According to Enewsroom and television media reports, Dr Parveen was scheduled to assume charge as an AYUSH doctor on December 20, but has chosen to step away following the incident. Her brother told a media channel that the decision was taken due to the severe mental distress she has been under since the public humiliation. “We are trying to convince her. If someone else committed the mistake, why should she be forced to sacrifice her career?” he said.

The Hindustan Gazette reported that Dr Parveen and her family have declined to speak publicly, but sources close to them confirmed that the incident has had a profound emotional impact on her.

What happened at the appointment ceremony

The incident occurred on Monday, December 17, at ‘Samvad’, the Chief Minister’s secretariat, during the distribution of appointment letters to over 1,000 AYUSH doctors. When Dr Parveen approached the stage wearing a hijab partially covering her face, Nitish Kumar was heard asking, “What is this?” On being told it was a hijab, he asked her to remove it—and then pulled it down himself, as seen in a viral video.

Deputy Chief Minister Samrat Chaudhary was visibly seen tugging at Kumar’s sleeve in an apparent attempt to stop him. Dr Parveen appeared visibly uncomfortable as laughter erupted from sections of the audience. She was subsequently handed the appointment letter again and ushered off the stage.

Media barred as fallout grows

In the aftermath, media entry was restricted at Nitish Kumar’s programme in Gaya on Wednesday, where he attended a two-day workshop organised by the Bihar Institute of Public Administration and Rural Development (BIPARD). The event was not live-streamed on the JD(U)’s official platforms, a notable departure from standard practice.

Media had also been barred a day earlier during the energy department’s appointment letter distribution programme, signalling an apparent attempt to contain public scrutiny amid rising outrage.

UP Minister’s defence sparks fresh controversy

The controversy further escalated after Uttar Pradesh Fisheries Minister Sanjay Nishad defended Nitish Kumar, stating that touching the hijab should not be made into an issue. His remarks drew sharp condemnation when he said, “What would have happened if he had touched somewhere else?”—a statement widely criticised as misogynistic and sexually suggestive.

Following backlash, Nishad released a video clarification claiming the Chief Minister’s intention was merely to ensure a clear photograph. He described his language as common rural expression from Purvanchal and denied any intent to insult women or Muslims, though he later said he withdrew his words if anyone felt hurt.

FIRs filed, political condemnation mounts

Police complaints have since been filed in Lucknow and Hyderabad, according to ANI and The Hindustan Gazette. Samajwadi Party spokesperson Sumaiya Rana, daughter of poet Munawwar Rana, lodged an FIR against both Nitish Kumar and Sanjay Nishad, calling the incident and the subsequent remarks a dangerous precedent. “This is harassment by someone holding a constitutional post,” Rana said, adding that such conduct emboldens others in positions of power.

SP MP Ikra Hasan condemned the act, stating that pulling a woman’s clothing or hijab is “wrong and dangerous” and sends a deeply disturbing message to society. “This is not about religion. Making a woman uncomfortable by touching her clothing is harassment,” she said.

According to the report of India Today, Congress demanded Nitish Kumar’s resignation, while the Rashtriya Janata Dal mocked the Chief Minister on social media, questioning his mental state and ideological shift.

Omar Abdullah: ‘Public humiliation cannot be justified’

Jammu and Kashmir Chief Minister Omar Abdullah strongly criticised Nitish Kumar, calling the incident “unacceptable” and reflective of a regressive mindset. Speaking to reporters in Srinagar, he said such actions echoed earlier instances of public humiliation of Muslim women.

“If the Chief Minister did not wish to hand over the appointment letter, he could have stepped aside. But humiliating a woman in public is completely wrong,” Omar said, as reported by Greater Kashmir, adding that the incident has exposed the erosion of the secular image Nitish Kumar once projected.

Women’s groups cite constitutional violations

Women’s rights groups and Muslim organisations have strongly condemned the incident. The National Federation of Girl Islamic Organisation (GIO) described the act as a “blatant violation of personal dignity and religious freedom,” demanding a public apology from the Chief Minister.

Hyderabad-based women’s rights activist Khalida Praveen, who filed a complaint against Kumar, stated that forcibly removing a Muslim woman’s veil violates Article 21 (right to dignity and privacy) and Article 25 (freedom of religion) of the Constitution, besides constituting an offence under criminal law.

Why the act raises criminal liability, not just political questions

It must be stressed that the Chief Minister’s conduct cannot be reduced to a moment of poor judgment or political controversy alone. The non-consensual act of physically pulling down a woman’s hijab in public, particularly by a person in authority, may attract criminal liability under laws meant to protect a woman’s dignity and bodily autonomy.

Under Section 74 of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita, assault or use of criminal force against a woman with intent to outrage, or with knowledge that such act is likely to outrage, her modesty is a punishable offence. Courts have clarified that “modesty” is not limited to sexual intent but includes acts that humiliate, violate privacy, or strip a woman of dignity, especially in public spaces.

The absence of consent and the clear power imbalance between a Chief Minister and a newly appointed woman doctor further aggravate the seriousness of the act. Consent cannot be presumed in a setting where a woman is placed under public scrutiny by the State itself, and visible discomfort, as captured on video, strengthens the argument that the act was inherently humiliating and foreseeable in its impact.

Beyond criminal law, the incident also implicates constitutional protections under Article 21, which guarantees dignity, privacy, and personal autonomy, and Article 25, which protects the freedom to practise religion. Legal complaints filed in multiple states argue that forcibly removing a Muslim woman’s hijab amounts to both gendered humiliation and interference with religious expression, making the incident not merely inappropriate—but potentially unlawful.

A chilling message from a constitutional office

As Dr Nusrat Parveen contemplates abandoning a government career she earned on merit, the incident has triggered a wider national debate on power, consent, gender, and religious freedom in state-controlled spaces.

What occurred on a public stage was not merely an individual lapse, but a reminder of how women—particularly from minority communities—remain vulnerable to humiliation even within the framework of the State itself.

Related:

Street Pressure, State Power, and the Criminalisation of Choice: How Hindutva groups are pushing Maharashtra’s anti-conversion law

Resignation in Protest: MP woman judge quits over elevation of senior she accused of harassment and discrimination

Extremists assaulted Muslim woman; hijab stripped of in broad daylight in Bengaluru and Muzaffarnagar

Three incidents of violence against Dalits since March 26, two against minors, one against elderly woman

The post When Power Forgets Consent: How a public act by the Bihar Chief Minister derailed a doctor’s career appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The post What Indian Cities Owe to Islam appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The region’s Muslim community has historically contributed richly to India’s culture, politics, and intellectual life, but remains educationally and socially disadvantaged in contemporary times. Their contributions to education in Uttar Pradesh stretch back centuries. During the Delhi Sultanate and Mughal period, UP’s cities like Lucknow, Agra, and Fatehpur Sikri emerged as centers of Persian scholarship, Islamic jurisprudence, and cultural refinement. Later, in the nineteenth century, reformers responded to the colonial encounter in distinct ways.

One of the most influential responses was led by Sir Syed Ahmed Khan, whose Aligarh Movement recognized the urgency of reconciling tradition with modernity and championed Western-style modern education as the path to progress, establishing the Muhammadan Anglo-Oriental College in 1875 (later Aligarh Muslim University, AMU). This institution created a generation of lawyers, administrators, and professionals who shaped Indian politics and society both within India and abroad. The institution symbolised a community deeply engaged in self-reflection and reform.

The Sachar Committee Report (2006) was a watershed in documenting Muslim marginalization in India. For Uttar Pradesh, the findings were stark: Muslims had lower literacy rates, higher school dropout rates, and weaker access to higher education than even Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes in some cases. Subsequent surveys (NSS 2017–18) confirm that progress has been uneven. The literacy gap between Muslims and the state average remains significant, and Muslim representation in higher education institutions—particularly in technical and professional courses—remains disproportionately low.

The major question remains unanswered: what drives this persistent backwardness?

Poverty and economic marginalisation are considered the prime reasons. Muslim-dominated districts like Rampur, Moradabad, Bijnor, and Azamgarh often rank poorly on human development indicators. Families struggling to survive cannot (always) prioritize education. For some families, mainstream schooling appears costly and uncertain in its returns; they prioritise earning over learning. Moreover, many Muslim-majority localities lack sufficient government schools, especially for girls. Travel distance, poor-quality teaching, and inadequate facilities exacerbate dropout rates may also be deemed a factor. Subtle biases in schools and colleges also discourage Muslim children, reinforcing feelings of exclusion. This crisis is not merely statistical; it perpetuates a cycle where Muslims remain concentrated in low-income, informal-sector jobs, with little upward mobility.

Uttar Pradesh has over 16,000 registered madrasas, with numerous unregistered ones. These institutions, while essential in preserving Islamic learning and identity, face critiques. Most madrasas follow a traditional curriculum focused on theology, Arabic, and jurisprudence, with limited integration of science, mathematics, or social sciences. Graduates often find few opportunities outside religious vocations. They need to be upgraded and integrated with modern educational curricula to provide sustainable livelihoods for graduates.

Attempts at madrasa modernization—introducing computer labs, English, and vocational training—have met with mixed success. Some clerics fear dilution of religious content, while bureaucratic inefficiencies hinder consistent reform. Yet, abandoning madrasas is neither realistic nor desirable. They serve millions of the poorest children. The challenge is to integrate them with mainstream education without undermining their religious mission. For example, partnerships with state universities, digital learning modules, and parallel certification could open new doors for madrasa graduates.

If education is the most powerful tool for social reform, women’s education is doubly so. In UP’s Muslim community, gender gaps in literacy and school completion are among the widest. Social norms, early marriage, and safety concerns often restrict girls’ education, especially beyond primary school. Women’s empowerment must be at the heart of reform. A single educated mother can transform the trajectory of her entire family. Scholarships, hostels, safe transportation, and female teachers in rural schools are concrete measures that can make a transformative difference.

Education cannot succeed in isolation; it must be linked with economic empowerment and social reform. In UP, where Muslims dominate certain artisanal trades—like weaving, brass work, and handicrafts—the decline of traditional industries due to globalization has deepened economic vulnerability. To break the cycle, vocational training should be embedded within schools to prepare students for modern markets. Digital skills and entrepreneurship can help Muslim youth participate in India’s growing service economy. Microfinance and start-up support in Muslim-majority districts can create employment opportunities, reducing dependence on informal work. Without such economic linkages, education risks being a dead end—producing degrees without jobs.

Since the Sachar Committee, several schemes have targeted Muslim educational uplift: scholarships, free coaching for competitive exams, and skill-development programs. Yet implementation has been patchy in UP. Awareness about schemes is low in rural Muslim communities. Bureaucratic hurdles and political polarization often dilute impact. Too often, focus remains on token measures rather than systemic reform of schools in Muslim-majority areas.

The post-Sachar period illustrates a broader problem: policy intent without political will. Unless the UP government adopts a non-partisan, long-term vision for minority education, interventions will remain fragmented. While state responsibility is paramount, community leadership cannot be ignored. Historically, Muslim reformers—from Sir Syed Ahmed Khan to Maulana Abul Kalam Azad—understood that renewal required both government support and internal reform. Today, Muslim civil society in UP must prioritise education over identity politics in community mobilization, establish local education trusts and scholarship funds, encourage parents to enroll children in quality schools rather than settling for minimal literacy, promote a culture of reading, critical thinking, and gender equality at the family level.

The recently launched “40 Under 40” Muslim leadership initiative by the All India Muslim Development Council (AIMDC) is a positive step in grooming young leaders in law, medicine, entrepreneurship, and academia who can serve as role models. But such leadership must trickle down to village schools and mohalla committees.

Institutions like AMU, Darul Uloom Deoband, and Nadwa continue to symbolise Muslim intellectual life in UP. Yet they must ask: are they adequately serving the wider community? AMU has expanded with outreach centers, but it remains prestige-focused and geographically concentrated. It should invest more in community schools, digital platforms, and partnerships with state education boards. Deoband and Nadwa must revisit their curricula to balance religious and modern education. Global Islamic universities (e.g., in Iran, Malaysia, and Egypt) have achieved such blends more successfully. These institutions must move beyond being islands of excellence toward engines of mass uplift.

Three pathways are crucial for meaningful change in UP’s Muslim educational and social landscape:

Integration and Innovation in Education:

Merge religious and modern curricula. Use technology (EdTech platforms, mobile learning) to overcome infrastructure deficits. Introduce compulsory vocational and digital literacy in high schools.

Gender-Centered Development:

Scholarships, safe schools, and mentorship programs for Muslim girls. Role models and visibility of educated Muslim women in public life.

Community-Led Social Reform:

Campaigns against early marriage and child labour. Encouragement of critical inquiry, interfaith dialogue, and pluralism as part of Ganga-Jamuni tehzeeb (the syncretic culture of UP).

The challenges of Muslim education and social reform in Uttar Pradesh are undeniable: low literacy, poverty, inadequate access to higher education, and gender disparities. Yet these challenges are not insurmountable. History demonstrates the resilience and creativity of UP’s Muslim community—from the grandeur of Mughal institutions to the reformist zeal of Aligarh, Deoband, and Nadwa.

Today, the task is to translate that legacy into universal empowerment. This requires a synergy of state policy, community initiative, and institutional reform. Without it, Muslims in UP risk being trapped in a cycle of marginalisation. With it, they can reclaim their place as full partners in India’s democratic and developmental journey. Education is not just a pathway to jobs; it is a vehicle for dignity, equality, and citizenship. For UP’s Muslims, it is the cornerstone of social reform—and the promise of a brighter future.

(The author is a student of Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi)

The post Muslim Education in Uttar Pradesh: Pathways to Inclusion and Reform appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The effect of this orchestrated online hate campaign is multi-faceted and deeply damaging. Socially, it fosters an environment of fear and distrust, further polarising communities and entrenching existing prejudices. The constant barrage of hateful content online normalises discrimination and can incite real-world violence and ostracisation. This digital propaganda effectively weaponises social media, turning it into a platform for disseminating prejudice and enacting a form of collective punishment due to stereotypes.

In Dombivli, protesters called for economic boycott of Muslim vendors

While a protest was organised in Dombivli city of Thane district ostensibly to condemn the Pahalgam terror attack, disturbing elements within the gathering have surfaced, raising serious concerns about the underlying motivations and potential for communal incitement. A video from the event reveals a man addressing the assembled crowd, and instead of solely focusing on denouncing terrorism, he openly called for the economic boycott of non-Hindus within the area. This inflammatory rhetoric specifically targeted the livelihoods of fruit sellers and local vendors, effectively painting an entire community with the brush of suspicion and demanding their economic marginalisation.

This shift in focus from condemning a specific act of violence to targeting an entire religious demographic for economic strangulation is deeply alarming. It highlights how events intended to express national solidarity and condemnation of terrorism can be hijacked by individuals seeking to propagate divisive agendas and incite discriminatory practices against minority communities, turning grief and anger into tools for economic coercion and social exclusion within the local sphere of Dombivali.

The insidious nature of online hate lies in its ability to spread rapidly and anonymously, leaving a lasting scar on the social fabric and hindering any prospects of reconciliation and understanding.

Nine BJP workers booked for ‘abusing, assaulting’ Muslim hawkers in Dadar

Similarly, Mumbai police have registered a case against nine BJP workers, including Akshata Tendulkar, president of Mahim Assembly, for allegedly abusing and assaulting Muslim hawkers in the Dadar market area, following a complaint filed by hawker Saurabh Mishra. The case is being handled by the Shivaji Park police.

The Indian Express reported that the incident happened on Thursday evening. Tendulkar and his eight associates reached Dadar market area opposite Rangoli store and allegedly asked hawkers if they were Muslims, the complaint read. Mishra added that they assaulted one of the Muslim workers who work under him.

“They asked my worker Sofiyan Shahid Ali his name and then abused and assaulted him. When Ali ran away from the place, they chased him and again assaulted him,” Mishra said

In a separate account, Tendulkar, speaking to a news channel, defended the group’s actions by asserting they were pressing for police intervention against alleged Bangladeshi nationals using forged Indian documents. He claimed that their repeated complaints about illegal immigrants selling produce in the area had been consistently ignored by law enforcement.

“We had requested police to take action against those Bangladeshi nationals who have created fake Indian documents and were selling fruits and vegetables as hawkers. We and local residents were angry over the matter. Local residents were asking us what the BMC and police are doing? On Thursday we had gone on a round to check where all Muslim people works and what (solution) can be done” Tendulkar said, reported the Indian Express.

DCP Zone 5 Ganesh Gawde stated that the Shivaji Park police station has registered a case against the nine accused under sections 189(2), 191(2), 115(2), 351(2), and 352 of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita, as well as sections 37(1) and 135 of the MP Act. He confirmed that the investigation into the matter is currently underway

BJP’s national spokesperson, Shehzad Poonawalla, offered a similar narrative, using the same platform to urge a different kind of boycott. He took to X, stating, “Dear Hindus Jaat ke naam pe batoge, Toh Dharm ke naam pe katoge Telling you this as an Indian Muslim, Jo tumhe jaati me baante – take a pledge to boycott such people forever #PahalgamTerroristAttack.”

Dear Hindus

Jaat ke naam pe batoge
Toh Dharm ke naam pe katoge

Telling you this as an Indian Muslim

Jo tumhe jaati me baante – take a pledge
to boycott such people forever #PahalgamTerroristAttack

— Shehzad Jai Hind (Modi Ka Parivar) (@Shehzad_Ind) April 23, 2025

Muslim worker removed from temple job by right-wing group

In a disturbing manifestation of the heightened communal tensions, a Muslim youth named Shahid reportedly faced the abrupt termination of his employment at a temple. The sole reason cited for his dismissal was his religious identity, with the tragic incident in Pahalgam being used as a pretext. Shahid’s case starkly illustrates the insidious reach of communal prejudice, where an individual’s established work within a place of worship became irrelevant in the face of generalised suspicion directed towards an entire community.

A user while sharing the video of incident, wrote o X that “Hindus are no longer in a mood to tolerate. After #PahalgamTerrorAttack, an economic boycott has begun, removing them from business and labour roles. Finally, Hindus are uniting”

Hindus are no longer in a mood to tolerate. After #PahalgamTerrorAttack, an economic boycott has begun, removing them from business and labour roles.

Finally Hindus are uniting pic.twitter.com/E6CylqrTlj

— Voice of Hindus (@Warlock_Shubh) April 24, 2025

Indore doctor refused to treat a Muslim patient in response to the Pahalgam attack

The ripple effects of the Pahalgam terror attack tragically extended into the realm of healthcare, as evidenced by a deeply concerning incident in Madhya Pradesh’s Indore. Dr. Neha Arora Verma, a medical professional, reportedly refused to treat a Muslim patient, explicitly citing the terror attack as the reason for her denial. The doctor went so far as to share a screenshot of her message, in which she callously informed the Muslim woman, “I’m sorry, we are no longer taking any patients at our centre.”

This act of blatant discrimination, seemingly motivated by collective punishment and prejudice, highlights the dangerous ways in which fear and communal animosity can permeate even essential services like healthcare.

In #MadhyaPradesh‘s #Indore, a doctor refused to treat a #Muslim patient in response to the #PahalgamTerrorAttack.

Dr. Neha Arora Verma shared a screenshot of her message in which she declined to consult a Muslim woman, stating, “I’m sorry, we are no longer taking any patients… pic.twitter.com/H9i2twYiE7

— Hate Detector (@HateDetectors) April 28, 2025

While Dr. Verma subsequently deleted the post, the initial message served as a stark and disturbing illustration of how the aftermath of a terror attack can be shamefully exploited to deny fundamental rights based solely on religious identity, further fracturing the social fabric of the community.

Hate banners surface in Punjabi Bagh calling for economic boycott

Shockingly, hate-filled boycott banners have surfaced in Punjabi Bagh, openly targeting an entire community and inciting economic ostracisation. This blatant display of prejudice, in a public space, sends a chilling message, fostering an atmosphere of fear and distrust. The banners represent more than just isolated incidents; they are a symptom of a larger, more insidious problem.

Adding fuel to the already raging online propaganda advocating for the economic boycott of Muslims in the aftermath of the Pahalgam terror attack, a right-wing organisation identifying as Sanatan Hindu Ekta Vichar Manch amplified this divisive rhetoric on X. Their post explicitly called for a sweeping boycott, urging followers to “Boycott everything from which even one rupee goes to terrorists or has the possibility of going,” before listing a wide array of targets including “Films, Tourism, Hotel business, Street vendors, Shops, Building material, Anything at all.”

हर उस चीज का वहिष्कार करो जिसमें से एक रुपए भी आतंकियों को जाता हो या जाने की संभावना हो
चाहे फिल्म हो
पर्यटन हो
होटल व्यवसाय हो
रेहड़ी पटरी हो
दुकान हो
बिल्डिंग मैटर हो
।
कुछ भी हो #BoycottDotandKey #छलनी_हिंदू_आत्मा#PahalgamTerroristAttack pic.twitter.com/i3HlSaGzNG

— सनातन हिंदू एकता विचार मंच (@SanatnEktaMunch) April 24, 2025

Inflammatory Speech by VHP leader in Alibaug

Chetan Patel, the Raigad district president of the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP), delivered a deeply troubling speech during a gathering in Raigad, Alibaug. In his address, Patel called for the social and economic boycott of Muslims, labelled secular-minded individuals as “worms” who must be crushed, and encouraged the use of violence and public humiliation against those advocating communal harmony. Referring to the situation as a “dharma yudh” (religious war), he invoked dangerous communal imagery, urging Hindus to tighten economic controls and sever ties with minorities. His statements not only vilified an entire community but also encouraged vigilantism and collective punishment, striking at the very foundations of India’s constitutional commitment to secularism and equality.

Following the circulation of the video on social media, several concerned citizens raised complaints against Patel, highlighting the incendiary and divisive nature of his remarks. In response to mounting backlash, Patel issued a video apology, attempting to limit the scope of his comments by claiming they were directed solely at those supporting terrorism and foreign forces. He further stated that his intention was to preserve communal harmony in Alibaug. However, his original speech remains deeply problematic: it normalised hate speech, promoted unlawful actions like economic boycotts and violence, and severely undermined efforts to foster peace and unity. Even the subsequent apology fails to meaningfully address the dangerous consequences of the original call to action, which risked legitimising discrimination and communal violence in an already volatile environment.

Transcript of the violent derogatory speech:

“In Alibaug, the town of ‘dead’ Hindus, to see so many of you gathered, I feel happy. Every time, instead of acting, we sit at home and curse some Salim, Maqdoom, or whoever, blaming them. Don’t blame them. Spot and single out the ‘secular worms’ among us, in our society, in your society — get them, crush them.”

“These are the people who have taken on the mantle (the vakalatnama) and constantly say, “All Muslims are not like this,” and so on. Catch hold of them and ask them: who gave you this vakalatnama? If we want this to end, we must first crush these ‘secular worms’ among us. Single them out. Socially boycott them. If they are making these arguments anywhere, slap them, fling cow dung on them. This has to stop. Until this stops, such incidents will continue happening.”

“Most critically, cut off their economic lifeline. This started during the Nagpur riots. Things in Nagpur are hawa tight (they have been taught a lesson). It has started in Nashik too. I know that in Alibaug squeezing them economically is tougher, but we must try and crush them economically.”

“Every rupee you spend on their business will be used against you. No one was asked over there whether you are Agri, Mali, or of any particular caste. They were simply asked to read the kalma, their pants were stripped, and then they were shot dead. They attacked only Hindus. Make them feel ashamed.”

“From tomorrow itself, when you are purchasing anything, at least practice an economic boycott. (Claps from five or six people.) Ask the names of those you are buying from. Until this starts, every month we will be meeting here for a shradhanjali (condolence meeting).”

“If we want to escape this cycle, economic boycott is the way. Every path has its method — not every person needs to brandish a sword. This should not be announced publicly, but it must sometimes be said. All of you assembled here — spread this message to your neighbours.”

“Purchasers too: look at whom you are buying from. If he is giving it for two rupees less, why can’t you? Start this. Tighten their economic strings. Squeeze them. Start now.”

“Cursing PM Modi or any Prime Minister or Home Minister every morning is not enough. This is a dharma yudh (religious war). Understand the 350-year-old history. Stand united, or else we will be chopped like potatoes and onions!”

“Forget brotherhood and harmony. A person who is not a brother to his own cousin sister, how can he be a brother to you?”

“Be ready for war. Economic boycott is the only way.” (Claps; around 15 onlookers present.)

Transcript of the apology:

“Namaskar. Jai Shri Ram. A video of mine has gone viral on social media. In order to prevent any misuse or misunderstanding, I wish to clarify that my words and opinions were not directed against any patriotic Indian citizen. They were aimed solely at those who, directly or indirectly, support the heinous act that took place in Pahalgam on April 22. My words were against those forces — from Pakistan, Bangladesh, or individuals associated with them — who should not be economically empowered. In my peaceful Alibaug, nothing should happen to disturb political, communal, or inter-religious harmony. It is with this intent that I am issuing this second video statement. If any Indian citizen’s religious sentiments have been hurt by my previous statement, I sincerely apologise. Jai Hind.”

The digital firestorm following the Pahalgam terror attack has tragically ignited real-world flames of discrimination. Online calls for economic boycotts against Muslim businesses, amplified by right-wing groups and reflected in localised protests like the one in Dombivli, have chillingly materialised into tangible acts of prejudice. The assault on Muslim hawkers in Dadar by BJP workers, explicitly targeting their religious identity, and the discriminatory dismissal of a Muslim youth from his temple job, alongside the denial of medical care to a Muslim patient in Indore, paint a grim picture of collective punishment and eroding social trust.

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The post Echoes of Hate: Online anti-Muslim hate spreads against Muslim businesses and workers after Pahalgam attack appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The attack in #Pahalgam was strongly condemned from several mosques across #JammuAndKashmir.

Imams called the killing of tourists inhuman and against the teachings of Islam. They prayed for the victims and demanded justice.#PahalgamTerroristAttack #PahalgamTerrorAttack pic.twitter.com/ktWmnUBxqt

— Hate Detector (@HateDetectors) April 23, 2025

This immediate reaction –news came in by 3 p.m. Tuesday, April 22— of the Muslim community in the Rajouri district in Jammu and Kashmir opening doors of mosques to accommodate the tourists from different parts stranded due to closure of Jammu following the attack.

As immediate humanitarian assistance, the Pahalgam Anantnag Tourist Stand Association President extends support, offering blood and cash assistance to needy tourists.

Pahalgam Anantnag Tourist Stand Association President extends support, offering blood and cash assistance to needy tourists. #PahalgamAttack #TouristSupport #Kashmir #kashmirattack #Pahalgam pic.twitter.com/iL6cv8Zjxo

— Kashmir Outlook (@kashmiroutlook1) April 22, 2025

Locals also held a candlelight vigil late evening Tuesday expressing their anger, distress and condemnation of the senseless killings

Pahalgam Attack: Locals Hold Candlelight March pic.twitter.com/a1yAJB550K

— Kashmir Life (@KashmirLife) April 22, 2025

This is our teaching of Islam unlike you all who always celebrated our misery. Muslim of Pahalgam protesting the terror attack

This is our teaching of Islam unlike you all who always celebrated our misery.
Muslim of Pahalgam protesting. #PahalgamTerrorAttack
pic.twitter.com/EwXNBsWYKa

— Adv Rukhsana Sayed (@Umm_e_meerann) April 22, 2025

Here are more visuals of the people of Pahalgam condemning terror attack.

Kashmiri media

April 23, dawn, and several prominent newspapers in Kashmir on Wednesday printed their front pages black to protest the brutal terrorist attack that left 26 people, mostly tourists, dead in the Pahalgam hill resort the previous day. The striking act of protest by the newspapers, each bearing powerful headlines in white or red, was a powerful public display of solidarity and grief, symbolising the collective sorrow felt by the residents and the media over the inhuman act. Editorials too were unequivocal, read here.

Besides, on April 23, all of the Valley was shut down completely in grief and condemnation. This followed a call by business and travel trade bodies across the Valley that made the announcement within hours of receiving news of the attack. They announced a complete shutdown on Wednesday to condemn the attack. This has been described as one of the deadliest attacks on civilians in recent years, sending shockwaves through the region and sparking national outrage. The shutdown had been jointly called by the Chamber of Commerce and Industries Kashmir (CCIK), Jammu and Kashmir Hoteliers Club (JKHC), All Travel Associations, transporters, restaurant owners, and various civil society organizations.

Indian Muslims, religious and others condemn Pahalgam attack

By Wednesday afternoon, over a dozen religious leaders and other organisations had condemned the attack.

Citizens for Justice and Peace (CJP) and Indian Muslims for Secular Democracy (IMSD) among others have also strongly condemned the heinous terrorist targeting of tourists near Pahalgam in the Kashmir valley, killing 26 innocents and injuring several others on April 22. “We join all fellow Indians in offering our heartfelt condolences to the family and friends of the deceased. And call upon the central and state governments to ensure urgent and adequate compensation for the loss of precious lives and proper treatment of the injured.” The rest of the statement from civil society may be read here.

Syed Sadatullah Husaini, President, Jamaat-e-Islami Hind has strongly condemned the deadly terror attack that took place in Pahalgam, South Kashmir, on Tuesday.” The loss of innocent lives, including foreign tourists, is deeply heart-breaking. My thoughts and prayers are with the victims and their grieving families, his public statement read, adding, “There can be no justification for such a barbaric act. It is completely inhuman and deserves absolute and unequivocal condemnation. Those responsible must be brought to justice and given the harshest punishment.”

I strongly condemn the deadly terror attack that took place in Pahalgam, South Kashmir, on Tuesday. The loss of innocent lives, including foreign tourists, is deeply heartbreaking. My thoughts and prayers are with the victims and their grieving families.

There can be no… pic.twitter.com/lokdbK92gN

— Jamaat-e-Islami Hind (@JIHMarkaz) April 22, 2025

Bengaluru, Karnataka: The Jama Masjid Imam, Maulana Maqsood Iimran Rashadi says, “… This was a cowardly attack. I don’t understand what they (attackers) want to prove by doing such acts. This is Hindustan and we love Hindustan… We strongly condemn this terrorist attack on tourists, and strongly appeal to the government to punish these terrorists in such a way that no other terrorist dares to attack like this. They (terrorists) should be hanged in public… Islam does not allow such acts…”

#WATCHB | #PahalgamTerrorAttack | Bengaluru, Karnataka | Jama Masjid Imam, Maulana Maqsood Iimran Rashadi says, “… This was a cowardly attack. I don’t understand what they (attackers) want to prove by doing such acts. This is Hindustan and we love Hindustan… We strongly… pic.twitter.com/Gpsig3BvwH

— ANI (@ANI) April 23, 2025

“I strongly Condom Pahalgam Terror Attack, said Maulana Sayed Moinuddin Ashraf (Moin Miyan) President All India Sunni Jamiatul Olama.”

We Strongly Condom Pahalgam Terror Attack. Said Maulana Sayed Moinuddin Ashraf (Moin Miyan) President All India Sunni Jamiatul Olama. #maulanasayedmoinuddinashraf #moinemillat #MoinMiyan #allindiasunnijamiatulolama #pehalgam pic.twitter.com/IlpEAsKsEH

— MD RASHID (@MDRASHI08328411) April 23, 2025

Also, the Lucknow Eidgah Imam, Maulana Khalid Rasheed Farangi Mahali said in response to the Pahalgam terror attack, “We condemn in the strongest possible words the terrorist attack in Pahalgam. Today, we have organised a special prayer by students at Darul Uloom Firangi Mahal, Lucknow and Shaheen Academy. We demand that the Indian government ensure that the killers are punished severely. We appeal to the people of Pahalgam to maintain peace and communal harmony.”

#WATCH | Lucknow Eidgah Imam, Maulana Khalid Rasheed Farangi Mahali says, “We condemn in the strongest possible words the terrorist attack in Pahalgam. Today, we have organised a special prayers by students at Darul Uloom Firangi Mahal, Lucknow and Shaheen Academy. We demand… pic.twitter.com/PCSUUWPYIV

— ANI (@ANI) April 23, 2025

Other individual condemnations

The cricketer Mohammed Siraj called for terrorists to be punished without mercy: ‘Yeh kaisi ladai hai…,’ he is reported to have said.

The Ahmadiyya Muslim community, India has also expressed its anguish and “offered its deepest sympathies and heartfelt prayers to the victims and their grieving families. In their statement, they said, “Innocent lives lost to senseless violence is a tragedy for all of humanity. Islam strictly forbids all forms of terrorism and compels Muslims to uphold peace, justice, and the sanctity of life. The Holy Qur’an states: “Whosoever killed a person… it shall be as if he had killed all mankind.” (5:33) We stand united with our fellow citizens in this moment of grief and urge the authorities to bring the perpetrators of this inhumane act swiftly to justice. May India remain a land of peace, compassion, and unity for people of all faiths and backgrounds.

We strongly condemn the cowardly and barbaric terrorist attack in Pahalgam.

The Ahmadiyya Muslim Community, India offers its deepest sympathies and heartfelt prayers to the victims and their grieving families. Innocent lives lost to senseless violence is a tragedy for all of… pic.twitter.com/CNqkSvPklb

— Islam in India (@islaminind) April 22, 2025

Related:

Indian Muslims, others, condemn the heinous massacre of tourists near Pahalgam, Kashmir

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In a statement issues today representatives of these organisations have said,

“We join all fellow Indians in offering our heartfelt condolences to the family and friends of the deceased. And call upon the central and state governments to ensure urgent and adequate compensation for the loss of precious lives and proper treatment of the injured.

“According to some reports, The Resistance Front (TRF), a shadow group of the banned Pakistan-based Lashkar-e-Taiba (LeT) terror group, has claimed responsibility for the strike.

“We hope that the perpetrators are swiftly apprehended, brought to justice and handed severe punishments.

“IMSD, Bebak Collective, BMMA, CSSS and Citizens for Justice and Peace (CJP) have always opposed any targeting of innocent civilians anywhere, irrespective of the cause offered as justification for such savagery.

“The terror attack hits at the heart of the Valley’s tourism centre, Pahalgam, putting a big question mark on claims of “return of normalcy”.

“The latest mass killing raises disturbing questions about the failure of security agencies in ensuring adequate cover in and around Pahalgam, among the obvious targets of terrorist groups.

“We demand a thorough enquiry into such a grievous security lapse, fixing of responsibility and necessary action.

“Meanwhile, in this moment of grief and anguish, we are heartened by the humanity displayed by the average Kashmiri Muslim. On Wednesday (April 23) the entire Valley observed a complete bandh: shopkeepers, traders, transporters. Reports across Kashmir of Mosques opening their doors to assist distraught tourists are pouring in as are reports of open condemnations from the Mosques calling this terror attack an attack on humanity itself.

“Kashmiri newspapers have in their editorials and front pages, editorially and visually conveyed the message that this is a day of mourning for the lives lost. We urge all media, especially the television channels to objectively report the developments and not slide into any provocative coverage

“We call upon all Indians irrespective of religion to emulate the fine example of communal amity displayed by ordinary Kashmiri Muslims.”

Signatories:

Javed Anand, Convenor, IMSD

Hasina Khan, Bebaak Collective

Irfan Engineer, Director, Centre for Study of Society and Secularism (CSSS)

Teesta Setalvad, Citizens for Justice and Peace (CJP)

Zakia Soman, Co-Convenor, Bharatiya Muslim Mahila Andolan (BMMA)

Zeenat Shaukatali, Director General, Wisdom Foundation

Related:

Indians & Kashmiris alike, Muslims strongly condemn Pahalgam terror attack

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The United Waqf Management, Empowerment, Efficiency, and Development (UMEED) Bill 2024, introduced by the ruling BJP-led Union government, has now been referred to the Joint Committee of Parliament (JCP) for further examination. Upon reviewing the draft Bill and observing reactions from the Opposition, media, and academics, it becomes evident that a crucial aspect is missing from the discourse. The responses from Muslim organisations follow a familiar pattern: an outright rejection of reforms deemed as religious matters, coupled with a resistance to any state intervention aimed at reforming these areas. This has been the typical stance on issues like Muslim Personal Law, Muslim University governance, and Waqf administration.

This reaction necessitates an intervention to bring forth a broader perspective.

The scope of the flawed bill

The proposed Bill ostensibly addresses the management and mismanagement of Waqf properties, rather than delving into the theological or historical legitimacy of Waqf as an institution. It seeks to address concerns about the assets held under Waqf, the proceeds they generate, and the persistent corruption within the Waqf administration. However, some Opposition leaders seem to be treating the Waqf Bill in the same way as they have treated other religious matters, such as the Shariat Act of 1937 and the governance of Aligarh Muslim University (AMU).

It is important to clarify that, regardless of the Supreme Court’s upcoming verdict on AMU’s minority status, structural reforms in the governance of AMU will remain unresolved. For instance, the AMU will still have a preponderance (over 80%) of membership of the internal teachers in the Executive Council. In all these cases, there exists a widely held belief within all Muslim communities that the state should not interfere, that no reforms should emerge from within the community, and that these matters are divinely ordained and therefore immutable. This belief perpetuates a sense of Muslim exceptionalism, exclusivity, and isolation from the state.

Both the government and the Opposition appear to be engaging in the usual “vote-bank politics”, addressing their respective constituencies based on identity. This approach has already caused significant harm to India’s Muslim communities, due to the bizarre stance of their own self-serving elites as well as the ruling and intellectual elites of the country. It is crucial for ordinary Muslims to be informed by their theological and secular institutions (such as Deoband, Nadwah, Aligarh Muslim University, Jamia Millia Islamia, and MANU Hyderabad) that Waqf, arguably, does not have explicit Quranic or Shariah mandates. Imam Abu Hanifa (699-767) also didn’t approve of it as an institution indisputably and explicitly sanctioned by Sharia. Waqf-e-Aam and Waqf-e-Aulad (types of Waqf) are often more about circumventing Quranic inheritance rules and preventing division among heirs than about altruism and charity and public welfare. They are not divinely ordained.

The historical context of Waqf

In the latter half of the 19th century, Waqf in India became a means to fund identity politics and secure representation in colonial governance institutions. Gregory Kozlowski’s 1985 book, Muslim Endowments and Society in British India, highlights that most Waqfs in India emerged during this period when the colonial state turned land into a commodity. Sir Syed Ahmad Khan (1817-1898), a visionary pragmatist, was aware of both the British Indian judges’ concerns about Waqf-e-Aulad (Waqf for descendants) and the self-interests of the Muslim landed aristocracy. British judges rightly saw Waqf-e-Aulad as circumvention of Quranic inheritance laws and in their judgments invalidated many of these Waqfs, as they lacked charitable elements. This is why they kept invalidating such Awqaf, annoying the Muslim landed elites turning into Waqifs.

Sir Syed therefore, proposed a middle path. In 1879 –as member of the Viceroy’s Legislative council– he introduced a draft bill advocating that Waqf properties be used also for more meaningful and tangible charitable purposes such as education, healthcare, and social welfare, not just for mosques and madrasas. He argued that if managed properly, Waqf could be a powerful tool for social change and community development, brings out Prof. Shafey Kidwai’s column (India Today, August 13, 2024). Sir Syed’s proposal was also published in 1877 in his periodical Tehzibul Akhlaq, with the title, ‘A Proposal for Salvaging Muslim Families from Extinction and Destruction’. This was vehemently opposed by orthodox Muslims who saw the insistence on charity and public welfare as an innovation (bidat). As a result, Sir Syed succumbing to the conservatives and orthodoxy withdrew the bill.

In contrast, Muhammad Ali Jinnah, the cunning politician, by the second decade of the 19th century, jumped in to protect the interests of the Muslim landed elites who needed the Waqf Validation Act of 1913. This act, supported by the colonial state, aimed to safeguard the landed assets of these elites, who were seen as potential allies against the growing anti-colonial movement. The Swadeshi Movement, which opposed the religious-communal partition of Bengal, had forced the colonial state to annul the (Bengal) partition in 1911-192, necessitating a political arrangement to secure Muslim support.

Such a political arrangement to safeguard the monopoly on landed assets is equally true for the Mahanths and their Mutths .Unfortunately this institution of Mahanths and Maths remains under-explored by the historians of peasant and agrarian relations. Prakash Jha’s film Mrityudand (1997) attempts to depict some of the degenerative aspects of the institution of Mahanth, but it eventually turned more into a melodramatic movie.

The BJP has got no intent of introducing a similar Bill to reform this Hindu institution of Mahanths’ Muths? This is therefore an additional reason why Muslim communities look upon the proposed Bill with alarming concern, as it creates an impression of targeting only Muslims with discriminatory treatment. One more apprehension is, turning the Bill into a tool to harass Muslims by local majoritarian forces and outfits in those smaller villages and mohallas where written deeds of a Waqf and mosques aren’t available.

The nature of Waqf: Neither divine nor immutable

Waqf is not the exact equivalent of charitable endowments in the “Christian” West. In many cases, as said earlier, it is a means of circumventing Quranic inheritance regulations. Just as the community’s elites have misled others into believing that Shariat is divinely ordained, Waqf has also been portrayed as an immutable, divinely sanctioned institution. This deception needs to be exposed for the greater common good.

Moreover, the looting and encroachment of Waqf assets have been a recurring issue across the Islamic world since the 7th century AD. This mismanagement occurred with the earliest prominent Waqfs, such as Khyber and Sawad (Iraq) during Caliph Umar’s time, and the Rumlah (Palestine) Waqf established in 912 AD by a person named Faíq (which has earliest surviving written record-stone inscription). All three “earliest” Waqf estates have since become non-existent, as their assets were looted by military and other elites!

Waqf mismanagement and loot

The looting of Waqf assets is almost as old as the institution itself. In India, there is a consensus that Waqf properties suffer from gross mismanagement and looting. Despite numerous legislations, the loot continues unabated. The existing laws, therefore, require a thorough re-examination. Unfortunately, neither the ruling party nor the Opposition has highlighted this consensus in the Lok Sabha, in media, or in academic debates. The near silence of academics from institutions like AMU and JMI on this matter is particularly notable.

The “Muslim-friendly” “secular” Opposition refrains from addressing Waqf loot because doing so would justify the need for the Bill. This also explains why their interventions in the Lok Sabha are superficial and merely rhetorical. The Opposition cannot afford to state frankly that Waqf is not divine and requires human intervention for reform in order to prevent its loot and redirect it for the welfare and empowerment of the Muslim communities.

Academics, theologians and other knowledge elites have been shallow in their interventions. They have not voiced the concerns and apprehensions they discuss privately about the implications of the proposed Bill. The Muslim community needs to see through this politics, not only of the politicians but also of their own knowledge elites. Why aren’t these academics helping legislators and the community understand the issue in a holistic manner?

The real threat posed by the Bill is to the elites within the Muslim community. The proposed Bill challenges the exclusive Muslim representation in Waqf Boards as mandated by Section/clause 14 of the Waqf Act of 1995. This section, which deals with the social composition of Board Executives, is being questioned in the new Bill. The provision for Muslim-exclusive privileges in Waqf representation is being removed, which is a significant point of concern, alarm and contention. Another alarming concern is the proposal to do away with the enabling provisions enshrined in section 40 of the Waqf Act, 1995. It gives powers to the Board to acquire, issue notices or hold an enquiry into the ownership of the property that it has reasons to believe belongs to the Waqf.

Proposed reforms

While the proposed Bill has its deep flaws, the lack of detailed articulation by its opponents hinders constructive debate. Historically, state intervention has sometimes yielded positive results, as seen in the Mohsin Waqf of Hooghly, where the British colonial state established the Mohsin Hooghly College in 1836, going beyond the original terms of the original Waqf. The Waqf Bill of 2024 should explicitly incorporate such progressive steps. Parliament should legislate to ensure Waqf Boards take similar rewarding actions.

Muslim communities must abandon their collective hypocrisy. For instance, the practices, such as Instant Triple Talaq (ITT), are un-Quranic yet they stubbornly refuse to reform themselves as much as they resist the state intervention. Despite, Ali Miyan Nadvi’s assurance to the then Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi, the AIMPLB refuses to provide for maintenance to divorced Muslim women. They keep opposing the Supreme Court verdicts in this regard.  Likewise, adoption of a child is not prohibited by Quran (it only prohibits concealing the biological paternity of the child adopted) and custody is absolutely valid as was the case with Zayd the adopted son of the Prophet Muhammad, yet, the All India Muslim Personal Law Board (AIMPLB) refuses to reform it. Their stubbornness is immensely supported by most of the academics of the modern institutions such as the AMU and JMI. Political leaders like Akhilesh Yadav, Asaduddin Owaisi, and the All India Muslim Personal Law Board (AIMPLB) must take a clear stand on this issue.

Some Tentative Recommendations for the Waqf Bill 2024

1. Creation of a Waqf Tribunal: Establish a tribunal consisting of judges of the rank of High Court judges as the exclusive body for resolving Waqf cases, with the Supreme Court as the appellate authority.
2. Enhanced Land Survey: A Land Survey Commissioner should be comprised of at least three officers in each Board.
3. Mandatory Gender and Caste Representation: The Waqf Board’s composition should be diversified and this should be made mandatory (with Muslims of all castes and women as members).
4. Digital Transparency: Waqf assets, deeds, and real estate records should be digitized and made publicly accessible online for transparency and vigilance.
5. Promotion of Charitable Activities: The Bill should mandate that Waqf properties be used aggressively for establishing modern educational and research institutions, especially quality residential schools under Article 30 of the Constitution.
6. Strict Penalties for Mismanagement: Penalties for those who grab, usurp or mismanage Waqf properties should not be diluted. Rigorous imprisonment should be enforced.
7. Memorialization of Waqf Creators: Waqf creators (Waqif) should be remembered in a befitting manner, be honored, and their deeds digitized and made publicly available.
8. Defined Roles for Mutawallis: The roles of Mutawallis (Waqf administrators) should be clearly defined, with fixed tenures of 3-5 years. Eligibility criteria should be established for their appointment.
9. Accountability Mechanisms: A robust check and balance mechanism should be implemented for both Mutawallis and Waqf Boards.
10. Mandatory annual auditing, and the income of the Waqf Boards should be made available for public vigilance.

Hope, the stakeholders would listen to the above words!

(The author is a Professor of History, Aligarh Muslim University)

The post The Waqf Bill 2024: An Open Letter to the Joint Committee of Parliament, the Opposition, and India’s Muslim Communities appeared first on SabrangIndia.

1. The Quranic Concept of Justice (ʿAdl)

The Quran repeatedly emphasizes the importance of justice (ʿadl) as a fundamental virtue in Islam (Q.4:135, 5:8). The Quranic notion of justice extends beyond divine law (Sharia) to include human rights, social equality, and individual freedoms (Q.5:32, 17:70). The Quran warns against favouritism (Q.4:58) and emphasizes the protection of marginalized groups (Q.4:75). Secular democracy, with its emphasis on the rule of law, equality before the law, and the separation of powers, is better equipped to ensure justice in this comprehensive sense.

2. Human Freedom and Agency (Ikhtiyar)

The Quran emphasizes human freedom and agency (Q.18:29, 76:3), affirming that “no soul is burdened with more than it can bear” (Q.2:286). The Quran’s statement that “there is no compulsion in religion” (Q.2:256) reinforces the principle of voluntary belief. Secular democracy protects individual liberties and allows citizens to make choices about their own lives, in alignment with this Quranic recognition of human agency.

3. Rational Inquiry and Critical Thinking (Ijtihad)

The Quran encourages rational inquiry and critical thinking (ijtihad), urging believers to reflect on creation and investigate truth (Q.38:29, 49:6). Theocratic systems often suppress critical inquiry in favour of dogmatic adherence to religious authority. Secular democracy, with its protection of intellectual freedom and public debate, fosters the Quranic principle of reflection and investigation.

4. Separation of Powers and Prevention of Tyranny

The Quran warns against the concentration of power and the dangers of tyranny (Q.27:34). The principle of shura (mutual consultation, Q.42:38) emphasizes collective decision-making and power-sharing, essential to democratic governance. Secular democracy’s system of checks and balances is a safeguard against authoritarianism and power abuse.

5. Freedom of Religion and Conscience

The Quran unequivocally upholds religious freedom, stating “There is no compulsion in religion” (Q.2:256) and acknowledging belief and disbelief as part of human nature (Q.10:99, Q.109:6). Secular democracy, by protecting religious expression without privileging any faith, aligns closely with this Quranic vision.

6. Accountability and Moral Responsibility

The Quran emphasizes individual moral accountability (Q.6:164) and asserts that no individual can bear the burden of another’s sins (Q.17:15). Secular democracy allows individuals to exercise their moral agency freely, reflecting this Quranic principle of personal responsibility.

7. Pluralism and Social Diversity

The Quran affirms diversity as part of divine wisdom (Q.49:13) and acknowledges that God “could have made you one community” but created diversity as a test in righteousness (Q.5:48). This aligns with secular democracy’s principles of protecting minority rights and promoting inclusivity.

8. Moral and Ethical Guidance in Politics

The Quran provides a moral framework for leadership, prioritizing justice, compassion, and the protection of the vulnerable (Q.4:58, 6:165, 28:5). Secular democracy, with its emphasis on ethical leadership, reflects these Quranic values without imposing religious dogma.

9. Historical Context and Flexibility

The Quranic verses addressing governance emerged in specific historical contexts, underscoring the Quran’s adaptability to changing circumstances. The Quran encourages ijtihad (intellectual exertion) to develop context-specific solutions rooted in justice and fairness (Q.5:8, 42:38). Secular democracy’s flexibility aligns with this Quranic adaptability.

10. Critique of Authoritarianism

The Quran critiques oppressive rulers and warns against those who “divide their people into factions” (Q.28:4) and “spread corruption in the land” (Q.5:33). Secular democracy’s mechanisms for accountability and transparency provide a stronger safeguard against tyranny than theocratic systems.

11. The Real Purpose of Quranic Revelation

The Quran’s guidance encompasses social relationships, economic dealings, and personal conduct, emphasizing justice, equality, and compassion (Q.4:58, 5:8, 16:90). These values are best realized in a secular democratic system that ensures individual freedoms and impartial governance.

12. Denial of Coercion as an Ought

The Quran asserts that “there is no compulsion in religion” (Q.2:256) and emphasizes human agency and free will (Q.67:2). Enforcing Sharia law compels individuals to adhere to prescribed rules, undermining the Quranic purpose of human existence as a test of free will. Secular democracy provides a framework that upholds religious freedom and individual autonomy.

Fulfilling the Quran’s Promise

The Quranic principles of consultation, justice, freedom of religion, protection of minorities, and the separation of religious and political authority provide a strong foundation for a secular polity. By promoting inclusivity, accountability, and individual agency, the Quran aligns with the core values of secularism. Secular democracy amplifies the Quranic vision of a just and equitable society, ensuring governance guided by ethical principles rather than sectarian interests. Embracing secularism allows Muslims to honour the Quran’s timeless message and contribute to a world where justice, compassion, and individual freedoms prevail.

(V.A. Mohamad Ashrof is an independent Indian scholar specializing in Islamic humanism. With a deep commitment to advancing Quranic hermeneutics that prioritize human well-being, peace, and progress, his work aims to foster a just society, encourage critical thinking, and promote inclusive discourse and peaceful coexistence. He is dedicated to creating pathways for meaningful social change and intellectual growth through his scholarship. He can be reached at vamashrof@gmail.com)

Courtesy: New Age Islam

The post Why Quranic Principles Advocate Secular Democracy Over Theocracy? Part 1 appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The agitated Muslim community, which is at the receiving end of the state government’s ire as well as the Hindutva brigade led by the Sangh Parivar, staged a protest on March 4, 2025, in front of the office of the Dehradun District Magistrate, terming the administrative action as “draconian, undemocratic and unconstitutional.” The protest was led by the local unit of the Jammiat-Ulema-E Hind and Muslim Sewa Sangathan. The protesters courted arrest and were later let off by the police from police lines.

On instructions from Chief Minister Dhami, the state administration started action against ‘Madrassas’ and sealed five of them and giving notices to six others in village Dhakrani and Nawabgarh in Vikasnagar tehsil of Dehradun district and in Dehradun city as well. A mosque at Dhakrani has also been sealed off.

A team of local civil administration, Mussoorie Dehradun Development Authority (MDDA) and State Madrassa Board led by Sub-Divisional Magistrate (SDM) Vinod Kumar, had been raiding ‘Madrassas’ in Vikasnagar tehsil since March 1, 2025 leading to resentment amongst minority community.

The action comes in the backdrop of Chief Minister Dhami threatening action against Madrassas which, he claimed, were “running illegally”. Vinod Kumar, SDM, Vikasnagar, told the media that action had been taken against those Madrassas that were not registered with the state Madrassa Board or built without getting the map passed from the competent authorities.

Nayeem Quraishy, president, Muslim Sewa Sangathan, told reporters that the action by the administration was “unwarranted and without any prior notice”.

A memorandum addressed to the District Magistrate stated that the administrative action was a clear violation of guarantees provided under Article 29 and 30 of the Constitution for professing, propagating and teaching of religious studies.

Quraishy further said that the administration’s assertion of to seal the Madrassas not affiliated with Uttarakhand Madrassa Board was unlawful.

“These Madrassas are being run under the Societies Registration Act and Trusts and do not require affiliation with a government-managed institution. Interestingly, no legal order has been given for such sealing. The civil administration is passing the buck to MDDA, and we will start a protest against MDDA on Wednesday,” said Quraishy.

The recent onslaught on Madrassas is not new as since the advent of the BJP government in 2017,  there have been continuous attacks on Muslim and their institutions throughout the state. Chief Minister Dhami has himself spearheaded a campaign against the so-called ‘Love Jehad’, ‘Land Jehad’, ‘Mazar Jehad’ and ‘Thook Jehad’ since 2021.

The action against Madrassas was preceded by several anti-Muslim threats. Last week, Hindu Rakshak Dal, a Hindu outfit, suddenly announced to publicly recite the Hanuman Chalisa in front of the Dehradun Jama Masjid as they claimed that a two-minute Azaan (call to prayers) from the mosque was “disturbing” the general public.  The Hindu group was stopped by the police from approaching the mosque, and a case was registered on the complaint of the Muslim Sewa Sangathan, but no one was arrested.

Three weeks ago, on an alleged complaint of eve-teasing, members of an outfit called the Hindu Kali Sena publicly threatened a Muslim living and doing business in Nathuwala, near Doiwala. They allegedly smashed bill boards of Muslim-owned shops giving them an ultimatum to leave the area. A case was registered by the police and none has been arrested. Some out of the 30-odd Muslim families there have reportedly left the area out of fear.

In another case, Muslims of Raiwala, who had been performing Namaz at Prateek Nagar area since 1989, said they were asked by the Naib Tehsildar, Raiwala, to stop the prayers.

Abdul Aziz and Abdul Mazid, both managing the mosque, said they got notices on December 24, 2024, to stop the prayers. In their reply, they informed the SDM, Rishikesh, that Muslims had been holding prayers since 1989 at that place as per their constitutional right. Giving the reference of the Supreme Court judgement in Mohd. Sharif Versus state of UP and others delivered on January 28, 1999, the petitioner stated that stopping them from holding prayers in the mosque violated their fundamental right to pray, but to no avail.

Interestingly, since 2017, there have been a dozen verbal announcements by respective BJP Chief Ministers, including the present incumbent Dhami, of conducting a ‘survey’ of Madarassas.  After conducting such exercises countless times with the help of police and intelligence outfits since 2017, the outcome has not been made public.

The state government has not elaborated the reasons for such a proposed exercise, which has led the Muslim community to believe that the aim is “vilification and targeting” of the minority community.

The writer is a freelancer based in Dehradun, Uttarakhand.

Courtesy: Newsclick

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Citizens for Justice and Peace (CJP), which has long acted as a safeguarding organisation of human rights of the citizens of India, is the lead petitioner in the writ petitions, filed in January 2021, challenging anti–conversion laws of various states such as Uttar Pradesh, Uttarakhand, Madhya Pradesh and Himachal Pradesh. Subsequently in additional petitions, anti-conversion laws of Chattisgarh, Gujarat, Haryana, Jharkhand and Karnataka have also been challenged. The draconian laws have been challenged on various grounds such as for violating right to personal liberty and autonomy, right to freedom of speech and expression, right to privacy, freedom of faith, right against discrimination.

CJP has also explored the illusive concept of “love jihad” which is a sectarian concept and against the principles of pluralism and secularism adopted by India. The petition also challenges the law on the grounds of being anti–women and discriminatory against women, as it takes away the agency of women for making decisions of their own lives.

Content of the legislation

The Rajasthan government recently enacted the Prohibition of Unlawful Conversion of Religion Bill 2024, which aims to stop forced religious conversions and has sparked a lot of debate. Despite the bill’s claimed goal of preventing coerced religious conversion, its harsh provisions—such as 10-year prison sentences and penalties of up to 50,000—raise fundamental questions regarding individual liberties and the possibility of abuse. Critics contend that by targeting particular communities under the pretence of preventing forced conversions, such law not only violates individual liberty but also runs the risk of widening communal disparities. The Bill is available on the website of the Rajasthan Legislative Assembly.

Important Provisions

According to the Bill, religious conversion by compulsion, force, allurement, or deception is primarily considered prohibited. Allurements may include money, material rewards, employment, free education, etc.

As per the Bill, the individual who “caused” the conversion have the duty of proving that the religious conversion was not achieved by fraud, coercion, undue influence, allurement, or any other fraudulent means or methods.

The assumption of innocence principle, which often applies to the accused in a criminal proceeding, is being reversed here.

The offences covered by this Bill are classified as cognisable and non-bailable, which means that the accused may be arrested without a warrant and that obtaining bail may be difficult. Concerns regarding the possibility of misuse and the violation of individual liberties are raised by this classification.

The draft suggests harsh punishments for illegal conversions, such as fines of up to ₹50,000 and jail time of one to ten years. In particular, converting women, children, or members of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes can lead to a fine of ₹25,000 and two to ten years in prison. The penalty rises to three to ten years of imprisonment and a fine of ₹50,000 for mass conversions. Repeat offenders would be punished no more than twice the legal penalty for each additional offence. Concerns regarding possible abuse and the targeting of particular communities have been raised due to such severe penalties.

The Bill also includes “conversion by solemnisation of marriage or relationship in the nature of marriage,” in its list of offences.

The Bill states that “Any marriage done for sole purpose of unlawful conversion or vice-versa by the man of one religion with the woman of another religion, either by converting himself/herself before or after marriage, or by converting the woman before or after marriage, shall be declared void by the Family Court or where Family Court is not established, the Court having jurisdiction to try such case on a petition presented by either party.”

As per the Bill, blood relatives have the power to lodge an FIR in a suspected case. It says that, “Any aggrieved person, his/her parents, brother, sister, or any other person who is related to him/her by blood, marriage or adoption may lodge a FIR”.

Authorities are shielded from prosecution or other legal actions for any actions conducted in accordance with the proposed law by Section 13 of the Bill, which is titled “Protection of action taken in good faith.”

The Bill states that “No suit, prosecution, or other legal proceedings shall lie against any authority or officer for anything done in good faith or intended to be done, or purported to be done, or omitted to be done in pursuance of this Act, or any rule or order made thereunder.”

There have been various instances in recent years where members of disadvantaged communities have been wrongfully accused of converting individuals and then acquitted by the courts.

While the Bill protects government officials from potential legal action, it does little to stop instances in which innocent people are targeted after being falsely accused of illegal conversion.

Voluntary conversions

The Bill provides an exhaustive procedure to be followed by individuals who wish to voluntarily convert to another religion.

Individuals who wish to convert to another religion must apply to the district magistrate (DM) at least 60 days before the conversion; failure to do so can result in a minimum fine of Rs 10,000 and a maximum sentence of three years in prison.

Subsequently, the “convertor,” or the one conducting the conversion ceremony, would notify the DM one month in advance via a designated form; failure to do so would result in a minimum punishment of Rs 25,000 and a maximum penalty of five years in prison.

An officer not below the rank of Additional DM will then “have an inquiry conducted through police with regard to the real intention, purpose, and cause of the proposed religious conversion.”

Within 60 days of conversion, the converted individual must submit a declaration to the DM in the required format. Until the date of confirmation, a copy of the declaration must be posted on the DM’s office notice board.

The convert’s date of birth, permanent or current address, father’s or husband’s name, religion before and after conversion, conversion date and location, and other details will be included in this declaration. In order to prove their identification and validate the information in the statement, the convert must then appear before the DM within 21 days of the declaration being filed.

Requirement of the Bill

According to the Bill’s statement of reason, while the constitution guarantees everyone the fundamental right to profess, practise, or propagate their religion, the freedom of conscience and religion cannot be interpreted as a collective right to proselytise; the right to religious freedom is equally applicable to the person seeking conversion as it is to the person converting.

The statement of reasons says that “However, in the recent past many such examples have come to light where gullible persons have been converted from one religion to another by misrepresentation, force, undue influence, coercion, allurement or by fraudulent means. The law related to right to religious freedom already exists in various States of the country but there was no statute on the said subject in Rajasthan.” It further add that “In view of the above, it was decided to enact a law to provide for prohibition of unlawful conversion from one religion to another by misrepresentation, force, undue influence, coercion, allurement or fraudulent means or by marriage and for matters connected therewith or incidental thereto.”

Ghanshyam Tiwari, a legislator for the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), commended Chief Minister Bhajan Lal Sharma for his “historic decision” to crack down on religious conversions and “love jihad,” a phrase used by right-wing groups to refer to a purported Muslim plot to court Hindu women. The phrase is not recognised by the Union government or courts.

The issue of “love-jihad” and the myth surrounding forced conversions has been discussed in depth in an article published by CJP.

Concerns raised by the Bill

While the Bill proposes to be aimed at preventing forced conversions, various concerns have been raised as the Bill may infringe upon the Fundamental Rights and has a vast potential for misuse.

Article 25 of the Indian Constitution, which protects people’s freedom to openly profess, practise, and propagate their religion, is allegedly violated by the law, according to critics. It is believed that the necessary advance warning and post-conversion statement requirements constitute excessive government meddling in private religious choices.

There are concerns that the bill can be abused to target religious minorities and stifle peaceful religious expression. It has been reported that similar laws have been used in other jurisdictions to harass minority communities while claiming that they are preventing forced conversions.

The requirement that people inform authorities of their intention to convert is seen as a breach of their right to privacy and their freedom. Critics have argued that these clauses might discourage people from exercising their freedom to freely choose and convert to a different religion.

Further, those suspected of unlawful conversion are given the burden of proving their innocence under the bill, which goes against the legal doctrine of “innocent until proven guilty.” This change may result in legal abuse and erroneous convictions.

Authorities that operate “in good faith” under the statute are granted immunity under Section 13 of the bill. Critics contend that the authorities may act without any concerns of consequence because they are protected from legal action, this clause may result in the persecution of innocent people.

Furthermore, the bill gives family courts the authority to deem marriages void if it turns out that they were performed with the intention of committing an illegal conversion. This clause has drawn criticism for presumably violating people’s right to marry and choosing their own religion.

What is the reality of Religious Conversions in India?

While the right–wing government is attempting to introduce legislation governing religious conversions, an important question arises regarding the reality of religious conversions and the threat posed by the same. Is religious conversion a serious issue which requires implementation of a law that could potentially violate fundamental rights, or is it just a Trojan horse being used by the Government to fulfil hidden sinister agendas under the garb of protecting “gullible persons.”

In 2021, the Pew Research Centre released a report titled Religious Composition of India. The Report dealt with the changing religious composition of India and the causes of religious change.

According to the Report, 99% of persons who claim to have been raised as Hindus still identify as such. 97% of those who were raised as Muslims remain Muslims. Additionally, 94% of Indians who grew up as Christians remain Christians. Furthermore, people who change their religions often balance each other out. For instance, of all Indian adults, 0.7% were raised as Hindus but do not identify as such at the moment, while 0.8% were raised outside of the religion but are now Hindu.

Additionally, interfaith marriage is highly uncommon. 99% of married Hindus, 98% of married Muslims, and 95% of married Christians report having a spouse who shares their beliefs, according to the same survey. 92% of Christians and comparable percentages of Muslims and Hindus claim that their spouse was brought up in their present faith.

These findings raise questions about the true intentions of anti-conversion laws and the threat posed by forceful conversions. The false sense of insecurity regarding religion created by right–wing extremists has served merely as a fuel to fan the flames of religious disparities in India.

Conclusion

While the Rajasthan Prohibition of Unlawful Conversion of Religion Bill, 2025, purports to prevent forced conversions, it actually poses the risk of violating the fundamental rights provided in the Constitution of India. The law fosters an atmosphere that is conducive to abuse by giving officials broad immunity, imposing undue procedural limits on voluntary conversions, and transferring the burden of proof to the accused. It exerts state control over individual faith choices rather than defending religious freedom, disproportionately harming interfaith couples and religious minorities.

Furthermore, the narrative of widespread forced conversions is not supported by empirical data, which raises questions about whether such legislation is merely political ploys rather than providing true protection. In other states, similar legislations have already resulted in increased communal divisions, harassment, and false allegations. Laws such as this divert attention and are a means of policing individual liberty rather than tackling actual socio-economic problems. The government must concentrate on establishing legislative protections that forbid coercion without violating individual liberties if the goal is really to uphold individual rights. Otherwise, this law remains yet another step towards eroding India’s secular and pluralistic fabric.

(The legal research team of CJP consists of lawyers and interns; this community resource has been worked on by Yukta Adha)

Related:

CJP plea against anti-conversion laws: SC seeks to know status of cases challenging ‘anti conversion’ laws in HCs

CJP’s Love Jihad Petition: SC issues notice to UP and Uttarakhand

CJP moves SC against “Love Jihad” laws

RightsCast: How India’s anti-conversion Laws are linked to the weaponization of the state administration

Curbing Freedom of Faith: India’s Anti-Conversion laws

“Love Jihad” laws curb individual and collective freedoms

2024: Love Jihad as a socio-political tool: caste, endogamy, and Hindutva’s dominance over gender and social boundaries in India

Rising religious polarisation: Tridents symbolise growing communalism in Rajasthan

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