"Your clothes conceal much of your beauty, but hide not the unbeautiful.
If you are seeking safety and freedom in your garments, you will find a harness and a chain."
-Kahlil Gibran in The Prophet.

But the editors of some family and women’s magazines in Kerala are convinced that clothes are all about morality, freedom and empowerment.

"Your body is not a mass of flesh the beastly-eyed men can watch with lust.Nor a showpiece to attract the men other than your husband. So, wear a purdah while going on the streets," the editorial of the Aaraamam women’s magazine exhorts the Muslim women. "Purdah is a modern dress for moral women," it concludes.

Aaraamam, owned by the Girls Islamic Organisation affiliated to the Kerala chapter of the Jamaat-e-Islami Hind, is published with the editorial support of the Malayalam daily Madhyamam. Like Aaraamam, there are more than 20 such publications, owned by religious groups, which mainly target a female audience.

According to a recent survey conducted by the University of Calicut, 10 such women’s/ family magazines carried 143 reports/features, 23 of them on covers, to promote the purdah after 1992. Aaraamam tops the list with 23 pro-purdah features to its credit. Pudava, a monthly controlled by the Mujahid Girls Movement carried 19 articles while Poonkavanam and Sunni Afkar, owned by two orthodox sects of Sunni Muslims published 10 each.

Two relative newcomers, Mahila Chandrika of the Chandrika group, owned by the Indian Union Muslim League and Thejas, the fortnightly brought out by the extremist National Development Front (NDF), carried three purdah features each over the last three years, the survey reveals. When Sunni Afkar brought out a women’s special annual issue last year, the topic was confined to the clothing of Muslim women. Thirteen out of 18 by-lined articles in the issue were on purdah.

The survey also revealed that the number of Muslim women who were purdah in the five districts of the Malabar region increased from 3.5 per cent in 1990 to 32.5 per cent in 2000. The northernmost and the most backward Kasargode district, where the community-oriented family magazines have the largest readership, tops in the graph.

Purdah House, started 10 years ago in SM Street, Kozhikode’s commercial hub, set the wave in motion. "The sales, though very lack-lustre initially, improved. Gradually we decided to come out with designer-wear burqas," says Rasool Gafoor, a former partner of Purdah House. Gafoor, who today owns the Crescent Group of Companies, manufactures these garments under the brand name Hoorulyn.

Apart from Purdah House, Hoorulyn sells at a number of outlets all over the state and in neighbouring Tamil Nadu and Karnataka. Crescent has its clientele abroad, too. Last year, nearly 15 per cent of its Rs. 5 crore turnover came from exports to the Gulf. Now, more than 20 companies manufacture burqas in Kerala. And all of them get their quota of feature support from these magazines, which had a total circulation of five lakh at the last count.

Two years ago, India Today (Malayalam) on its cover profiled some budding Muslim businesswomen who dared the clergy, preferring the common dress code in public. Losing no time, the family magazines jumped in with replies and rejoinders. Aaraamam even featured a counter-story on its cover, detailing the lives of Muslim women who do small businesses but still observe purdah. Even the secular credentials of India Today and the correspondent who wrote the story were questioned.

Madhyamam, which has emerged as the third largest newspaper in the state with six editions including one from the Gulf, organised two debates on the promotion of purdah, and published more than 50 letters to the editor in its columns defending the spread of the Arabian dress code.

"The editorial support and moral patronage from Muslim publications, especially the Madhyamam group, were of immense help in spreading the message of purdah. Middle class Muslim women, our consumers and their readers form a common target," says Rasool Gafoor, of the Hoorulyn.

In his earlier advertisements, Gafoor had used newspaper pictures of purdah-clad Iranian women leading marches on the streets of Tehran. Women in purdah, driving cars and operating computers, are some of the images the publications project.

Until a few years ago, only the very orthodox Sunni women wore the purdah in Kerala. Its newfound popularity is due partly to the realisation that it is more convenient than other attire. "Many find slipping into a burqa much simpler than the elaborate ritual of draping a sari. Cost is another factor. But the predominant factor is the editorial support given by the women publications and the patronage of community organizations" says MN Karassery, noted writer and progressive critic on Muslim women’s issues.

Among Muslims, people like Karassery interpret the purdah-craze as a deliberate attempt on the part of fundamentalists to divest Muslim women of all progress.

The conversion of the famous writer and poetess Kamala Das alias Madhavi Kutty to Islam three years ago triggered another boom in the burqa market, as publications devoted dozens of features on the celebrity in purdah. It was an almost warlike campaign to attract more and more buyers for new and newer brands of burqas. A number of shops named after ‘Surayya’ sprung up in several towns of Malabar after the famous author embraced Islam. In return, these publications gained a sizeable volume of advertisement support from the burqa makers.

The only way to reach Muslim women is to advertise in these family magazines. "Their editorial support garnered credibility for our ads," says Rasool Gafoor, who spent more than Rs. 25 lakh on advertising last year.

Even mainstream family magazines like Vanitha of Malayala Manorama and Grihalakshmi of the Mathrubhumi group, chipped in by propagating a ‘nice-girls-wear-burqa’ line.

In Kerala, particularly in the Malabar area, purdah is a recent phenomenon. A decade or so earlier, a woman in purdah was a rare sight on the streets of Malabar. Now they can be spotted everywhere – in colleges, markets and super bazaars. Observers are unable to pinpoint one single factor responsible for the rapid spread of the purdah in such a short time. They attribute it to the demolition of the Babri Masjid and the subsequent tendency of community members to become introverted, focussing on a revival of Islam. The high visibility of the RSS-backed revival of Hindu customs and rituals has also had its impact on Muslims.

As more and more women come under the spell of the purdah, the progressive among them view it in a different light. To them the cloak conceals a religious chauvinism that spells danger to Muslim womanhood. "Clerics and orthodox organisations want Muslim women to be confined to their traditional roles in the kitchen and bedroom. The purdah provides an effective weapon to restrict their progress," says VP Suhara, president of Nissah, the Progressive Muslim Women’s Forum. "These publications are run by the same outfits," she adds. 

This article is a part of series on ‘Women and Media’ under the Prem Bhatia Memorial Scholarship 2002-03.

Archived from Communalism Combat, January 2003. Year 9  No, 83, Investigation
 

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“Open the Doors!” is an epigram used by  Christians in this 2000th 
anniversary of the birth of  Jesus Christ (Yesu Krist Jayanti 2000 or YKJ 2000) accompanied by the symbolic gesture of opening the doors of cathedrals and churches to society and the world. 

This symbolises the Christian resolve to be fully open in the new millennium — to sincerely dialogue with all religions, with the sciences and with all peoples in a global endeavour to foster justice, fellowship and peace. However, for Christians in Gujarat, especially those in the southern tribal districts, Christmas and the New Year 2000 have been closed-door affairs as saffron squads held the Christian community hostage while arm–twisting the state BJP–government into acceding to their demands.

A close analysis of the events preceding Christmas week, with the insidious moves and double–speak of the BJP state government, gives cause for alarm.
As a prelude to the Christmas 1998 Christian–bashing and chapel-burning, incendiary pamphlets were distributed in the villages of the Dangs (See Combat, January 1999). This Christmas (1999), too, Janubhai A. Pawar, president of the Hindu Jagran Manch (HJM), master-minded the distribution of provocative pamphlets and called for a Hindu ‘dharma sabha’ precisely on Christmas Day. 

Feigning determination to protect the minority community and to curb violence, the home minister, Haren Pandya, issued a circular banning rallies of any community on the feast days of another community.

Janubhai Pawar was subsequently arrested on December 9 after the Christian community expressed its apprehensions. Surprisingly, with Janubhai’s arrest, about 200 BJP members including all party officers of south Gujarat resigned in protest against the circular and the arrest. Within hours, Pawar was released on bail. 

Janubhai Pawar is the main trouble–maker in the Dangs. The Citizens’ Committee Report on the Dangs published in New Delhi in March 1999 recommended that the HJM be banned from the Dangs since: “The HJM’s sole objective is to instigate people to create trouble on communal lines. It is this organisation that has been responsible for all the incidents in the Dangs. The leader of HJM, Janubhai Pawar, has found his organisation a convenient instrument to exploit, blackmail and terrorise people.

“Obviously he has the backing of the government as is evident from the way he took us to a government office to give his views — when the officials at his very sight stood up to receive him and thereafter waited outside literally in attendance. There are four cases registered against him and having regard to the activities he has been indulging in, he should have been externed from Dangs for the mere asking.” 

Interestingly, in the aftermath of the 1998 mayhem, to diffuse the focus of blame, Janubhai Pawar stoutly denied that the HJM was part of the Sangh Parivar (see Citizen’s Commission Report, p.21). This time, however, the ‘shilanyas’ and the rally were jointly organised by the HJM and the VHP who declared that the government would not ban their programmes as it was they themselves who launched it to power. Pushed against the wall, in a volte–face of its previous stand, the government lifted its ban on rallies with the VHP–HJM’s ‘verbal assurance’ to the home minister that they would call off the Christmas Day rally in exchange for allowing the ‘shilanyas’ at Halmodi on December 22.

The withdrawal of the ban on rallies went against the Union home ministry’s letter sent to the state chief secretary, L.N.S. Mukundan, to impose a restriction on all rallies around Christmas week in the state, particularly in the Dangs, “to pre-empt unfortunate implications on any count.” The home ministry’s letter, signed by special secretary, M. B. Kaushal, also instructed the state government to take legal action against those implicated in last year’s attacks. Ignoring these instructions, the government yielded to the fanatic elements among its ranks, laying bare its malicious intent. Was it necessary to withdraw the circular banning rallies if the Sangh Parivar was serious about not going ahead with theirs? 

When questioned whether the VHP–HJM combine would actually cancel the proposed Christmas rally, VHP joint–secretary, Jaideep Patel, said, “We will disclose our position with regard to the rally only after the successful completion of the shilanyas programme.” This reply betrays the Sangh Parivar’s intentions.

While bargaining with the saffron forces, the home minister rushed to the Dangs in a vain attempt to assuage the fears of the Christian community. There were neither explanations about the government’s plans to curtail anti-Christian atrocities nor any indications of bringing the culprits to book. Pandya merely told the Christian delegation to be patient, promised them security and requested them not to make press statements for it would aggravate the situation. The government also sought to coerce the Christian community into agreeing to the ‘shilanyas’.

Christian leaders refused to sign any statement of agreement for they claimed that it was part of the VHP-HJM’s terror campaign. Furthermore, familiar with the back–bending of the government on various issues, the Christian community doubted the sincerity of the home minister. Many Christian leaders were sure that the government would finally allow the VHP–HJM to have its way. 

Apparently, the BJP government in Gujarat is unconcerned about the plight of the minorities. It only desires that the truth be concealed. 

Contrary to the claims of the VHP-HJM that over 10,000 tribals (‘vanvasis’ in Sangh Parivar terminology) would assemble at Halmodi for the ‘shilanyas’ ceremony on December 22, barely 500 people including government officials and school children were present. Swami Aseemananda of the Waghai–based ‘Vanvasi Kalyan Parishad’ — who devised the forcible ‘shuddikaran’ (ritual purificatory process) at the Unai hot–springs and launched a scathing attack on Christian missionaries before the ‘bhoomi pujan’ at Halmodi — explained that the aim of setting up temples all over the district was to enable ‘vanvasis’ to worship in peace. 

Although the Parivar members were upset by the low turnout at the ceremony, it served as intimidation to the minority community and symbolically demonstrated the power of the Hindutva forces. Admitting that the turnout was low, Rajnikant Rajwadi, BJP MLA from Bardoli, made a significant comment: “The message has been conveyed to the world that we have achieved our objective.” 

Haren Pandya was pleased that the ‘shilanyas’ passed off “peacefully” and S.K. Nanda, secretary in–charge of Dangs, mentioned that the Halmodi ceremony left tribal Christians “quite relaxed.” The fact is that tribal Christians were terrorised and remained indoors.

After the shilanyas, egged on by the weak resolve of the state government, the VHP–HJM publicised plans for the proposed ‘dharma sabha’ on December 25 to be addressed by Jagadguru Shankaracharya of Karvir Pith while the home minister, interviewed by Star TV repeated, “We will leave no stone unturned to maintain law and order.” Parrying questions, he could not explain the government’s compromises and failure to counter the VHP–HJM offensive. 
Meanwhile, the district authorities seemed clueless about the plans of the VHP–HJM and helpless about the government’s arbitrary decisions. 

Simultaneously, as the result of a criminal miscellaneous application filed by Samson C. Christian, secretary, United Christian Association, the Gujarat High Court directed the state government to appoint two observers in the Dangs from December 26 to 28 who would produce a report by December 29.

With tension mounting, on Christmas eve, nearly 750 villages, chapels and institutions of South Gujarat which were identified as sensitive spots, were cordoned off by a huge police force with 55 senior police officers, 15 companies of the SRP and 300 RAF jawans, making it impossible to celebrate Christmas.
Ironically, the YKJ jubilee, to be celebrated with ‘open doors’ passed off behind locked doors and under the shadow of the gun.

No traditional midnight prayer-services and no cultural programmes were possible. A veritable Christmas curfew. “The Hindutva forces have succeeded in instilling fear among us, tribals, who have lived peacefully for decades,” said Motilal Gaikwad, former co–ordinator of the ‘Adivasi Pragati Samiti’. 

He regretted that the Christian community had to call off its Christmas prayers and programmes. “The government wants us to be grateful for preventing violence. That we have lost all our freedom and basic rights is of no consequence to them,” lamented a Christian leader who was strictly warned not to meet the press.

On Christmas day itself, saffron flags adorned the roads at Ahwa. At the Dandkeshwar Mahadev Temple, the Shankaracharya convened a ‘sabha’ of about 500 people and attacked the Christian missionaries. Swami Aseemananda and other VHP–HJM leaders gave vituperative speeches with threats of a backlash if the missionaries continued their activities. The meeting concluded with a decision to hold similar ‘dharma sabhas’ every Christmas.

Two observers of the All India Christian Council, John Dayal, national convenor of the United Christians Forum for Human Rights and national secretary of the All India Catholic Union and Kamal Mitra Chenoy, professor at JNU (Delhi) and leading civil rights’activist, lambasted the government for its ineptitude and connivance. Asserting that the Parivar had violated prohibitory orders and taking exception to the fiery speeches, Chenoy and Dayal added that, “a systematic attempt was being made by the Sangh Parivar to enforce its will and political and social agenda, violating all norms of civil society.” 

The Dangs disappeared from media focus as soon as the Kandahar hijacking hit the headlines. Thus, voices against the Gujarat government’s handling of the situation were few and weak.

Gujarat’s leader of the Opposition, Amarsingh Chaudhary, pointed out that “Christians are being terrorised by militant Hindu organisations” and alleged that “organisations like the VHP, RSS, HJM and Bajrang Dal, supported by the ruling BJP in Gujarat, have been carrying on disruptive activities in a bid to create a rift between tribals and tribal Christians in the state.” 

The saffron brigade has reaped rich dividends through its terror tactics and brow–beating of minorities. The pernicious and persistent peddling of Parivar ideology is backed by a political power–base that surreptitiously supports and sustains it and vice versa. Hence, the phenomenal success of the BJP in Gujarat: three new, tribal–belt victories in last year’s Parliamentary elections (Chhota-udepur, Dahod and Mandvi) and 30 out of 48 municipalities this year.
The Parivar armament also contains an ostensibly innocuous, yet insidious, bill on religious conversion that was introduced in the Gujarat Assembly by BJP MLA Mangubhai Patel, arousing apprehension among minorities in Gujarat. When challenged about its anti–constitutional content, Haren Pandya was quick to remark, “This is not raised by the whole party but by one member.” When questioned whether he would revoke the bill, Pandya was non–committal saying, “We shall see when the bill comes up for discussion!” There is little doubt that the powerful BJP lobby will try its might and mane to pass the bill, thereby trampling upon the minorities’ constitutional, fundamental rights.

New Year 2000 has brought little cheer for Gujarat’s minorities. On January 3, the Keshubhai government lifted the ban on membership of state government employees in the RSS, one of the 30–odd communal organisations on the banned list, which includes the Indian Union Muslim League, the VHP, the Ananda Marg and others. 

The move will have deleterious repercussions, as not only will government officials be permitted to join the RSS, but also all will view RSS membership as sure qualification for getting promotions and prize postings.

Adding fuel to the fire, in the recently–concluded ‘sankalp shibir’ held in Ahmedabad, Keshubhai Patel donned the RSS khaki shorts and white shirt and played generous host to the 30,000 RSS ‘swayamsevaks’ who marched triumphantly through Ahmedabad’s streets, while the RSS leaders boasted of establishing RSS ‘shakhas’ in every village of Gujarat by the year 2005.

While the Union government has been drawing flak for its handling of the hijacking crisis, the RSS chief, Rajendra Singh, termed the compromise as an example of ‘Hindu cowardice’. Immediately, an ominous “Regulation of Public Religious Buildings and Places Bill” was passed in the UP Assembly on the grounds that ISI activities were escalating in masjids and madrassas along the Nepal border. Indeed, the Parivar has capitalised on anything and everything from Kargil to Kandahar. Political analysts predict that the same bill will be passed in Pakistan-bordered Gujarat, too, providing a battering–ram for demolishing Christian places of worship. 

Gujarat has always been a treasured launching pad and testing-ground for the ‘Hindu Rashtra’ programmes. The success is amazing and alarming. L.K. Advani’s ‘rath yatra’, launched from Dwarka, got the Hindutva juggernaut rolling in Gujarat, resulting in the Muslim massacre of 1992 in Surat, the Christian baiting of 1998 in South Gujarat, a debate on conversions, a ‘Christian census’ and a conversion bill in 1999 and the legitimisation of RSS activities at the very dawn of 2000. 

Rural Gujarat needs vidyalayas and bal mandirs rather ‘shilanyas’ and ‘Hanuman mandirs’. Much can be done if everyone seriously opens doors and sets about building bridges for a peaceful and prosperous third millennium. 

Archived from Communalism Combat, January 2000. Year 7  No, 55,  Special Report

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