is a symbol of brotherhood between all faith and essential for the social fabric of our country and duty is to foster fraternity among different sections,” her opinion said as per Bar and Bench.

Justice Nagarathna proposed a pragmatic solution by allowing the burial on the family’s private agricultural land, emphasising that such a decision would not set a precedent for future claims. She directed the State to provide security to ensure that the burial could proceed peacefully and issued an additional directive requiring the State to earmark burial grounds for Christians across all districts within two months.

“The State must act to ensure that designated burial grounds for Christians are available throughout the State to avoid such controversies in the future.”

Justice Nagarathna invoked the Supreme Court’s past observations on secularism and fraternity, quoting Justice Chinnappa Reddy’s iconic statement in the Bijoe Emmanuel case:

“Our tradition teaches tolerance, our Constitution teaches tolerance, let us not dilute it.”

In short, through her opinion, Justice Nagarathna made the following key observations-

• Upholding secularism: Justice Nagarathna invoked the secular ethos of the Constitution, condemning the exclusionary practices of the gram panchayat and the State’s endorsement of such discrimination. She stressed that secularism entails equal treatment of all faiths and criticised the affidavit submitted by the State police, which explicitly denied burial rights to Christians in tribal burial grounds.
• Right to dignity in death: Justice Nagarathna’s recognition of the right to dignity in death as a part of the broader right to life under Article 21 is a crucial highlight. By directing the burial on private land, she sought to balance individual rights with practical considerations, though this move might inadvertently dilute the case’s central question of access to public burial spaces.
• Critique of Gram Panchayat: Her rebuke of the gram panchayat for “taking sides” underscores the growing politicisation of local governance bodies in communal disputes. However, her reliance on the private land solution, while pragmatic, could be criticised for sidestepping the long-term structural issue of discriminatory burial practices.
• Mandating systemic reforms: Justice Nagarathna directed the State to demarcate burial grounds for Christians across all villages within two months, a step that, while commendable, reflects a reactive rather than proactive approach by the judiciary in addressing systemic inequities.

Justice Satish Chandra Sharma’s opinion: Balancing rights and public order, no matter the cost

In contrast, Justice Satish Chandra Sharma took a more conservative stance, focusing on public order and adherence to existing regulations. He upheld the Chhattisgarh High Court’s decision to deny burial in the village graveyard and ruled that the deceased should be buried in the designated Christian burial ground located 20–25 kilometres away. Justice Sharma argued that burial rights under Article 25 (freedom of religion) must be subject to reasonable restrictions, including public order and State regulations.

“There is no reason why there should be an unqualified right to burial. Sweeping and illusionary rights can lead to public order disruption. Maintenance of public order is in the larger interest of society.”

As per the report of Bar and Bench, Justice Sharma also dismissed the argument that burial in the village graveyard was a constitutional entitlement, stating:

“The right to religious freedom under Article 25 cannot be stretched to claim a blanket right to be buried in grounds earmarked for another religion.”

Justice Sharma, according to LiveLaw, reasoned that the availability of a designated Christian burial ground nearby was sufficient to satisfy the petitioner’s rights, noting that burial grounds are traditionally designated for specific communities to avoid conflicts.

“To claim Article 25 rights to burial in areas designated for another faith would be stretching the right beyond reasonable limits. The State can frame regulations to maintain public order.”

Justice Sharma’s opinion ultimately prioritised regulatory uniformity and social harmony over addressing systemic discrimination, a perspective criticised for lacking sensitivity to the petitioner’s plight and the broader implications for minority rights. In short, through his opinion, Justice Sharma made the following key observations-

• Deference to local practices: Justice Sharma’s reliance on the High Court’s reasoning—that burial grounds are designated for specific communities—risks legitimising exclusionary practices rooted in social prejudice. By framing the dispute as a matter of public order, his judgment arguably prioritised societal biases over constitutional values.
• Regulatory formalism: His rejection of burial on private land and insistence on using the designated Christian burial ground in Karkapal highlights a strict adherence to regulatory frameworks. However, it also underscores a reluctance to question systemic discrimination in such frameworks, even when they conflict with fundamental rights.
• Public order vs. individual rights: While public order is a valid constitutional limitation under Article 25, Justice Sharma’s reasoning effectively places an undue burden on minority communities, forcing them to accept segregationist practices. This approach risks emboldening majoritarian pressures, particularly in deeply polarised societies.

Article 142 directions: A compromise that misses the larger picture

The Supreme Court’s decision to invoke Article 142 to direct the immediate burial of the deceased at the designated Christian graveyard in Karkapal reflects a pragmatic approach to resolving the immediate dispute.

While this direction ensured that the petitioner could proceed with the burial without further delay, it falls short of addressing the deeper constitutional and social issues raised by the case. The Court’s reliance on Article 142 to avoid a prolonged legal battle highlights an attempt to balance competing interests, but it also exposes significant gaps in judicial engagement with structural discrimination.

One of the most troubling aspects of this compromise is the Court’s avoidance of the core constitutional issues at stake. Instead of referring the matter to a larger bench to decisively address whether the denial of burial rights in the village graveyard amounted to unconstitutional discrimination, the Court settled for an ad hoc resolution. This avoidance not only leaves the fundamental question of the constitutionality of such practices unanswered but also risks setting a precedent where urgent cases involving marginalised communities are reduced to temporary, case-specific solutions. By failing to engage with the broader principles of equality and secularism, the Court missed an opportunity to lay down a robust precedent that could guide future disputes of a similar nature.

The compromise also reinforces the marginalisation of minority voices. By directing burial at a designated Christian graveyard far from the petitioner’s village, the Court effectively sidelined the petitioner’s plea for equal treatment and dignity. This resolution sends a message that minority communities must navigate systemic biases rather than challenge them outright. The petitioner’s demand for burial in the village graveyard was not just a logistical issue but a symbolic assertion of equality and belonging. The Court’s failure to address this demand perpetuates the notion that minorities must acquiesce to discriminatory practices, thereby entrenching their exclusion from shared communal spaces.

While the invocation of Article 142 served to bring an end to the immediate crisis, the compromise falls short of delivering substantive justice. It highlights a judicial tendency to focus on expediency at the expense of confronting structural inequalities, leaving marginalised communities to grapple with the long-term consequences of systemic discrimination.

Critical reflections: Judicial challenges in addressing discrimination

The Supreme Court’s handling of the burial dispute raises important concerns about the judiciary’s approach to balancing constitutional values against public order, systemic discrimination, and local governance. A closer examination of the case reveals troubling trends that demand critical scrutiny.

First, Justice Sharma’s emphasis on maintaining public order over upholding individual rights reflects a growing judicial inclination to privilege peace and harmony over addressing the legitimate grievances of marginalised communities. While public order is undoubtedly an important consideration, prioritising it in this manner risks reinforcing entrenched biases rather than dismantling them. In cases involving historically marginalised groups, such an approach undermines the transformative potential of the Constitution by legitimising social hierarchies under the guise of pragmatism.

Second, the Court’s avoidance of structural issues highlights a broader hesitation to confront systemic inequities. By focusing on short-term solutions, such as imposing a two-month deadline for demarcating burial grounds for Christians, the Court addressed only the immediate logistical concerns without tackling the underlying issues of social exclusion and prejudice.

The decision stops short of questioning whether the segregation of burial grounds is constitutionally permissible, thereby missing an opportunity to challenge practices that perpetuate discrimination.

Third, the case underscores the politicisation of local governance bodies, which often act as enforcers of communal divides rather than mediators of inclusive policies. Instead of protecting the rights of all citizens, these institutions have increasingly become instruments of exclusion, driven by majoritarian pressures. The judiciary must play a more active role in holding local governance bodies accountable to constitutional principles, ensuring they act as facilitators of inclusion rather than agents of division.

Finally, the intersection of caste, religion, and conversion brought to light by this case reveals the persistent hostility faced by tribal Christians. These individuals often occupy a precarious position, trapped between their ancestral identity and their chosen faith. Conversion to Christianity frequently becomes a basis for denying them access to ancestral land or communal spaces, exacerbating their social exclusion.

The judiciary must ensure that constitutional protections extend to all citizens, irrespective of their faith or choice to convert, and that conversion does not become an excuse for perpetuating discrimination.

Together, these reflections highlight the need for a more proactive and transformative judicial approach to address structural inequalities and protect the rights of marginalised communities.

Broader implications: The judiciary’s role in addressing systemic discrimination

The split verdict in this case underscores the judiciary’s ongoing struggle to reconcile constitutional principles with the realities of an increasingly polarised society. Justice Nagarathna’s dissenting opinion serves as a vital reminder of the judiciary’s fundamental duty to uphold constitutional values and protect the rights of marginalised groups. Her emphasis on equality and non-discrimination reflects the transformative vision of the Constitution, which seeks to dismantle systemic inequities and foster inclusivity.

However, the lack of a decisive resolution on the fundamental issue of discriminatory burial practices reveals the judiciary’s limitations in confronting entrenched societal biases. By failing to refer the matter to a larger bench or deliver a definitive ruling, the Court has missed an opportunity to provide clarity and enforce constitutional safeguards against discrimination.

This case also brings to light the pressing need for legislative reforms aimed at ensuring equal access to public burial grounds for all communities, irrespective of caste, religion, or conversion status. The judiciary’s reliance on public order as a justification for discriminatory practices risks normalising exclusionary behaviour, allowing prejudices to persist under the guise of maintaining peace. Legislative intervention is critical to prevent such misuse of public order and to establish clear, enforceable guidelines that uphold the principles of equality and secularism.

In a country as diverse as India, disputes of this nature challenge the foundational ideals of the Constitution, particularly secularism and equality.

The resolution of such cases serves as a litmus test for the judiciary’s commitment to addressing systemic discrimination and safeguarding the rights of marginalised groups. While pragmatic solutions may provide immediate relief, they fail to address the deeper social and institutional barriers that perpetuate exclusion. To truly uphold constitutional ideals, the judiciary must adopt a more assertive stance, one that not only resolves individual disputes but also challenges the systemic biases that underlie them.

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The post Constitutional ideals vs. public order: SC delivers split verdict on Christian burial rights, fails to confront structural discrimination appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The report becomes important with the news that the government of Arunachal Pradesh – once called NEFA [North East Frontier Agency] as it borders Bhutan, Myanmar and China through Tibet – will shortly enforce the anti-conversion law it passed in 1978 to stop the growth of Christianity in the state. Also likely to be raised is the political demand that those already converted to Christianity be stripped of all privileges given to the members of the scores of big and small tribes inhabiting this Himalayan redoubt.

Stripping tribals, also called Adivasis in North and Central India, of their scheduled status is an important national project of the BJP and the Sangh to contain the growth of Christianity among Tribals and Dalits. The Presidential Order of 1950 became the biggest anti-conversion law of the newly independent India, with converts penalised by being denied reservations in government, legislatures and education. Tribals, till now, can retain such rights even if they become Christians, and very rarely, Muslims.

These rights were the fuse that lit the conflagration in Kandhamal, Orissa which saw 56,000 people displaced from their homes and seeking safety, first in the nearby forests, and then in government refugee camos for up to a year. Many women, including a Catholic Nun, were raped, more than 400 churches and 4,000 houses burnt, while 400 villages were cleansed of Christian presence. The subtext was that converts to Christianity should not be given the Scheduled Tribe benefits.

This was also one of the subtexts of the violence in Manipur which began on 7 May 2023, and continues with the toll mounting every day. Over 70,000 people, mostly tribals of the Kuki-Zo group are homeless.

They have also forced Meitei Christians to return to the older Sanamahi faith by making them sign conversion affidavits and burning their bibles in what they described as acts of ghar wapsi, or homecoming – the preferred BJP term for the reconversion to Hinduism of Indian Christians and Muslims.

As in Kandhamal, over 400 churches are reported destroyed. The majority Meitei, who are not tribals, want the same scheduled status. This would in effect make everyone the state equal and give the Meitei egress into the hill districts which have mineral deposits, and allegedly now grow contraband poppy, from which many opiate derivatives find their way to the billion dollar international drug trade in which reportedly politicians are also complicit.

Arunachal Pradesh is home to 26 major tribes and over 100 sub-tribes, collectively 68.78% of the 1.3 million population [2011 census].

The first Church in Arunachal was set up in 1957 at Rayang village in the present-day district of East Siang, close to the Assam birder.

Christians now constitute just over 30 per cent, with Hindus close behind at 29.0% , the Donyi-Polo at 26.2% and Buddhism, both Theravada and Mahayana at 11.8%. The many indigenous tribal religions, many nature or ancestor worshipping, total some 3 per cent .

The strength of the Hindu population may be significantly more as the Donyi Polo often also so identify themselves. Many of their social, political and religious leaders are also members of the RSS

In such a mixed population, English is a link language, but also Hindi, which many people if the state speak fluently as it was taught in Vivekanand schools. Hindi also makes it easy for the Hindutva activists to emphasise its connectedness with the Hindu majority Indian mainland. The other tribal states of the North East use English as their link language.

Over the last three decades which saw Christian evangelisation, the RSS was working with equal zeal radicalising Hindu tribal groups, and ones following various indigenous faiths. the RSS and its affiliates, who view the state’s “indigenous faiths” as part of “Sanatana Dharma”. This has now effectively pitted them against the proselytised Christians.

The Sangh, not working exactly under the radar, set up an education network which parallels the one by Christian missionaries, quite matching it in expanse and facilities. These Ekal Vidyalaya are similar to the ones which impart Hindu nationalist philosophy to tribal children from Orissa in the south and Rajasthan in the west. Demonising Christians is part of the extra-curricular activity.

The Anti-conversion Act was not passed by a BJP government in the state or in the Centre. It was enacted in 1978 when Arunachal was not even a state but a Union Territory. It remained in cold storage till 2024 when a series of steps became harbingers f a toughening if stance against the Church.

As other similar laws in a dozen central and north Indian states, it too does not name Christianity or Islam, and prohibits conversion “by use of force or inducement or by fraudulent means”. Many states have now weaponised this law and punishment can range up to ten years for the pastor engaged in proselytising, or a Muslim man marrying a Hindu woman and making her a Muslim. Every act of conversion is to be reported to the Deputy Commissioner of the district concerned.

The Act was contested even before it received Presidential assent. The Christian community formed the Arunachal Christian Forum which has ensured that the law remained in abeyance all these decades. Forum president Tarh Miri says, to push for the repeal of the Act. It continues to lead the push against the Act” which Miri called an “anti-Christian law.” “If the bill is enforced, there are chances of it being misused by the district administration or police,” he said.

The number of Christians in the state has grown rapidly over the years, and in the last census of 2011, they were enumerated as 30.26% of the population, making Christianity the largest religion in the state, if by a whisker.

In 2018, Chief Minister Pema Khandu had told a meeting of the Arunachal Pradesh Catholic Association that the state government was considering to repeal of the Act.

But, as in Manipur in yet another parallel, the call to stop conversions was routed through a public interest litigation in 2022 by a lawyer, Mr. Tambo Tamin, in the Itanagar bench of the Guwahati High Court appealing for judicial intervention over the “failure” of the state government to frame rules for the Act.

On September 30, 2024, the State government told the court that draft rules had been framed and would be finalised in six months. That would mean March end or April may see the law operationalised.

Preparations apparently had begun last year when government strengthened the existing Inner Line Permit system that makes it mandatory non-residents including foreigners to apply for a permit to enter the state. Such permits are also required for some other North East states, including Manipur.

The entry permit system gives the state powers through its police to check any evangelist to enter the state.

The church in Arunachal no longer really needs people from outer areas to reach out to various remote areas to preach. Unlike in North Indian states, or even in. Rajasthan and Gujarat in the west of the country where the Christian population is small, Arunachal now has a sizeable community which can take of itself if the state itself does not turn on the people.

The Sangh may possibly have met its match in this state.

Courtesy: Mainstream Weekly

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On 25^th December 2024 in Mahuva, Gujarat, members of VHP and Bajrang Dal disrupted the Christmas prayers by halting the service, chanting “Jai Shri Ram” and reciting the Hanuman Chalisa also alleging that they have not got required permission for conducting prayers, as per a report in the Times of India.

A day after Christmas (26^th December) in Odisha, two tribal women (in their forties) named Subhasini Singh and Sukanti Singh were beaten up and the mob smeared the cake which the women have alleged to have bought for celebrating the conversion of Gobind Singh onto one of the women’s face and raised slogans such as “Bharat Mata Ki Jai” and “Jai Shri Ram”

The NCW has taken suo motu cognisance of a shocking media report from Balasore, Odisha, where two tribal women were tied to a tree and assaulted on suspicion of religious conversion. FIRs have reportedly been registered against both the women and their assaulters.

The Commission…

— NCW (@NCWIndia) December 30, 2024

VIDEO | Odisha: Here’s what Balasore SP Raj Prasad said on two women being beaten up by a mob over the allegation that they were attempting religious conversion of some tribal families.

“A counter case has been filed, there was an allegation of forced conversion. A senior level… pic.twitter.com/Ym3dK6tF9C

— Press Trust of India (@PTI_News) December 30, 2024

Odisha Congress spokesperson Amiya Pandab reacted to it by describing the incident as shameful and it’s the testimony to the deteriorating law and order situation in state. “What is even more shameful is that such atrocities are being committed against women, that too, tribal women who are among the most vulnerable. Remember the chief minister himself hails from the tribal community and so does the president of our country who comes from Mayurbhanj district”

The Wire reported that Latika Pradhan, a former MLA for the Biju Janata Dal (BJD), said that the state’s BJP-led government was posing a greater threat to women and minorities, among other vulnerable groups. “Everywhere, they are constantly in danger. There is a statute in place to deal with individuals who engage in unlawful conversions. However, criminals shouldn’t be permitted to enforce the law on their own. Pradhan said that previous chief minister and current opposition leader Naveen Patnaik always supported secular ideals and went out of his way to safeguard minorities, saying, “This is vigilante justice, which is just not acceptable.”

As per a report in the New Indian Express, the National commission on women has taken suo moto cognizance of the incident. It has directed the DGP of the state to ensure fair investigation and to restore law and order in the state.

On December 27, in Uttar Pradesh, which has often been described as a hotspot for fascist and communal forces, members of the VHP and Bajrang Dal allegedly tonsured a Christian Dalit man, forcibly applied sandalwood paste and vermillion to his forehead, and paraded him through the village. They accused him of engaging in religious conversions, forcibly reconverted him to Hinduism, and raised slogans such as “Jesus Murdabad”.

On December 27, in Fatehpur, Uttar Pradesh, members of the VHP and Bajrang Dal forcibly shaved the head of a Christian Dalit man and paraded him through the village, accusing him of promoting religious conversions. They later forcibly converted him back to Hinduism at a temple,… pic.twitter.com/e8IFF7Ehr9

— The Observer Post (@TheObserverPost) December 29, 2024

Apart from these prominent incidences, one Mr. Afroz Alam Sahil in an article dated 28-12-2024 “Weaponization of Festivals in India: Attacks on Rise During Christmas” in Beyond Headlines captures the hate crimes against Christians happened during this Christmas season in almost 10 states: Ahmedabad (Gujarat), Burhanpur (Madya Pradesh), Etah (Uttar Pradesh), Fatehpur (Uttar Pradesh), Hydrabad (Telungana), Indore (Madhya Pradesh), Jabalpur (Madhya Pradesh), Jaisalmer (Rajasthan), Jaunpur (Rajasthan), Khasi Hills (Meghalaya), Lucknow (Uttar Pradesh), Manipur, Mumbai (Maharashtra), Palakkad (Kerala), Pathanamthitta (Kerala), Rohtak (Haryana), Siddharthnagar (Uttar Pradesh), Sitapur (Uttar Pradesh), Surat (Gujarat), Tapi (Gujarat), Telungana, Thrissur (Kerala), Unnao (Uttar Pradesh)

Above incidents show that Muslims are not the only minority community facing persecution in India. Christians, who form 2.4% of the total population, are also caught in the venomous tentacles of Hindu extremists. On October 2, 2024, just two months prior to these mischiefs, the United States Commission on International Religious Freedom (USCIRF) released a report containing shocking revelations about religious freedom in India. In 2024 alone, there were 161 reported attacks on Christians, including assaults on churches and prayer meetings.

As per the USCIRF report, Hindu militants in Assam, targeted Catholic schools, demanding the removal of Christian symbols, such as the cross. The Modi government has also wielded draconian laws, like the Unlawful Activities Prevention Act (UAPA), to target civil society organizations. Since 2012, over 20,000 NGOs—many of them religious—have had their licenses revoked under the Foreign Contribution Regulation Act (FCRA). This law has been used as another instrument of repression. In 2024 alone, five significant Christian charities, including the Church of North India and the Evangelical Fellowship of India, saw their work drastically curtailed after losing their licenses. The USCIRF has urged the U.S. government to declare India a “country of particular concern” due to its persistent abuses of religious freedom. Such a designation would place India alongside nations like China and North Korea, potentially exposing it to sanctions.

Indian judiciary too at times encouraged these hate mongers thereby contributing to the unabated rise religious intolerance in India. One of such infamous attempts includes the quashing of criminal case against two individuals accused of shouting “Jai Shree Ram” slogans inside mosque, Karnataka High Court while dismissing the case recorded that mere chanting of “Jai Shree Ram” inside a mosque doesn’t outrage the religious feelings of that community, as reported in LiveLaw.

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The post X’mas Eve becomes the target for Hindu extremists appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Similarly, in Ludhiana, Punjab, local political leader Sonu Singh Rajput confronted a Christian pastor conducting prayers in a private home, accusing him of religious conversion. This attack, under the guise of “protecting traditions,” highlights a troubling trend of using the holiday season to harass religious minorities.

In Rajasthan, protests have erupted in Jaisalmer and Jodhpur, where VHP leaders and Bajrang Dal activists have targeted schools for celebrating Christmas. They accuse the institutions of promoting religious conversions, with protests escalating to the destruction of event posters and public displays of hostility. Meanwhile, in Mathura, Uttar Pradesh, a controversy has unfolded over dressing the idol of Lord Laddu Gopal in a Christmas outfit, with right-wing groups condemning it as an attack on Hindu traditions.

These incidents reflect a growing wave of religious intolerance, where Christmas celebrations are increasingly seen not as a cultural or religious event, but as a battleground for wider political and communal struggles.

Palakkad, Kerala: two VHP leader arrested

On December 22, 2024, in Palakkad, Kerala, the peaceful celebration of Christmas at a government school was marred by the actions of three local activists from the Vishva Hindu Parishad (VHP) and Bajrang Dal. A group of activists, led by Vadakkumthara K Anilkumar, Manamkuzhi Sushasanan, and Thekkumuri Velayudhan, stormed the Government Upper Primary School in Nallepilly. They verbally abused the headmistress and teachers, questioning the celebration of Christmas while insisting that other religious festivals like Sri Krishna Jayanthi should also be given equal importance.

According to Indian Express, VHP leaders accused the school of promoting one religion over others and disrupted the Christmas carols, questioning why the children and teachers were dressed in Christmas attire. The situation escalated as the trio intimidated the staff and students with aggressive language, creating a tense and hostile atmosphere. The police quickly intervened, and the three activists were arrested, charged with disrupting public duties and making threats. The accused VHP leaders were booked under BNS sections 329 (3), 296 (b) and 351 (2) and 132, said police. The school’s PTA president K Muraleedharan said such an incident should not have happened at a school in Kerala.

The state BJP leadership, while attempting to court the Christian vote ahead of elections, remained conspicuously silent about the incident, leaving many to question their stance on religious tolerance.

Ludhiana, Punjab: political leader harasses Christian pastor

In Punjab’s Ludhiana, Christmas celebrations also faced opposition, not from religious extremists but from political figures. On December 20, 2024, Sonu Singh Rajput, a local Congress leader, confronted a Christian pastor who was conducting prayers at a family’s home. Rajput accused the pastor of attempting religious conversion and insisted that such prayers would not be permitted in the area.

 

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This confrontation highlights a worrying trend where the festive season is being used as an opportunity to attack religious minorities under the guise of ‘protecting’ traditions. While the harassment of a pastor praying in a private home may seem trivial to some, it represents a broader issue of how the public space is increasingly becoming unsafe for people to freely practice their religion, even in the privacy of their homes. Rajput’s actions reveal an atmosphere of fear and suspicion surrounding minority religious practices in regions where political leaders fuel communal discord for personal gain.

Jaisalmer, Rajasthan: opposition to Christmas celebrations in Schools

On December 23, 2024, a delegation of VHP functionaries met with the Jaisalmer district collector, registering their protest against what they deemed “conversion attempts and religious disrespect” by missionary schools. The delegation expressed concern over schools organizing Christmas programs and dressing students as Santa Claus, arguing that such practices promoted religious conversion.

Lalu Singh Sodha, the VHP’s district secretary, accused the schools of indoctrinating students with Christian ideologies and using the festive occasion to push religious conversions. The VHP’s opposition to Christmas festivities is not just about the religious aspect but also the cultural significance it holds in schools across India. He said that “Despite the schools here having 98% Hindu students, festivals such as Ram Navami, Krishna Janmashtami, Diwali, Holi and Raksha Bandhan are not observed,” as Times of India reported.

Mathura, Uttar Pradesh: anger over Laddu Gopal’s Christmas outfit

In the holy city of Mathura, the birthplace of Lord Krishna, right-wing leaders have raised a storm over a seemingly harmless act: dressing the idol of Lord Laddu Gopal in a Christmas outfit. Kanhaiya Agarwal, the president of the Vishva Hindu Parishad in Mathura, has publicly condemned the practice, calling it an attack on Hindu traditions. According to Agarwal, dressing Lord Krishna’s idol in Christmas attire was an attempt at religious conversion and an insult to Sanatan Dharma.

Mathura-Vrindavan is a sacred site for millions of Hindus who visit to worship Lord Krishna and Radha Rani. The dressing of the Laddu Gopal idol in Santa Claus outfits, some argue, symbolizes a broader attempt by missionary groups to merge Hindu and Christian symbols, which they see as undermining the purity of their traditions. While others see this as a harmless cultural exchange, it has ignited deep anger and division among the locals.

The Vishva Hindu Parishad and Bajrang Dal have called for an immediate halt to the sale of such outfits and warned that their activists would take action to prevent the further “desecration” of Hindu deities.

Jodhpur, Rajasthan: Bajrang Dal protest against Christmas celebration in School

In Jodhpur, Rajasthan, a Bajrang Dal protest on December 23, 2024, turned into an act of aggression against a Christmas program in a private school. Protesters tore down and burned posters advertising the event, citing concerns over religious conversions being promoted under the guise of Christmas celebrations. The Bajrang Dal activists gathered outside the Siwanchi Gate school, demanding an end to what they called the “conversion agenda” of Christian schools.

 

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The incident reflects an increasing suspicion among certain groups towards the Christian community’s motives during the holiday season. The burning of posters, the disruption of school events, and the fear of conversion are all tactics being used to enforce a strict divide between religious communities.

However, the increasing wave of opposition to Christmas celebrations across India is a deeply concerning development that threatens the communal harmony and mutual understanding that have long defined the country’s diverse cultural fabric. From Kerala to Punjab, Rajasthan, and Uttar Pradesh, right-wing groups have targeted the festive season, disrupting school events, harassing religious figures, and spreading unfounded accusations of religious conversion.

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“This was a sad Christmas”, say India’s Christians, navigating the shadows of hatred

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Alarming rise in violence against Christians in India as G20 Summit takes centre stage

The post Christmas under siege: right-wing target Christmas celebrations across states, Punjab, Rajasthan, Uttar Pradesh and Kerala appeared first on SabrangIndia.

THE FOLLOWING STATEMENT HAS BEEN SIGNED BY CLOSE TO 200 PEOPLE INCLUDING : Tushar Gandhi, Annie Raja, Father Cedric Prakash, John Dayal, Prakash Louis, Pamela Philipose, Brinelle D’souza, Aloysius Irudayam, Shabnam Hashmi, Lisa Pires, Minakshi Singh , Abha Bhaiya, and Vinod Pande.

The persecution of Christians in India has been a growing concern over the past few years. According to various reports, there has been a significant increase in violence and harassment against Christians, particularly in rural areas.

One of the main reasons attributed to this alarming rise in persecution is the resurgence of Hindutva nationalism, which has led to an increase in anti-minorities sentiment, specially targeting Christians and Muslims. Many religious nationalist groups, such as the Bajrang Dal and the Vishva Hindu Parishad (VHP), have been accused of inciting violence against Christians across many states.

According to the Evangelical Fellowship of India (EFI), there were 327 incidents of violence against Christians in 2021 alone.

In 2022, over 300 attacks against Christians were reported across the country, with many incidents going unreported . The United Christian Forum (UCF) reported 486 incidents of anti-Christian violence in 2022, including 115 incidents of physical violence and 357 incidents of intimidation and harassment. The UCF monitored trend listed 127 incidents in the year 2014, when the Modi government took over power.

Presently, January 2024 to November 2024, India has recorded 745 incidents of Christian citizens being attacked for their faith.

Churches and Christian institutions have been specifically targeted in many incidents. In 2021, at least 15 churches were vandalized or set on fire across India . In 2022, several churches were attacked, including a church in Delhi that was vandalized by a group of Hindu extremists. The May 3rd Manipur riots witnessed the destruction of over 200 churches and countless lives lost.

These incidents of anti-Christian violence have been linked to Hindu nationalist groups, which have been accused of receiving support from the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) ¹. The Indian government has been criticized for not doing enough to protect the rights of Christians and other minority groups.

The persecution of Christians in India has raised concerns internationally. In 2021, at least 17 human rights organizations, including Amnesty International, cosponsored a Congressional briefing to request the US Government to take action against the growing persecution of Christians in India .

In 2021, the United States Commission on International Religious Freedom (USCIRF) placed India on its “Countries of Particular Concern” list, citing the country’s “systematic, ongoing, and egregious” persecution of religious minorities .

Simultaneously, 13 state governments have now enacted anti-conversion bills, which are being blatantly abused to wreak havoc on the lives of Christian citizens.

It’s surprising that despite the growing persecution of Christians, prominent members of the Christian hierarchy have chosen to engage with Prime Minister Modi, who has been criticized for his inaction in protecting the rights of Christians. Mr Modi has been seen in recent days with members of the hierarchy at Christmas programmes. He is being invited on 23 December 2024 by the CBCI at a Christmas celebration in New Delhi.

We see this as an attempt by senior institutional leaders of the Christian community to legitimise the government’s inaction on Christian persecution.

We call upon the Christian leadership to voice these concerns and hold the prime minister as head of the government  accountable for the protection of Christians in India. Symbolic gestures do little to address the issue hatred generated against the community, and the resultant targeted violence, harassment,  arrests, and incidents of ostracization in several parts of the country.

The post Missing the Mark: Inviting PM Modi to a Christmas Reception Ignores the Plight of Persecuted Christians appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Amid this turmoil, local authorities have stepped up efforts to apprehend Velingkar, who is currently reported to be evading capture. Demonstrators from the Christian community, along with political leaders from opposition parties, gathered outside police stations in places like Margao, Panaji, Old Goa, Canacona, Anjuna, and Ponda, demanding Velingkar’s immediate arrest. Protesters voiced their outrage over his call for a “DNA test” on the saint’s relics, which they deemed as deeply disrespectful and an attempt to incite communal discord. They organised marches, blocked roads, and sang hymns in solidarity, emphasising the need for Velingkar to face legal consequences for his remarks.

As tensions continue to rise, the demands of the protestors centre around issues of  accountability and arrest of Velingkar, the protection of religious sentiments, and a reaffirmation of Goa’s longstanding tradition of coexistence among diverse communities. As communities rally for justice and accountability, calls for peace and restraint by the Church have also emerged, underscoring the delicate balance that must be maintained in a region known for its diversity and harmony.

Protests across Goa

1. Panaji: Members of the Christian community from Taleigao, Caranzalem, Panaji, St. Cruz, and Merces marched to the Panaji Police Station on Sunday morning, demanding Velingkar’s arrest. They sang hymns and prayed outside the station, expressing their outrage over his statements. As per the report of The Goan, protesters also gathered at the Panaji police station to submit a memorandum demanding action against Velingkar.

2. Margao: In Margao’s old market area, a heavy police presence was deployed to prevent road blockages. Tensions surged late Saturday night when police used batons to disperse protesters, resulting in several injuries. A local youth, who was not part of the protest, reported being assaulted during the lathi charge while returning home from work. Police cane-charged a group of protesters and detained five individuals who had blocked a national highway, demanding Velingkar’s arrest. The protests led to clashes, with some demonstrators being injured.

3. Vagator: In Vagator, locals blocked the Vagator-Anjuna road, burning tires and other materials in their demand for Velingkar’s arrest. The situation turned violent when a photographer was reportedly assaulted by police during the protests in Margao, where many demonstrators were detained.

4. Valpoi: In Valpoi, dozens marched to the police station, insisting that protests would continue until the government takes action against Velingkar. Local political leaders and citizens expressed outrage, and a large crowd of over 100 protesters gathered outside the Valpoi police station. They submitted a memorandum to Police Inspector Videsh Shirodkar, demanding immediate action against Velingkar. Fr. Robert Fernandes from the Valpoi Church emphasised that Velingkar’s remarks not only hurt the Catholic community but also disturbed the overall peaceful atmosphere in the region.

After FIRs for hate speech, ex-Goa RSS chief is ‘absconding’.
There were several protests across Goa, Many police complaints filed against former Goa unit chief of RSS Subhash Velingkar across Goa for allegedly hurting religious sentiments and disrupting communal harmony.… pic.twitter.com/YjFkejx1sJ

— Mohammed Zubair (@zoo_bear) October 6, 2024

Police lathicharge to disperse protestors at Margao; two detained#Goa. #Protest #BreakingNews pic.twitter.com/qN75IkPtde

— The Goan (@thegoanonline) October 5, 2024

Brief background of the statement made by Subhash Velingkar

Subhash Velingkar, a figure infamous for his previously inflammatory remarks, has ignited controversy once more with his recent comments about St. Francis Xavier, a highly revered figure in Goan Christian history. His recent assertion that the “DNA” of St. Francis Xavier has negatively impacted Goan society can not only be characterised as provocative but also indicative of a dangerous attempt to undermine the peaceful coexistence of various religious communities in Goa. Such divisive language threatens the very essence of Goa, a state celebrated for its harmonious integration of Hindus, Muslims, and Christians who have coexisted for centuries.

Velingkar’s remarks are part of a broader pattern of incendiary statements aimed at offending religious sentiments, particularly those of the Christian community in Goa. In 2022, former Goa minister Francisco Mickky Pacheco had lodged a police complaint against Subhash Velingkar for giving an offensive speech wherein Velingkar had stated that “St Francis Xavier should not be revered as the patron saint of Goa, as he was involved in atrocities during the inquisition, and Lord Parshuram was the real “Goencho Saib” (patron saint of Goa).” Even then his remarks had led to widespreak protests and condemnation.

His ongoing targeting of this group with intentional and bigoted comments raises significant concerns. This is not only an affront to the Christian community but also an insult to the enduring unity that characterises Goan society. His latest statement regarding St. Francis Xavier, whose impact on Goan culture and heritage is indisputable, exemplifies the perilous nature of his rhetoric.

Response by Goa Chief minister Pramod Sawant

Goa Chief Minister Pramod Sawant has appealed for calm, assuring the public that the law will take its course. He reiterated that similar action would be applied to Velingkar as was done in the case of Father Bolmax Pereira, a priest previously arrested for allegedly making provocative remarks.

Notably, amidst these protests, the Bicholim police issued a notice for Velingkar to appear for questioning. His residence in Panaji was searched late night of October 4, but the accused was reportedly not found. As per media reports, significant police force has been deployed in these areas to ensure law and order is maintained.

Former PWD Minister Churchill Alemao criticised Chief Minister Sawant, asserting that he would be held responsible for any unrest arising from Velingkar’s remarks. Alemao demanded that the Chief Minister either arrest Velingkar or take responsibility for any law-and-order issues that may arise.

As per The Goan, Churchill emphasised that the sentiments of all who venerate St. Francis Xavier, including Christians and Hindus, have been hurt by Velingkar’s statements. He further added that Velingkar has made numerous controversial statements that have upset the public, insisting that the agitation would continue until the government takes appropriate action against him.

Calls for peace by Church

In a statement released on the evening of October 5, Fr. Savio Fernandes, executive secretary of the Council for Social Justice and Peace (CSJP), condemned the “insulting and derogatory” remarks made by Subhash Velingkar. The Goan Catholic Community expressed deep concern over Velingkar’s comments, which they believe have offended not only Catholics but also many individuals from other faiths who honor St. Francis Xavier.

The CSJP, a social work arm of the Goa Church, urged protesters to exercise restraint to maintain peace and communal harmony. The statement emphasised, “Velingkar’s statements have deeply hurt the religious sentiments of not only Catholics but also of many others who have received numerous favours in their lives after praying to the saint.” They called on government authorities to take strict action against Velingkar for attempting to disrupt communal harmony by intentionally pitting one community against another.

Fr. Fernandes also highlighted pressing issues facing Goa, such as environmental concerns and demographic changes, which require immediate attention from authorities. He urged citizens to focus on these significant matters rather than being sidetracked by Velingkar’s remarks.

Following the above statement, protests in South Goa’s Margao were called off on October 6. This decision came amid appeals from Church representatives and activists to exercise restraint and uphold peace.

Opposition leaders mobilise against Velingkar

Leaders from the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP), Congress, and several other parties lodged police complaints against Subhash Velingkar and participated in the agitation.  As per the report of The Goan, the protests across Goa were significantly fuelled by a complaint filed by Aam Aadmi Party MLA Cruz Silva, who accused Velingkar of attempting to drive a wedge between the two major communities in Goa with his remarks. Silva called for legal action against Velingkar, asserting that the derogatory comments were inflammatory and detrimental to communal harmony. His statements played a crucial role in mobilising public sentiment against Velingkar, prompting protests across various regions in Goa.

Congress leader Rahul Gandhi has accused the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) of deliberately inciting communal tensions in Goa due to Velingkar’s remarks about St. Francis Xavier, the state’s patron saint. In a post on X, Gandhi stated, “Goa’s appeal lies in its natural beauty and the warmth and hospitality of its diverse and harmonious people. Unfortunately, under BJP rule, this harmony is under attack.”

Gandhi further noted, “Across India, similar actions by the Sangh Parivar continue with impunity, backed by support from the highest levels.” He criticised the BJP’s strategy in Goa, asserting that it seeks to divide the populace while exploiting ecologically sensitive areas by illegally converting green land and ignoring environmental regulations—an assault on Goa’s natural and social heritage. He concluded, “BJP’s attempts will not go unchallenged. The people of Goa and all of India see through this divisive agenda and are standing united.”

Goa’s appeal lies in its natural beauty and the warmth and hospitality of its diverse and harmonious people.

Unfortunately, under BJP rule, this harmony is under attack. The BJP is deliberately stoking communal tensions, with a former RSS leader provoking Christians and Sangh…

— Rahul Gandhi (@RahulGandhi) October 6, 2024

Action taken against Velingkar so far

On the night of October 4, the Bicholim police in North Goa police booked Velingkar for “outraging religious feelings and insulting religious beliefs” due to his “maligning speech against St. Francis Xavier.” It is crucial to be noted that Velingkar had also filed for pre-arrest bail after evading two notices by Bicholim police to appear for investigation.

In a statement on October 6, the Goa Police announced that multiple raids had been conducted across Goa and Maharashtra to locate Velingkar, who is currently “absconding.”

Additionally, police registered FIRs against protesters for obstructing the national highway within the Fatorda police station jurisdiction in Margao. The FIR reported that over 500 individuals formed an “unlawful assembly,” blocking National Highway 66 and impeding vehicular traffic and the public’s movement. The report also stated that the protesters assaulted a motorcycle rider and other commuters, using “criminal force against police personnel by pelting stones” while they were performing their lawful duties at the Old Market circle.

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In recent years, India’s democracy and Constitution have faced an unprecedented crisis. Democratic institutions have collapsed, and the independence of the judiciary and oversight bodies has been severely compromised. The functioning of Parliament has been gravely impaired. The government has institutionalized corruption and lack of transparency in election funding through the Electoral Bonds system, allowing corporations to secretly divert black money to the ruling party’s coffers. The dilution of the Right to Information Act has undermined citizens’ fundamental democratic right to question the government and hold it accountable.

Neo-liberal economic policies and growing crony capitalism have adversely impacted women in general, but especially those who belong to the Dalit, Adivasi and other marginalized communities. Their fragile economic base has been devastated.

Attacks on minorities have created an atmosphere of fear and insecurity, with Muslims and Christians facing targeted discrimination. The country has witnessed a systematic attempt to spread communal hatred and divide people along religious lines. This communal agenda is being implemented with vengeance, resulting in large-scale violence, such as in Manipur, and daily attacks on individuals, groups, and residential colonies of minorities. Lynching, killing, and demolishing houses, localities, mosques, and churches have become commonplace. Members of minority communities are being implicated in false cases, tortured, arrested, and languishing in jails without trial.

The criminal justice system in India has virtually collapsed, particularly with regards to minority rights, especially for Muslims and Christians. There has been a steady deterioration in the rule of law with alarming cases of police excesses, including custodial deaths.

To address this crisis, Anhad, in collaboration with United Christian Forum, organized a convention titled “The Quest for Equality and Justice: Status of Muslims & Christians in Contemporary India” on September 14, 2024, from 3-7 pm at Jawahar Bhawan, New Delhi. The convention aimed to take stock of the situation and plan future strategies to safeguard secular values.

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