The second complaint is directed at BJP candidate Satyendra Tiwari, who, during a campaign rally in Garhwa, made derogatory and exclusionary comments targeting the Muslim community. Tiwari’s remarks, which explicitly stated that votes from Muslims should be disregarded, violate key provisions of the RPA and MCC. CJP contends that Tiwari’s rhetoric undermines the principles of universal suffrage, religious inclusivity, and fair elections, posing a serious threat to Jharkhand’s social fabric. The complaint demands immediate action from the Jharkhand Election Commission to address these violations, ensure the fair conduct of elections, and prevent further communal rhetoric from influencing the electorate.

CJP is dedicated to finding and bringing to light instances of Hate Speech, so that the bigots propagating these venomous ideas can be unmasked and brought to justice. To learn more about our campaign against hate speech, please become a member. To support our initiatives, please donate now!

Complaint 1: Madhya Pradesh CM Mohan Yadav for promoting communal divisiveness and electoral misconduct

The complaint filed by CJP highlights inflammatory and communal statements made by Madhya Pradesh’s Chief Minister Mohan Yadav during an election rally in Panki, Ranchi, Jharkhand, on November 8, 2024. CJP states that Yadav’s speech violates both the MCC and the RPA. His comments, which target the Muslim community by labelling them as “Bangladeshi infiltrators” and linking their population growth to threats against Hindu festivals, are seen as divisive and inflammatory. CJP contends that these remarks promote religious polarisation and undermine social harmony, potentially inciting communal violence and fear.

In his speech, CM Yadav claimed that the decline in the Hindu population and the rise of the Muslim population in Jharkhand were the result of the influx of “Bangladeshi infiltrators.” This narrative, according to CJP, wrongly portrays Muslims as outsiders and illegitimate citizens, which creates a divide between religious communities. Additionally, Yadav used the rhetoric of “saving culture” to frame the election as a religious battle, suggesting that Hindu traditions and festivals, such as Diwali and Holi, were under threat. Such language, CJP argues, directly appeals to voters based on their religious identity, violating the MCC’s prohibition on communal appeals during elections.

CJP further asserts that Yadav’s remarks, particularly his invocation of religious symbols and rhetoric like “Jai Shri Ram” and references to Hindu gods, deepen the communal divide and manipulate voters through fear. By associating the Muslim community with threats to Hindu cultural identity, Yadav’s speech is accused of creating an environment of fear and distrust. This, CJP states, shifts the focus away from critical governance issues such as economic development and social welfare, undermining the democratic integrity of the electoral process.

To address these violations, CJP calls for immediate action from the Jharkhand State Election Commission. The complaint urges the Commission to issue a public censure against CM Yadav, prohibit his further participation in Jharkhand’s election campaign, and direct the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) to refrain from using communal rhetoric in their campaigns. CJP also requests the deployment of monitoring teams to ensure compliance with the MCC and prevent further divisive statements that could jeopardise the fairness and peace of the electoral process.

The complaint may be read below.

Complaint 2: BJP candidate Satyendra Tiwari promoting divisive rhetoric and undermining electoral integrity

The complaint filed by CJP against BJP candidate Satyendra Tiwari highlights his communal and inflammatory remarks made during a recent election campaign in Garhwa, which were widely circulated on social media. In the video, Tiwari is heard saying, “If your name is Taslim, I will not take your vote. I am asking for votes from people who worship devi-devta. Even if Taslims and Ahmeds vote, I will get them taken out from the EVM.” These remarks blatantly target the Muslim community, seeking to exclude them from the democratic process based on their religious identity. Such rhetoric directly violates the RPA and the MCC, which are designed to ensure fair and inclusive elections free from religious or communal influence.

CJP’s complaint argues that Tiwari’s remarks violate several provisions of the RPA, including Section 123(2), (3), and (3A). Specifically, Section 123(2) prohibits undue influence over the free exercise of voting rights, which Tiwari’s statement about excluding Muslim votes directly contravenes. Section 123(3) forbids appeals based on religion, and Tiwari’s appeal to only accept votes from those who worship “devi-devta” is a clear religious appeal to voters, undermining the democratic principle that elections should be based on policy, governance, and development, not religious identity. Additionally, Section 123(3A) prohibits corrupt practices, including promoting enmity or hatred between different communities to influence the outcome of elections. Tiwari’s divisive rhetoric, which directly targets a religious group, is a clear violation of this provision as well.

The complaint further elaborates on the harmful impact of Tiwari’s words on Jharkhand’s social fabric, which is home to a diverse population with multiple religious and ethnic communities. Jharkhand has faced communal tensions in the past, and Tiwari’s remarks threaten to exacerbate these divisions at a time when the state should be focusing on inclusive growth and peaceful elections. His statements encourage voters to make decisions based on religious identity, rather than on the merit of candidates or the policies they represent. Such divisive rhetoric undermines the unity of the state, and risks increasing religious tensions, voter exclusion, and disillusionment, particularly among the Muslim community.

Additionally, CJP highlights the risk of voter apathy and the potential for widespread mistrust in the electoral process. Tiwari’s comments create an atmosphere of fear, where specific communities feel alienated and discouraged from participating in the democratic process. By suggesting that Muslim votes would be disregarded, Tiwari undermines the very foundation of universal suffrage and fairness in elections. His remarks also threaten to disrupt the integrity of the Election Commission’s voting process, as they cast doubt on the neutrality of the EVMs and suggest manipulation of the vote count based on religious lines.

Lastly, the complaint urges the Jharkhand Election Commission to take immediate action against Tiwari. It calls for a thorough investigation into his comments, the imposition of penalties including potential disqualification from the election, and the strict monitoring of election campaigns to prevent further violations of the Model Code of Conduct and the Representation of the People Act. The complaint stresses the importance of maintaining a peaceful, inclusive electoral process that prioritises development, governance, and unity over divisive and discriminatory tactics that threaten the democratic fabric of the nation.

The complaint may be read below.

Related:

Hate speech allegations on the campaign trail: CJP Files complaints with State EC against Assam CM Himanta Biswa Sarma’s Jharkhand remarks

CJP moves CEO Maharashtra with three complaints over Suresh Chavhanke’s MCC violations

Media accountability in action: Four contentious shows taken down by NBDSA based on CJP’s complaints

CJP seeks action against BJP leaders for alleged hate speech amid Jharkhand polls

MCC Violation: Thane police booked hate offender Kajal Hindustani following CJP’s Complaint

The post Communal rhetoric in Jharkhand elections: CJP files complaint against MP CM Mohan Yadav and BJP candidate Satyendra Tiwari appeared first on SabrangIndia.

In its complaints, CJP highlights specific instances where Sarma has allegedly called for support based on communal fears, suggesting that a BJP-led government would protect voters from a perceived demographic threat. Furthermore, Sarma’s rhetoric reportedly included calls for renaming places of Muslim origin, a symbolic action that, as per CJP, stigmatises an entire community and reinforces an “us versus them” mentality. CJP argues that these statements contravene Section 123(3) of the RPA, which prohibits communal appeals during elections. The organisation has urged the ECI to take action, including publicly censuring Sarma, restricting his campaign activities in Jharkhand, and deploying teams to monitor campaign speeches to maintain peace and electoral fairness throughout the state.

Complaint 1: Stoking Divisions through demands of place-name changes, communal remarks

CJP filed a detailed complaint with the State Election Commission against CM Sarma, citing inflammatory speeches he delivered during election campaigns in Jharkhand. CJP argues that Sarma’s speeches promote communal fear and divisiveness, with particular targeting of the Muslim community, which violates the MCC and key provisions in the RPA, specifically Section 123 that prohibits electioneering based on communal or religious sentiments. Delivered between October 24 and November 2, 2024, these speeches allegedly contribute to a charged and hostile environment in Jharkhand, a state with a diverse population that includes Hindu, Muslim, and Adivasi communities which is soon seeing elections.

CJP outlined specific instances of Sarma’s speeches in Palamu, Deoghar, and Jamshedpur, where he spoke of the Muslim population growth as a result of alleged illegal immigration from Bangladesh. Sarma’s rhetoric portrayed Muslims as “infiltrators” who threaten the cultural and demographic balance of Jharkhand, and he linked the BJP’s political victory with a pledge to deport these individuals. In Panki, Palamu, for example, he referred to rising Muslim demographics as a deliberate effort to destabilise local Hindu and Adivasi communities, framing the election as a fight to “drive out infiltrators” to protect “Sanatan Dharma.” CJP argues that these statements lack empirical backing and serve primarily to stoke fears, exacerbating communal divides.

In addition, CJP highlighted that Sarma’s rhetoric included provocative language regarding place names with Muslim origins, such as “Hussainabad.” Sarma implied that such names are incongruous with Jharkhand’s heritage and promised to change them if BJP wins, ostensibly to honor Adivasi leaders instead. This emphasis on renaming as a symbolic act against Muslim influence, CJP contends, promotes a divisive narrative that frames religious communities as incompatible with each other, fostering alienation and distrust. According to the complaint, such rhetoric pits communities against one another, manipulating cultural insecurities to influence voters.

CJP’s complaint emphasises that Sarma’s speeches go beyond electioneering by using fear-based messaging, promoting damaging stereotypes, and casting suspicion on the Muslim community. This tactic, CJP argues, shifts the focus of the electoral discourse from governance and development to communal identity, drawing attention away from vital issues such as infrastructure, economic growth, and social welfare. By invoking communal insecurities and fears, Sarma’s statements discourage voters from making informed decisions on policy matters, steering them instead toward identity-based voting, which undermines democratic integrity and civic cohesion.

In response to these serious concerns, CJP has requested immediate action from the Election Commission to safeguard Jharkhand’s communal harmony and electoral integrity. They urge the Commission to issue a public censure against Sarma, prohibiting him from further campaigning in Jharkhand, and to impose penalties on the BJP for allowing these divisive practices. CJP also suggests that the Commission deploy monitors to review campaign speeches throughout the election period to prevent further hate speech and polarising rhetoric. Through these actions, CJP aims to promote a fair, lawful, and inclusive electoral process that prioritises development over divisive identity politics.

The complaint may be read here.

Complaint 2: Incitement through Anti-Muslim Campaign Rhetoric

This complaint raises serious concerns over alleged inflammatory and communal statements made by CM Sarma during a Jharkhand election campaign rally on November 8, 2024. CJP contends that Sarma’s speech, in which he targeted the Muslim community by labelling them as “infiltrators” and suggesting they pose a threat to local demographics and safety, violates the MCC and sections of the RPA. CJP argues that these statements incite fear, spread religious polarisation, and disrupt communal harmony, undermining democratic principles that elections are meant to uphold.

The complaint specifies several instances in which Sarma used divisive language, describing Muslims as a demographic threat to Jharkhand’s Hindu and Adivasi populations and urging voters to support the BJP as a safeguard against “infiltrators.” These statements, CJP claims, amount to an appeal to religion for electoral gain, which contravenes Section 123(3) of the RPA prohibiting communal appeals in elections. CJP further argues that Sarma’s rhetoric portrays Muslims as illegitimate outsiders, creating a divisive mentality that encourages hate and distrust among communities.

CJP also outlines the potential impact of Sarma’s remarks on Jharkhand’s social fabric and electoral environment, arguing that his language manipulates voters through fear rather than engaging with real issues of governance. The complaint suggests that Sarma’s statements divert political discourse from constructive debate on policies and public welfare, shifting it toward identity politics that divides communities. This approach, CJP warns, undermines the democratic integrity of the electoral process by prioritising religious polarisation over unity and dialogue.

In light of these violations, CJP urges the Jharkhand State Election Commission to take immediate action, including issuing a public censure of Sarma, prohibiting his participation in further campaigning in Jharkhand, and directing the BJP to refrain from communal appeals. Additionally, CJP requests the deployment of monitoring teams to review campaign speeches across Jharkhand to ensure compliance with the MCC and maintain an environment of peace and fairness throughout the electoral process.

The complaint may be read here.

Related:

CJP moves CEO Maharashtra with three complaints over Suresh Chavhanke’s MCC violations

Media accountability in action: Four contentious shows taken down by NBDSA based on CJP’s complaints

CJP seeks action against BJP leaders for alleged hate speech amid Jharkhand polls

MCC Violation: Thane police booked hate offender Kajal Hindustani following CJP’s Complaint

The post Divisive rhetoric on Jharkhand campaign trail: CJP files two complaint against 4 speeches by Assam CM Himanta Biswa Sarma appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Looks like the tables are turning for the BJP. In another jolt, after the All Jharkhand Student Union (AJSU) which ran with it for 19 years split from the alliance, BJP’s principal spokesman and a frontrunner in the fight for Jharkhand’s statehood, Praveen Prabhakar resigned from the party right in the middle of all the action on Sunday.

Prabhakar, who had been associated with the BJP for the past five years, was one of the founding members of the AJSU that fought the 2014 Assembly election in alliance with the BJP. He now plans to contest elections separately from a ticket by the National Peoples’ Party (NPP) because he is reported unhappy with the BJP’s ticket distribution in the state.

He told IANS that though he had learnt a lot from PM Modi and BJP President Amit Shah, he thought that the party needed to do some introspection. He said he didn’t have any personal grievances with the BJP but said that the party needed to do some “soul searching” with regards to Jharkhand. He said that “the nation was progressing on all fronts, but in Jharkhand, the aspirations of the people were being constantly snuffed. I dedicated all I had for the creation of Jharkhand (as a separate state) and will continue to fight all my life for its development. I have full faith that I will get the assistance and guidance of NPP leaders in this endeavour…”

Prabhakar will now fight from Nala for NPP which is headed by Meghalaya Chief Minister Conrad K Sangma. He joined as the candidate during the national convention at the Constitution Club where he was named to fight from Nala.

The NPP was recently recognised as a national party by the Election Commission. Conrad Sangma, who was present at the convention along with former Union Minister Agatha Sangma and Meghalaya Home Minister James Sangma and NPP’s Jharkhand chief Raj Kumar Poddar said that Prabhakar’s association would help the NPP increase its footprint in Jharkhand and other states and thus “all would together help achieve the late Sangma’s dream”.

The BJP has received a huge blow to its popularity in other state assembly elections recently. In Maharashtra it had to bow out after its alliance went sour with the Shiv Sena over the same issue – seat sharing; and now it’s not unlikely that a similar fate awaits the party in Jharkhand.

After Prabhakar’s switch, reports have emerged that PankajaMunde, BJP’s MLA from Parli in Maharashtra, has removed the name of BJP from her official Twitter bio, Yahoo News reported.

She has asked time off for some soul-searching herself.

In her Facebook post she says, “Looking at the changed political scenario in state, there is a need to think and decide the way ahead. I need time for some 8-10 days to communicate with myself. Our future journey need to be decided against the backdrop of current political changes. “What to do next? Which path to be taken? What can we give to people? What is our strength? What are expectations of people? I will think about all these aspects and come before you on December 12.”

While the BJP in Maharashtra is kept in suspense over Pankaja’s stance, Union Defence Minister, Rajnath Singh has claimed that BJP will form a majority government in Jharkhand post the assembly elections. India Today reported that Singh, while addressing a meeting at Adityapur in Seraikela-Kharswandistruct said he had a discussion with a cross-section of people as well as analysts after the first phase of the polls.

“The feedback indicated that the BJP is going to win 9 to 10 seats out of the 13 constituencies that went to polls in the first phase yesterday… We will form a majority government in the state,” the Union Defence Minister said.

He said moves of the BJP like abrogating Article 370, making ‘triple talaq’ punishable by law and the announcement of a grand temple in Ayodhya are going to work in its favour.

The BJP has been humble-bragging about these issues everywhere it goes for elections. This time around, though the split from AJSU, Prabhakar’s switch and the fact that Jharkhand is in a socio-economic crisis may bring a shock to the BJP once the results are out.

Will the BJP heed Prabhakar’s call and actually do some soul-searching as it has already lost face over the same seat sharing matter in Maharashtra? Will it give up its arrogance and power-hungry demeanor to accommodate the demands of the AJSU to get back in alliance with them?

BJP relies heavily on speeches and sloganeering, but with its principal spokesman from the state not speaking in favour of it, will ‘Abkibaar 65 paar’ be achievable for the party?

Related:

AJSU breaks alliance, BJP will now contest the assembly elections alone
Protest against starvation and govt apathy in Jharkhand on Friday
BirsaMunda’s Jharkhand slipping out of Adivasi hands
Rajasthan Local Body elections: Congress wins (863) over BJP (661)
BJP’s Hate Mongers out of Karnataka By-Poll Campaign
Saffron Fades: Maharashtra State Elections 2019

The post Another blow to BJP: Principal spokesperson from Jharkhand quits party appeared first on SabrangIndia.

New Delhi: Tribals’ dissatisfaction with the slow implementation of the Forest Rights Act (FRA), which offers formal recognition of forest-dwellers’ land rights, could be a deciding factor in more than 62 of the 81 assembly constituencies (over 77%) in the upcoming state elections Jharkhand, an analysis by an independent research group has concluded.

The analysis is based on the fact that the number of Scheduled Caste & Scheduled Tribe (SC and ST) voters eligible for land rights under the FRA is more than the margin of victory in the last election in 94% (58) of the 62 seats considered FRA-sensitive. Nearly 70% of the population in constituencies spread across Jharkhand–Chakradharpur, Gumla, Latehar and Simdega, for example–belongs to SC/ST categories.

Analysing the results of the 2014 assembly elections in these 62 constituencies, researchers concluded that any political party that promises effective implementation of the FRA and other laws protecting land rights of tribespeople could defeat the incumbent Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP).

The FRA, that came into effect in 2006, is critical to the livelihoods of at least 3.8 million SC & ST voters in Jharkhand, 52% of total 7.3 million voters, as per 2014 voting statistics. Of the SC-ST voters, 75% (2.9 million) belong to Scheduled Tribes, the constitutional term for government-recognised indigenous tribes, found analysts Tushar Shah and Archana Soreng, both members of the NGO network Community Forest Resource-Learning and Advocacy (CFR-LA), who conducted this analysis independent of CFR-LA.

Elections in Jharkhand will be held in five phases between November 30 and December 20, 2019, and the results declared on December 23.

The BJP has lost a substantial number of FRA-sensitive seats in at least four assembly elections in the past year. In Maharashtra–which had elections in October 2019–the incumbent BJP lost about 22% FRA-sensitive seats and could not win a majority to form the government, as we explain later.

Similarly, the BJP lost the 2018 assembly elections in Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan and Chhattisgarh, partly due to the FRA, according to the assembly election analysis by the CFR-LA.

The BJP-led central government has since withdrawn a controversial amendment to the Indian Forest Act of 1947 that was criticised for, among other things, proposing to give more powers and immunity for using firearms to forest officials, Livemint reported on November 16, 2019.

On November 21, 2019, hundreds of tribals–from states including Jharkhand, Maharashtra, Madhya Pradesh, Odisha, Bihar, Uttarakhand and West Bengal–gathered at Delhi’s Jantar Mantar to protest against the tardy implementation of the FRA.

Jharkhand lags in FRA implementation

Community rights–which vest forest-dwellers with the right to manage and govern the natural forest they have been using for generations–are one of the most important provisions of the FRA. Even by conservative estimates, Jharkhand has the potential to distribute community rights over 1.9 million hectares of forests–bigger than the area of Kuwait–according to a 2015 study by the Rights and Resources Initiative, a Washington-based non-profit.

Jharkhand had recognised just over 2% of its community claims potential, over 40,380 hectares, as on April 2018, according to government data. And it has recognised only a little more than half the claims filed by individuals.

In a recent affidavit filed in the Supreme Court, the state accepted that it had wrongly rejected claims under the FRA. It asked for time until July 2020 to review all the rejected claims and ascertain the number of wrongfully rejected claims.

This low number of settled claims has placed Jharkhand in the list of worst FRA implementers, earning it the tag “laggard state” from Oxfam, a non-profit, in a 2018 report. “For a state where 26% of its population is Adivasis, 31% of who reside in rural areas, this should be a matter of concern,” the report said.

The FRA is a strong tool for financial empowerment for economically backwards STs. In Jharkhand, every second person (49%) from Scheduled Tribes–and two of every five (40%) from Scheduled Castes–lives below the poverty line (BPL), said this 2017 report by the government think-tank Niti Aayog. Overall, 39.1% of people in Jharkhand live below the BPL as against the average national rate of 29.8%.

Source: Ministry of Tribal Affairs, India

Voting patterns

To break down the number of seats against the degree of influence FRA could have in the election results, researchers divided the seats into three ‘value’ categories: critical, high and good. In ‘critical’ seats, the most number of voters is affected by FRA, a high proportion of the population is tribal, and a large area comes under forests. Those categorised under ‘good’ have a comparatively lower population of tribespeople and area under forests.

Source: Independent analysis by Tushar Shah and Archana Soreng, FRA researchers 

In the 2014 assembly elections, the ruling BJP won about 42% of the critical 62 seats. The Jharkhand Mukti Morcha (JMM), the main opposition party in the state, won about 30% seats. The Congress, which has never won an assembly election since the formation of the state in 2001, won only about 5% of seats while the remaining 23% went to candidates from ‘other’ parties.

The JMM and candidates from other parties were collectively runners-up in about 37% of the 62 seats, and could have ensured victory in more seats had they emphasised implementation of the FRA as an election issue, the analysts said. If the BJP, which heads the Jharkhand state government, fails to emphasise FRA in the upcoming elections, it may win fewer seats than in 2014.

FRA and voting decisions 

The BJP has lost FRA-sensitive seats in at least four assembly elections in the past year with Maharashtra being the latest where the party lost 22% critical, high and good value FRA sensitive seats, combined, according to the analysis of Maharashtra election results held in October 2019. In 2014, the BJP had won three of the seven critical value seats. In 2019, it lost all three.

FRA could, if made an election issue, change the results on at least 70% of the total 288 assembly seats in Maharashtra, IndiaSpend had reported on October 18, 2019.

FRA also played an important role, as we said, in the defeat of the incumbent BJP party in the 2018 assembly elections in Chhattisgarh, Madhya Pradesh and Rajasthan.

In its manifesto for the 2018 Assembly elections in Chhattisgarh, the Congress had promised to implement the FRA, and won 68% more seats of the total 39 seats reserved for SCs and STs than in the 2013 election. The BJP lost 75% of the seats it had won in the last election, as per the CFR-LA’s analysis.

In Madhya Pradesh and Rajasthan, where the Congress won by a smaller margin than in Chhattisgarh, the party had not pushed the land rights issue as vehemently, according to the analysis.

(Tripathi is an IndiaSpend reporting fellow.)

Bhasker Tripathi – For the last five years, Bhasker has specialised in development journalism, writing on environment, agriculture, energy and gender. He started his career with Gaon Connection, a rural-media platform. His last job was coordinating Land Conflict Watch, a non-profit data journalism project that analyses land conflicts across India. He was named as one of the best young journalists from developing countries by the United Kingdom’s Foreign Press Association & Thompson Foundation.

Courtesy: IndiaSpend

The post In Jharkhand, Forest Rights Could Decide Votes In 77% Assembly Seats appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The preparations for the Jharkhand Assembly elections are in full swing. The polls are to be held in five phases from November 30 to December 20 and candidates are now leaving no stone unturned in their campaigns. With less than a week to go, we analyze the records of these candidates on four parameters – criminal cases, financial details, educational background and gender; and what they mean for the future of Jharkhand.

Criminal Charges

Nearly 189 candidates are contesting in the first phase of the elections where voters in 13 of the 81 Assembly seats will go to poll.

Out of these 189 candidates, forty-four (23%) have criminal charges against them, according to the affidavits analysed by the Association for Democratic Reforms (ADR).

26 of these candidates (14%) have declared ‘serious’ criminal cases against themselves. These include cases of murder, attempt to murder, criminal intimidation and extortion. Among the major parties, the Jharkhand VikasMorcha (Prajatantrik) – JVM (P) has the highest number of candidates that face criminal charges, standing at six candidates or 46%.

The Congress has four out of its six (67%) have criminal cases to their name, while five (42%) out of 12 candidates of the Janata Dal United (JD-U) are facing criminal charges. In the BJP, four (33%) of the 12 candidates have declared criminal cases in their name.

Among the 44 candidates with criminal cases, 26 (or 14%) are facing serious criminal charges. The Congress and the JVM(P) have three candidates each with serious criminal charges, while the JD(U) and the BJP have four such candidates each.  Owing to the number of candidates with criminal charges, seven of the 13 constituencies in the first phase have been declared as red alert constituencies for they have three or more contesting candidates with criminal charges against them.

Shashi Bhushan Mehta of the BJP who is accused of killing a staffer at the Oxford Public School where he was a Director, is facing three charges related to bribery, 2 related to voluntarily causing grievous hurt, 2 related to murder, 1 related to causing disappearance of evidence and giving false information and 1 related to criminal intimidation among others.

Krishna NandTripathi is facing 1 charge related to statements conducing to public mischief, 1 related to wrongful confinement and 1 related to intentional insult with intent to provoke the breach of peace among others.

These two are also candidates with the highest assets in their name.

Among women candidates, apart Sudha Chaudhary facing criminal charges,Shakuntala Devi is accused of buying or disposing of any person as a slave and charges related to voluntarily causing hurt.

RekhaChoubey is accused to criminal intimidation, threat of injury to public servant, wrongful restraint, voluntarily causing hurt and intentional insult with intent to provoke the breach of peace among others.

Finances

59 or 31% of the total number of candidates in the first phase are ‘crorepatis’, ironically in of the poorest states of the country.

The candidates with the highest assets are Krishna NandTripathi from the INC standing from Palamu, RameshwarOraon from the INC again standing from Lohardaga and Kushwaha Shashi Bhushan Mehta (with 11 criminal charges) from the BJP standing from Palama, with total assets worth more than 53 crore, 28 crore and 27 crore respectively.

9 (75%) of the 12 analyzed candidates analyzed are crorepatis belonging to the BJP, trailed by the JVM (P) with 7 (54%) out of 13 candidates having assets worth crores.

The top three candidates with the lowest assets are Ekabal Singh from CPI (ML) Red Star with assets worth a little over Rs. 10,000; Pradeep Oraon from JD (U) with assets worth Rs. 17,000 plus; and Anuj Kumar Thakur an independent candidate with assets worth approximately Rs. 54,000.

Other details

92 (49%) candidates have declared their educational qualification to be between 5^th and 12^th standard, while 83 (44%) candidates have declared having an educational qualification of graduate or above. 11 candidates are literate. 2 candidates are illiterate and 1 candidate holds the qualification of being an Oral Dental Hygienist. Out of the 189 candidates, 174 are men and 15 are women.

With alliances coming down crashing, major candidates facing serious criminal charges and yet being fielded by top political parties, and the growing anger of the citizens against the ruling party for keeping silent on the increasing lynching incidents, thrusting upon them the anti-conversion bill and granting precious tribal land to corporates depriving them of the right to a dignified life, we hope the elections this time the voters smarten up and vote for development and democracy instead of nationalism only to invite autocracy.

The entire report by the Jharkhand Election Watch and ADR can be read here.

Related:

AJSU breaks alliance, BJP will now contest the assembly elections alone
Protest against starvation and govt apathy in Jharkhand on Friday
BirsaMunda’s Jharkhand slipping out of Adivasi hands
Rajasthan Local Body elections: Congress wins (863) over BJP (661)
BJP’s Hate Mongers out of Karnataka By-Poll Campaign
Saffron Fades: Maharashtra State Elections 2019
Jharkhand Government responds to Pathalgadi with violence instead of honouring Constitutional rights of Adivasis

The post Jharkhand Assembly elections: JVM (P) has highest candidates with criminal charges appeared first on SabrangIndia.

According to various estimates, Jharkhand has 40% of the country’s mineral resources. It has 27.3 per cent of India’s coal reserves, 26 per cent of iron ore, 18.5 per cent copper ore, besides having deposits of uranium, mica, bauxite, granite, limestone, silver, graphite, magnetite and dolomite. It also has large quantities of stone, limestone and sand. Almost 20% of the state’s revenue arises from mining activities.

But despite this abundance, and despite mining having started as far back as the first decade of the 20th century, Jharkhand continues to be one of the poorest states in the country ranking low on various economic and social indicators. It was thought that after the state was carved out of Bihar in 2000, development will take place. But that also doesn’t seem to have happened. Why?

Disastrous Model

The main reason for this is that mineral resources were seen by the political rulers as something that has to be appropriated, or rather seized, and sold off. The people living on those lands were mostly seen as encumbrances – obstacles that had to be duped or coerced into giving way for big mining companies. Thus mining became an activity that was hostile to the people. They were evicted, turned into serfs, forced to migrate, or survive in inhuman conditions. This naturally led to resistance to mining and all the problems that follow.

Besides this, the other major fault in policy lay in handing over mines to private entities. The contradiction with people intensified as 3963 lessees and 6647 dealers took over mining and trading operations in the state. These were unscrupulous operators with only one objective – to make profit, come what may. As a result, the distance between mineral resources and people became even greater and the relations even more fraught.

Some may argue that the state government does earn royalties and fees from leasing out the mines, so what is wrong with this model? The answer is very simple: the state government (this one and previous ones) have fixed the game in such a way that only a small amount of royalties and other fees finally accrue to it, leaving the operators with even larger profits. As it is, royalty rates are low and mostly levied on pit mouth prices or even cost of production prices for captive mines. Even the CAG has castigated the Jharkhand state govt. for non- or short levy of royalties by applying incorrect rates, under-estimating production, not penalising late payments etc.

As a result, the richest mineral state is earning a paltry sum from various fees it charges from companies that are exploiting the minerals and selling them off for big profits. According to the latest Budget presented by the BJP ministry that rules Jharkhand, in 2018-19, Rs.6783 crore was the revenue (revised estimate) accruing to the Mines Dept. from various fees and rents. In 2019-20, the Budget hoped to collect Rs.8042 crore. In addition, sand extraction yielded revenue of Rs.299 crore in 2018-19 and was expected to yield Rs.362 crore in the current year.

These are paltry sums, nowhere near the actual final sale value of minerals that are being relentlessly extracted from the land in Jharkhand. Partly, they reflect the clout of mining industrialists who keep such rates low by pressurising the govts. But partly they also result from the rather low level of mineral extraction because of not taking the people in confidence and hence facing resistance to mining.

District Mineral Fund Sham

In 2016, the Modi govt. announced that in order to plough back some of the profits that mining activities generate, the mining operators will have to pay 10% of the royalties to a trust set up in each district. It was called the District Minerals Foundation (DMF). The funds thus collected would be used for such development work like providing piped water supply to communities, building roads and toilets, and so on.

Have a look at the fate of this program – called Pradhan Mantri Khanij Kshetra Kalyan Yojana or PM Mining Sector Welfare Programme – in Jharkhand. Remember, the state has been ruled by BJP since 2014, so there is complete political convergence with the BJP led central govt. in Delhi. No questions of any dissonance.

As you can see, just 24% of the funds thus collected have been used for the ‘developmental work’. This data is taken from the PMKKKY portal hosted by the Indian Bureau of Mines, under the Ministry of Mines. There is considerable confusion about the data with the Jharkhand mines dept. showing some other figures and not showing complete data. Expenditure figures are available only on the above quoted source.

Clearly, the whole thing has turned into a macabre joke. It seems all the projects sanctioned till date in Jharkhand – some 25,000 odd – are still in progress! In three years not a single one has been completed.

Meanwhile the state’s inhabitants continue to get ground down in abject poverty, face joblessness and the state has reported some of the most shocking numbers in terms of malnutrition, even starvation deaths. The coming elections may see the BJP state govt. dislodged, going by the widespread discontent, but a deeper relook is necessary at the mining and mineral policy if the people are ever to get the benefit of these resources.

Courtesy: News Click

The post Jharkhand Polls: Where Is the Mineral Wealth Going? appeared first on SabrangIndia.

In 2014, the BJP, which won 43 seats, formed the government along with All Jharkhand Students’ Union (AJSU) which had won 5 seats and Raghubar Das took over as the Chief Minister.

The 81 member Jharkhand Assembly is set to go for a five-phase election from November 30 to December 20. Major parties in the fray are the BJP, AJSU, Congress, Janata Dal United (JDU), Jharkhand MuktiMorcha (JMM), Jharkhand VikasMorchaPrajatantrik (JVM – P), LokJanshakti Party (LJP) and RashtriyaJanata Dal (RJD).

Citing that both parties, BJP and AJSU couldn’t reach a consensus on seat sharing, the BJP decided on Thursday to enter the field alone and also support independent candidates. The Janata Dal (United) (JDU) has also decided to contest elections alone, and even the LokJanshakti Party (LJP) has withdrawn its support after a tussle over seat sharing.

The All India MajlisItteha-dulMuslimeen (AIMIM) has decided to contest the elections in a big way after taking advantage of the fallout of the JDU and the BJP. MIM chief has told party leaders to target Christian, Muslim and Scheduled Tribe voters and concentrate on seats where they have higher chances of winning.

Jharkhand has 28 Scheduled Tribes seats and nine Scheduled Caste Assembly segments and around 20 constituencies where Muslims are predominant and their votes will be the deciding factor.

The JMM, Congress and RJD have announced an alliance and have chosen JMM working PresidentHemantSoren to be the chief ministerial face of their alliance. The Congress will contest 31 out of 81 seats in Jharkhand. The RJD will contest on seven seats, while the largest chunk of the alliance share has gone to the JMM, which will contest on 43 seats.

The JVM-P that is contesting alone, is going to act as a ‘vote-katuwa party’, some believe, owing to the fact that in the 2014 election when it contested alone on 73 seats, it won eight, with a vote share of around eight percent. According to Election Commission data, JVM(P) secured votes ranging from 8,700 to 26,000 in eight ST constituencies where they did not win — much more than the margin of votes of the winning candidates.

Issues plaguing the BJP

Jharkhand is a state with one of the largest Adivasi and forest dweller populations in the country. The BJP has set itself a target of winning 65 seats out of the 81 seats in the Assembly. Apart from not being able to iron out differences with past allies turned adversaries, there are other issues that are making the BJP come unstuck in Jharkhand.

Raghubar Das –The first non-Tribal CM, his unpopularity has reached the ears of both, BJP working president J P Nadda and President Amit Shah. Though Das has kicked off his campaign with “GharGharRaghubar” on the lines of “GharGharModi”, it is being said that the campaign will solely be focused on Modi and Shah, and Das’ face will not be in the foreground. His attempts to amend Chotanagpur and Santhal tenancy acts and ease land acquisition norms have not gone down well with the Adivasi population in the area. Party insiders say he has displayed ‘rough’ behavior with officials and used abusive language at rallies. At a rally, Das erroneously said, “Jharkhand becomes the first state to be tribal free.” He will be contesting from the prime Jamshedpur (E) seat in the upcoming elections.

Criminal cases – BJP talks greatly about morality, but the party’s character has been greatly tarnished with it inducting leaders with criminal cases and allegations of corruption against them. BhanuPratapShahi, who is a candidate from Bhavnathpur, is accused in a Rs. 130 crore medicine scam. The other candidate, ShashiBhushan Mehta, from Panki, is accused of killing a teacher working in his school. PradeepYadav, who was ousted from the JMM on being accused of sexual harassment, may also join the BJP.

Anti-BJP sentiments in Adivasi dominated regions – According to party leaders, the response of the state government at the time of the Pathalgadi movement had damaged the image of the party among the Adivasis. The tribals agitated against the decision of giving away tribal land to corporates. Also, the anti-conversion bill is seen by the tribals as an attempt to break their unity.

Poll issues – The BJP’s Hindutva agenda, it appears, may not work anymore. Jharkhand is in the midst of a socio-economic crisis with the government adopting pro-corporate policies, earmarking common land for commercial purposes without the permission of gram sabhas, there is a threat to the mere life of people because the government wants to link Aadhaar with welfare schemes while ignoring the already available ration cards and NREGA job cards, Jharkhand is slowly becoming the lynching capital of India and the state is plagued with unemployment and farmer distress. Experts say, BJP’s stable term, thumping about the abrogation of Article 370, the Ayodhya verdict – none of these will hold weight against the actual issues plaguing the state.

Vote Division – The failure of forming an alliance is going to affect the BJP’s vote gain. JVM, being a major party, has fielded strong candidates in the elections. The entry of the AIMIM is also going to take away a share of the Muslim votes. Even the AamAadmi Party, who has decided to contest in 25-30 seats will appeal to the secular, lower-middle class voters of Jharkhand.

However, while the situation doesn’t look tilted in BJP’s favour, there are a few things that could propel them to gaining a higher share of seats. Firstly, the lack of a manifesto by the Opposition parties seems to be going against them. The parties have not released a manifesto for the people of Jharkhand and only seem to be working toward refuting and denying the narrative set by the BJP. The second issue that could cost a strong Opposition its share is the problem of ‘infighting’. Though Opposition parties are standing together, the fact that they’re fielding different candidates from the same constituencies is going to lessen their own vote bank.

The question here is, given the dynamics of the present situation, will the BJP go ‘Abkibaar 65 paar’ on its own, or will there be a sudden twist in the tale after the election is over?

Related:

Protest against starvation and govt apathy in Jharkhand on Friday
BirsaMunda’s Jharkhand slipping out of Adivasi hands
Rajasthan Local Body elections: Congress wins (863) over BJP (661)
BJP’s Hate Mongers out of Karnataka By-Poll Campaign
Saffron Fades: Maharashtra State Elections 2019

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