In its complaints, CJP highlights specific instances where Sarma has allegedly called for support based on communal fears, suggesting that a BJP-led government would protect voters from a perceived demographic threat. Furthermore, Sarma’s rhetoric reportedly included calls for renaming places of Muslim origin, a symbolic action that, as per CJP, stigmatises an entire community and reinforces an “us versus them” mentality. CJP argues that these statements contravene Section 123(3) of the RPA, which prohibits communal appeals during elections. The organisation has urged the ECI to take action, including publicly censuring Sarma, restricting his campaign activities in Jharkhand, and deploying teams to monitor campaign speeches to maintain peace and electoral fairness throughout the state.

Complaint 1: Stoking Divisions through demands of place-name changes, communal remarks

CJP filed a detailed complaint with the State Election Commission against CM Sarma, citing inflammatory speeches he delivered during election campaigns in Jharkhand. CJP argues that Sarma’s speeches promote communal fear and divisiveness, with particular targeting of the Muslim community, which violates the MCC and key provisions in the RPA, specifically Section 123 that prohibits electioneering based on communal or religious sentiments. Delivered between October 24 and November 2, 2024, these speeches allegedly contribute to a charged and hostile environment in Jharkhand, a state with a diverse population that includes Hindu, Muslim, and Adivasi communities which is soon seeing elections.

CJP outlined specific instances of Sarma’s speeches in Palamu, Deoghar, and Jamshedpur, where he spoke of the Muslim population growth as a result of alleged illegal immigration from Bangladesh. Sarma’s rhetoric portrayed Muslims as “infiltrators” who threaten the cultural and demographic balance of Jharkhand, and he linked the BJP’s political victory with a pledge to deport these individuals. In Panki, Palamu, for example, he referred to rising Muslim demographics as a deliberate effort to destabilise local Hindu and Adivasi communities, framing the election as a fight to “drive out infiltrators” to protect “Sanatan Dharma.” CJP argues that these statements lack empirical backing and serve primarily to stoke fears, exacerbating communal divides.

In addition, CJP highlighted that Sarma’s rhetoric included provocative language regarding place names with Muslim origins, such as “Hussainabad.” Sarma implied that such names are incongruous with Jharkhand’s heritage and promised to change them if BJP wins, ostensibly to honor Adivasi leaders instead. This emphasis on renaming as a symbolic act against Muslim influence, CJP contends, promotes a divisive narrative that frames religious communities as incompatible with each other, fostering alienation and distrust. According to the complaint, such rhetoric pits communities against one another, manipulating cultural insecurities to influence voters.

CJP’s complaint emphasises that Sarma’s speeches go beyond electioneering by using fear-based messaging, promoting damaging stereotypes, and casting suspicion on the Muslim community. This tactic, CJP argues, shifts the focus of the electoral discourse from governance and development to communal identity, drawing attention away from vital issues such as infrastructure, economic growth, and social welfare. By invoking communal insecurities and fears, Sarma’s statements discourage voters from making informed decisions on policy matters, steering them instead toward identity-based voting, which undermines democratic integrity and civic cohesion.

In response to these serious concerns, CJP has requested immediate action from the Election Commission to safeguard Jharkhand’s communal harmony and electoral integrity. They urge the Commission to issue a public censure against Sarma, prohibiting him from further campaigning in Jharkhand, and to impose penalties on the BJP for allowing these divisive practices. CJP also suggests that the Commission deploy monitors to review campaign speeches throughout the election period to prevent further hate speech and polarising rhetoric. Through these actions, CJP aims to promote a fair, lawful, and inclusive electoral process that prioritises development over divisive identity politics.

The complaint may be read here.

Complaint 2: Incitement through Anti-Muslim Campaign Rhetoric

This complaint raises serious concerns over alleged inflammatory and communal statements made by CM Sarma during a Jharkhand election campaign rally on November 8, 2024. CJP contends that Sarma’s speech, in which he targeted the Muslim community by labelling them as “infiltrators” and suggesting they pose a threat to local demographics and safety, violates the MCC and sections of the RPA. CJP argues that these statements incite fear, spread religious polarisation, and disrupt communal harmony, undermining democratic principles that elections are meant to uphold.

The complaint specifies several instances in which Sarma used divisive language, describing Muslims as a demographic threat to Jharkhand’s Hindu and Adivasi populations and urging voters to support the BJP as a safeguard against “infiltrators.” These statements, CJP claims, amount to an appeal to religion for electoral gain, which contravenes Section 123(3) of the RPA prohibiting communal appeals in elections. CJP further argues that Sarma’s rhetoric portrays Muslims as illegitimate outsiders, creating a divisive mentality that encourages hate and distrust among communities.

CJP also outlines the potential impact of Sarma’s remarks on Jharkhand’s social fabric and electoral environment, arguing that his language manipulates voters through fear rather than engaging with real issues of governance. The complaint suggests that Sarma’s statements divert political discourse from constructive debate on policies and public welfare, shifting it toward identity politics that divides communities. This approach, CJP warns, undermines the democratic integrity of the electoral process by prioritising religious polarisation over unity and dialogue.

In light of these violations, CJP urges the Jharkhand State Election Commission to take immediate action, including issuing a public censure of Sarma, prohibiting his participation in further campaigning in Jharkhand, and directing the BJP to refrain from communal appeals. Additionally, CJP requests the deployment of monitoring teams to review campaign speeches across Jharkhand to ensure compliance with the MCC and maintain an environment of peace and fairness throughout the electoral process.

The complaint may be read here.

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In the last three months, BJP has spent Rs 2.25 crores on political advertisements on Facebook. Half of this money was spent by BJP’s official page where 3100 advertisements were posted that made about 10 crore impressions. At the same time, about 15000 paid advertisements were spread through shadow pages by spending Rs 87 lakh which were viewed about 45 crore times. The research has identified 90 such shadow accounts, the main ones among which are ‘Jharkhand Choupal‘ and other ‘Choupal’ accounts associated with it.

While BJP’s official page pushes out political ads, these shadow accounts mainly post communal and divisive content. Including ads against the Hemant Soren government and alliance parties (details in annexure). Four main types of ads were identified – first, that portray Muslims as the enemy; second, which promote communal divide; third, where the Adivasi chief minister of Jharkhand Hemant Soren is portrayed as a beast with horns on his head; and fourth, with conspiracy theories about ‘infiltrators’. The readers are incited and mobilized against Hemant Soren government and the INDIA parties through these posts.  About 90 such shadow pages are operating across the state that post 5 times the number of ads as BJP and garners 4 times more online impressions. Some examples are attached.

One of the communal videos being circulated on the accounts shows a group of people dressed in saffron clothes as Hindus and a group dressed in green clothes as Muslims. The Hindu group first runs away from the Muslim group. Then the Hindu group unites and runs after the Muslim group. The basic lesson shared through the video is that if Hindus unite, they can finish Muslims.

Interestingly, these Facebook pages do not have BJP’s name or election symbol. But their posts highlight BJP’s communal agenda. Since all the posts are paid for means that Facebook is making money while spreading them. The study also states that the mobile numbers, websites, and address provided on the pages were fake and didn’t exist.

Compared to BJP, other parties have barely spent any money on social media for paid advertisements. The Supreme Court’s order says that the code of conduct and election rules apply to social media as well. But it seems that the Election Commission has given BJP a free reign to use shadow pages to spread communal hatred and polarize voters on religious grounds. A similar indifferent attitude is visible in the speeches of BJP politicians and ministers as well. Even after the implementation of the code of conduct, all the major BJP politicians including Prime Minister Modi, Home Minister Amit Shah, Assam Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma are polarizing the voters on religious grounds by delivering hateful and provocative speeches and asking for votes in the name of religion. Himanta Biswa Sarma is doing nothing but this. Despite numerous complaints made to the Chief Electoral Officer against this serious violation of the code of conduct, no action has been taken from his side. It seems that the Election Commission is working like BJP’s party office.

Loktantra Bachao Abhiyan reminds the Election Commission of its constitutional responsibility and dignity and demands the following:

–  All shadow pages working for BJP should be closed immediately and legal action should be taken based on communal and divisive posts shared by them.

–  Polarizing voters by silently spending lakhs on shadow accounts is economic and political corruption. The Election Commission should act against this corruption.

–  The election commission must act on the complaints given by Loktantra Bachao Abhiyan.

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The complaint highlights how the two leaders’ speeches deviated from issues of development, such as healthcare, employment, and infrastructure, in favour of stoking fear and communal divisions. CJP argues that this rhetoric violates both the Model Code of Conduct (MCC) and provisions under the Representation of People Act (RPA), 1951, particularly Section 123, which prohibits corrupt practices in elections, including attempts to sway voters through communal or religious division.

In his speech, BJP MLA Naveen Jaiswal framed the election as a defence against an alleged “takeover” of Jharkhand by “Bangladeshi infiltrators and Rohingya Muslims,” accusing the ruling JMM-Congress coalition of enabling these communities to settle illegally. By portraying Muslims as an existential threat to Jharkhand’s indigenous culture, Jaiswal’s statements urged Adivasi and indigenous communities to vote based on fear, rather than on traditional governance issues.

Shivraj Singh Chouhan, Minister of Agriculture, echoed and intensified these sentiments, alleging that Bangladeshi immigrants were “stealing” resources, jobs, and even deceiving local women into marriage as a means to gain a foothold in Jharkhand. Chouhan further suggested that these individuals were compromising Jharkhand’s safety and warned that allowing the JMM-Congress government to continue would lead to the state’s “destruction.” His portrayal of an “invasion” of local resources and values by Muslims, CJP contends, is a dangerous exaggeration that fuels xenophobic fears and undermines community trust.

The complaint submitted by CJP includes videos of the speeches, which were shared on Hindutva Watch’s Telegram channel and annexed in the submission, to substantiate their claims of communal and inflammatory content.

Various violations highlighted by the complaint

• Model Code of Conduct 

The MCC, enforced by the Election Commission of India, aims to maintain fair and peaceful elections by prohibiting divisive and inflammatory rhetoric. It explicitly bans appeals to voters based on caste, religion, or community and calls for restraint from inciting tension between groups. The complaint emphasised that by framing Muslims as a monolithic threat and casting them as “infiltrators,” Jaiswal and Chouhan’s speeches undermine the MCC’s commitment to communal harmony, focusing instead on identity-based fear-mongering rather than development issues.

•  Representation of People Act, 1951 

The complaint also highlights specific violations under the Representation of People Act, 1951, Section 123, which prohibits corrupt electoral practices, including the use of religious or communal appeals to influence voters. Sections 123(3) and 123(3A) of the RPA bar candidates from promoting enmity or hatred between communities on the grounds of religion or caste. By using rhetoric that positions Muslims as “outsiders” and “threats” to the indigenous population, these speeches not only appeal to communal sentiment but also cultivate distrust and hostility, which the RPA categorically prohibits.

The call for immediate action 

CJP’s complaint details the harm of such divisive speech, explaining how this rhetoric disrupts Jharkhand’s historically diverse and pluralistic social landscape. The complainant argues that framing Muslims as a monolithic threat erodes communal harmony, creates fear and mistrust, and fosters stereotypes that can lead to acts of discrimination and violence. By shifting focus away from issues of public welfare and development, this approach leaves marginalised communities with fewer avenues for genuine solutions to pressing needs, such as employment and healthcare.

The complaint concludes with a plea for the Election Commission to take immediate action, emphasising the need to preserve Jharkhand’s social harmony and ensure that elections remain focused on development and democratic values rather than divisive agendas.

The complete complaint may be read here.

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In contrast, the party’s prominent Adivasi leaders, including former chief ministers Babulal Marandi and Arjun Munda, are almost absent. Similarly, the manifesto lacks representation of women leaders, especially Adivasi women, raising questions about the party’s commitment to women’s empowerment.

Several pages are entirely devoted to photos of Modi, while Adivasi leader Marandi appears only in two, visibly smaller images. Arjun Munda is visible only in the background of a photograph where Modi occupies the central position.

In the images featured, Modi is seen paying tribute to Adivasi icons such as Birsa Munda (1875-1900), Telanga Kharia (1806–1880), and Veer Budhu Bhagat (1792–1832). In another image, Modi is shown among a group of women, an apparent attempt to convey his appeal as a leader admired by women, committed to their welfare.

Elsewhere, Modi is pictured distributing benefits from the Prime Minister Kisan Mandhan Yojana. Another photo captures him interacting with a potter, and yet another shows him playfully engaging with children.

While some of these images depict Modi’s gestures towards Adivasis and vulnerable communities, a large-sized photograph on page 67 of the manifesto shows him with folded hands, his forehead marked with religious symbols. For some, this image signals his identity as an RSS cadre, underscoring that his engagement with Adivasi communities does not detract from his adherence to, or dereference of, RSS traditions.

Apart from the National President of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) J.P. Nadda and former Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee, no other prominent BJP leaders are featured, reflecting Modi’s continuing dominance within the party.

In a parliamentary democracy, the rise of hero-worship and the dominance of one leader over both the party and the government is seriously concerning. 

In a caste-based society like India, no individual can claim to represent the interests of all groups. That is why social diversity should be reflected in all institutions, from political parties to government bodies. 

The dominance of Modi also challenges the BJP’s claims of being run by “democratic” principles and having “ample space” for internal debates and discussions. But Modi’s rise within the BJP’s central leadership has not only marginalized his rivals but also overshadowed the presence of his supporters.

The BJP Jharkhand manifesto also omits Dalit and OBC leaders from Jharkhand. Nor has the party offered any substantial program for the welfare of the Dalit (12%) and OBC population in the state.

While the manifesto declares the party’s commitment to 27% reservation for OBCs to appeal to the state’s other backward castes, the JMM-led Hemant Soren government has already decided to raise OBC reservation to this level years back. Moreover, while the BJP aims to rally Adivasi voters by emphasizing the threat of “Bangladeshi infiltrators” in Santhal Pargana, it has made no significant gestures toward the state’s Muslim minority. 

Along with the Muslim minority (14.5%), the concerns of the Christian community, which constitutes 4.3% of the population, have also been ignored.Similarly, major issues such as the exploitation of Jharkhand’s resources and the displacement of Adivasis have been sidestepped by focusing on the “threats” of Muslim infiltration and “Naxalism”.

What remains consistent across the pages of the manifesto, however, is the extensive display of Modi’s images.

(The author is an independent journalist)

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Among the attendees, Daya Shankar (name changed) stood out. He showed great interest in the subject and posed numerous questions, some of which were sharp and thought-provoking. He communicated fluently and was highly articulate and argumentative in his approach.

During the talk, I left the podium and walked toward him. He was sitting on a bench in the back row with three other students. Our one-on-one conversation continued for a considerable time. Eventually, the professor who had organised the lecture had to intervene, saying, “Sir, Daya Shankar’s questions are endless.” Upon hearing this, many in the audience laughed. Although the formal session had ended, we continued our conversation outside the hall. Before leaving, we exchanged phone numbers, and since then, Daya Shankar and I have remained in touch.

Daya Shankar, an undergraduate student of English, belongs to the Marandi Adivasi group in Jharkhand, which is part of the larger Santhal community. The Santhals are considered one of the largest Adivasi groups in Jharkhand and West Bengal by population. “They have a legacy of anti-colonial struggles against the Zamindari system in the mid-19^th century”.

In addition to Jharkhand and West Bengal, the Santhals also reside in Bihar, Odisha, Assam, Tripura, Nepal, and Bangladesh. The Santhals predominantly speak Santali, a language belonging to the Austroasiatic family.

According to the 2011 Census, Adivasis, officially classified as Scheduled Tribes (ST), make up 26.3% of the population in Jharkhand, compared to 8.3% at the national level. Around 8.6 million Adivasis live in Jharkhand, comprising 32 different ST groups. Jharkhand has the 12th largest tribal population in India, with significant concentrations in districts like Simdega, West Singhbhum, Khunti, and Dumka. The Santhal Pargana division, which borders West Bengal, has a higher Muslim population at 22%, compared to the state’s overall Muslim population of just over 14%.

A few days ago, I wrote an article on the targeting of innocent Muslims in BJP-governed states, where their homes and shops are being demolished by bulldozers as a form of state punishment. I referred to these illegal acts as “bulldozer terrorism” because no provision in the Constitution or any law permits the demolition of a person’s home, whether they are accused or convicted, as a collective punishment. Human rights organisations have already documented the gross violations occurring in BJP-ruled states, where large numbers of Muslims have been forcibly rendered homeless. Recently, the Supreme Court has also spoken out against these bulldozer actions, placing a stay on them.

In hearing several petitions related to these demolitions, the apex court emphasized that India, as a secular country, cannot allow discrimination based on religion. The court also mentioned that it would soon issue nationwide guidelines to prevent such actions.

In this context, I wrote my article and shared it with my friends. Daya Shankar was one of the first to respond, offering criticism of both my work and my approach. Showing little concern for the bulldozer demolitions, Daya Shankar’s broader argument was that Muslims are the aggressors and that they refer to Hindus, including myself, as “kafirs.”

He went on to claim that my writings are often “pro-Muslim,” while, in his view, Muslims are exploiting Adivasi lands in Jharkhand and forcibly converting them to Islam. He also accused me of being “less concerned” about Adivasi issues and of prioritizing Muslims as the only minority group. Daya Shankar, an Adivasi student, further remarked that Islam fosters terrorism. In response to his comments and questions, I promised him I would address his points in writing.

I believe Daya Shankar’s opinion is largely shaped by the dominant Islamophobic discourse in the state. In the upcoming Jharkhand Assembly Elections, the BJP is playing the communal card, attempting to fracture Adivasi and Muslim unity to secure votes. Communal forces, with the support of the media, are constructing a narrative that Bangladeshi and Rohingya Muslim infiltrators are encroaching on Adivasi lands in the Santhal region and converting Adivasis to Islam through coercive methods, including the so-called ‘Love Jihad.’

Even Prime Minister Narendra Modi has raised this issue at electoral rallies in Jharkhand, raising the specter of Muslim infiltrators taking over Santhal tribal lands. At a recent rally in Jamshedpur, the Prime Minister made baseless and highly communal remarks aimed at polarizing voters along religious lines: “Infiltrators entering the state is a big issue… The state high court recently instituted an inquiry by an independent panel into such incidents. But the JMM government here is not ready to accept that illegal immigration is taking place in Jharkhand. In Santhal Pargana and Kolhan, infiltration by Bangladeshis and Rohingyas is a big threat. The identity and demography of this region is changing very fast” (The Economic Times, September 15).

What follows is my commentary on Daya Shankar’s criticisms of my work. I am choosing to share my reply publicly because of the growing anti-Muslim sentiment in the Adivasi regions of Jharkhand. For a long time, the Hindu Right has been working to create divisions between Adivasi and minority communities, such as Christians and Muslims. I fear that the poison of anti-Muslim hatred, which has already pervaded caste-based North India, is now spreading to the Adivasi regions. A symptom of this is the way Daya Shankar has developed a prejudice against Muslims. His questions do reflect this prejudice.

Daya Shankar: It seems like you have a strong affinity for Muslims, sir. I’ve noticed many of your posts tend to support or express sympathy toward them. Why is that?

Abhay: What’s wrong with having a strong affinity for Muslims? Would you deny the fact that India is a home to people of multiple religions and faiths? A large number of people who don’t follow any institutionalized religion are no less Indian. Take the Adivasi community, to which you belong, as an example. I have seen with my own eyes that rigidity about religious practices is least found among the Adivasi community. Unlike members of institutionalised religions, they hardly fight over religious structures. Similarly, there is no history of bloodshed over the correct interpretation of a holy text.

There are also groups of atheists who deny the existence of God and don’t accept that God is outside history. They, too, are equal citizens of India, and our Constitution grants them formal equality. But a negative trend is emerging in India with the rise of the Hindu Right, where a particular religious community is seen as the true Indians and loyal sons of the soil, while the rest—particularly Muslims and Christians—are viewed as belonging to non-Indic religions and therefore deemed untrustworthy.

The process of “othering” Muslims has a history of more than one hundred years in India. During colonial times, Hindu revivalist movements redefined the nation in terms of Brahmanical culture. When these revivalists realized that modern politics is based on numbers—put simply, that the majority community would rule over the minority—they sought to popularize Brahmanism by rebranding it as Hinduism. However, the upper-caste Hindu revivalists were only interested in tokenism, seeking to gain the support of the lower castes to defeat Muslim leadership and label them as “communal.”

It is true that our nationalist movement had many currents, including a strong secular one. However, Hindu nationalists managed to penetrate secular organizations and, under the guise of nationalism, promoted the interests of the upper-caste minority. In my view, the Partition of the country wasn’t engineered by any one leader. History often tends to cast one person as the hero and another as the villain, but we should avoid such simplifications.

Discrimination against Indian Muslims at the hands of the state is systemic. Governments have come and gone, but Muslims remain backward. Their representation in Parliament, legislative assemblies, and both public and private sector jobs is much lower than their share of the population, yet they are overrepresented in jails. They also suffer from communal riots, and their history and culture are not adequately represented in school textbooks. Even their homes are being demolished using bulldozers as punitive measures in BJP-ruled states.

Tell me, should we not demand justice for Muslims? Are they not equal citizens of India? Can our country progress if Muslims are kept backward? In a democratic and secular setup, no one should be discriminated against based on religion. If I have shown affinity for Muslims, and if my writings and activism have helped even a single Muslim, I would consider my life successful.

Daya Shankar: When a Muslim’s house is bulldozed, you express sympathy for them and their community. But don’t you also see how some Muslim extremists are mistreating and killing Hindus?

Abhay: Democracy is built on the rule of law. It cannot survive without secularism and respect for minority rights. Nowhere in a democracy is it justified to demolish the house of an accused or even a convicted person as a form of punishment. If I commit a crime, how could my family be made homeless? The law states that punishment must be proportional to the crime. For example, if I commit theft, I cannot be punished for murder. Numerous incidents have been recorded where houses and workplaces of Muslims have been bulldozed by BJP-ruled states as a punitive measure.

Human rights activists have documented that many victims of these bulldozer actions were those who had protested against government policies. The Constitution and the Supreme Court clearly state that peaceful protests cannot be suppressed. Dissent is a sign of a vibrant democracy. Yet, Muslims have been jailed, and their homes razed to the ground, simply for dissenting. How can anyone justify such bulldozer actions?

Well-known human rights organisations like Amnesty International have shown in recent reports that these actions violate both national legal procedures and international human rights standards. In most cases, victims were not given enough time to pursue legal remedies; their houses were demolished quickly, their family members beaten, and their lives ruined. The Supreme Court has intervened, placing a stay on these actions, and has promised to introduce nationwide guidelines to ensure no community is unfairly targeted.

Have I done anything wrong by speaking against bulldozer actions? You, as an Adivasi, can likely relate to this issue because Adivasis have been the most displaced people in the name of development since Independence. Whether it’s for dam construction, mining, or industrialisation, who is being displaced? We know the answer: it’s the Adivasis. Have you ever seen the houses of the rich being demolished? No, because they are powerful. Muslims’ homes are being demolished because they have been rendered powerless. These actions are designed to send a message to the minority community: if you raise your voice, you will be punished.

Let me make my point clear: a country cannot progress if any section of its society is mistreated or discriminated against. As a journalist, when I write about the issues facing marginalised communities, including Muslims, I am not doing charity. It’s the job of a journalist to highlight the struggles of the downtrodden.

As for your claim that Muslims consider you or me a “kafir,” that’s simply not true. Let me share my experience. I spent four years living in Sabzi Bagh, Patna, a predominantly Muslim area, during my graduation days. I never heard a Muslim call me a “kafir.” I’m not saying there aren’t a few Muslims who may believe this, but should we take them as representatives of the entire Muslim community? Likewise, many Hindus hold prejudices against Muslims, but should they be considered the spokespersons for all Hindus? I’m sure your answer is no.

I’ve even read the Quran, and it clearly teaches its followers not to disrespect people of other faiths, lest they, in turn, speak ill of Islam. The Quran emphasizes both worship of God and service to humanity, including non-Muslims, on numerous occasions. Islamic history shows that the Prophet Muhammad formed alliances with non-Muslims and advocated for fair treatment of all. Even during Muslim rule, with a few exceptions, minorities were protected.

I disagree with your unsubstantiated claim that Hindus are being killed by Muslims on a large scale. Show me any reliable source that proves Hindus are being persecuted. Yes, there are cases where a Muslim may kill a Hindu, or vice versa, but these are rare incidents. And in such cases, the law acts against the murderer. Your claim that Hindus are being killed by Muslims on a large scale simply isn’t true.

Daya Shankar: There is terrorism associated with Islam, and there are terrorists within the faith. I believe there is something fundamentally wrong here. Otherwise, why are so many terrorists emerging from just one religion?

Abhay: Terrorism is not connected to any particular religion. Terrorists can belong to any faith, or they may be atheists. There is no study proving that all terrorists are Muslims. Likewise, there is no reliable data showing that Muslim-run terrorist organizations are more numerous globally than those run by non-Muslims. In fact, Muslims are among the worst victims of terrorism.

If you examine the concept of terrorism, its definition is still not universally accepted. Historically, the image of a terrorist is dynamic. Someone seen as a terrorist today could be regarded as a freedom fighter tomorrow, and vice versa. Similarly, a freedom fighter in one country might be seen as a terrorist in another. Many scholars agree that the portrayal of Muslims as terrorists gained traction after the Cold War.

To truly understand terrorism, you need to explore its historical, political, and economic dimensions on both national and global levels. Viewing terrorism solely through a religious or cultural lens will not deepen your understanding. You also need to examine the link between terrorism and the arms industry. Ask yourself: Who benefits most from perpetuating a regime of insecurity?

Even in Adivasi areas, those fighting to protect their land and resources are often arrested by the state and charged under anti-terror laws. Do you consider them terrorists just because they are fighting for their rights?

I also disagree with your view that Islam is inherently violent. I have read the Quran many times, and nowhere does it instruct its followers to kill others. The core of the Quranic teachings revolves around the worship of God and the service to humanity.

Look at the life of the Prophet Muhammad. He always sought to build peace and avoid war. He only engaged in warfare when forced to, and even then, only in self-defense. Beyond self-defense, the Quran does not endorse violence. If you doubt my words, I encourage you to read the Quran yourself. I would be happy to provide you with a copy.

Daya Shankar: Are Muslims the only minority? What about Adivasis? Aren’t they minorities too? What have you done for the welfare of Adivasis and tribal communities?

Abhay: I have never claimed that Muslims are the only minority. Legally, minorities are often defined in terms of religion, and religion is certainly an important criterion. However, my understanding of minorities is influenced by the works of Babasaheb B.R. Ambedkar. In his small book States and Minorities, written around the time of Independence, Ambedkar offered a broader definition of minority. He argued that to consider a community a minority, one must assess its “social, economic, and educational condition.”

By Ambedkar’s definition, I firmly believe that Adivasis are a minority. Government data consistently shows that Adivasis are lagging behind on almost every development index. Worse still, misguided development policies have severely impacted their lives, livelihoods, and cultures. Their resources are being seized by the corporate-state alliance. Over the past 80 years, the demographic makeup of Adivasi regions has changed, with outsiders increasingly taking control of their resources.

However, there is no evidence to suggest that these outsiders are exclusively Muslims, nor is there any proof that Muslim outsiders have displaced Adivasis. Contrary to the claims of the Hindu Right, the history of Jharkhand shows that Adivasis and Muslims have shared a strong bond and lived in peace for a long time. In fact, most Muslims in Jharkhand are Pasmanda Muslims, who belong to the backward castes. The Ansari community, a large group within the Pasmanda Muslims, has traditionally been weavers, making fabrics for Adivasi regions.

Sociologically, Pasmanda and Dalit Muslims share many cultural practices with Adivasis, and there is no history of significant conflict between them. The rise of Hindu nationalist forces has injected the narrative of Islamophobia into this peaceful coexistence. The Hindu Right is eager to hold on to power in Adivasi regions to facilitate corporate exploitation of their resources. They understand that unity between Adivasis and Muslims is a major barrier to their political ambitions.

That’s why there’s a deliberate effort to create misunderstandings between Adivasis and Muslims. Weakening this unity not only undermines the prospects of secular parties but also opens the door for the Hindu Right to seize power. As defenders of the dominant interests in society, they often scapegoat Muslims, portraying them as a threat to the well-being of non-Muslims.

Daya Shankar: Adivasi lands are being grabbed by Muslim settlers, leading to the displacement and marginalization of the Adivasi people. What’s your take on this?

Abhay: As I mentioned earlier, the dominant forces in society often deflect attention from the real sources of exploitation by presenting Muslims as a threat. You’ve likely noticed that BJP leaders are focusing on supposed Bangladeshi and Rohingya infiltration in Jharkhand as the central issue in the assembly elections. Let’s assume for a moment that there is indeed infiltration from Bangladesh and Myanmar into Jharkhand. Should we blame the state government, led by an Adivasi chief minister, or the BJP-led Prime Minister Modi?

If foreign infiltrators are entering Jharkhand, what are our security agencies doing at the borders? Border security falls under the responsibility of the Union Government, which is led by Prime Minister Modi. Shouldn’t the focus be on what the Central Government is doing about this, rather than turning it into an election issue? There is no official data or statement to confirm this alleged infiltration in Adivasi areas.

I’m not denying that there could be isolated conflicts between some Adivasis and Muslims at the local level, but these are not part of a grand political design, nor do they pose a threat to national security. The narrative of Muslim infiltrators grabbing Adivasi land, abducting women, and forcing conversions is often amplified during election seasons to undermine the Adivasi chief minister and sway voters.

Daya Shankar: There have also been reports of Adivasis being coerced into converting to Islam. Will you ignore these issues?

Abhay: There is no credible evidence to suggest that Muslims are coercing Adivasis into converting to Islam. We live in a democracy—do you truly believe that, in such a system, a minority community could forcefully convert members of the majority? Have you met anyone personally who has complained of being forced to convert by Muslims?

If Muslims didn’t force Adivasis to convert during their rule before colonialism, do you think they are in a position to do so in post-independent India, when they are one of the most marginalized and discriminated-against communities? The media often spreads rumors about forced conversions by Muslims but remains silent on the long-standing efforts of the RSS to assimilate Adivasis into Hinduism.

If Adivasis were allowed to declare their religion in the Census, why is there no provision for this in a secular country? Have you ever considered that? Many Adivasis do not wish to be assimilated into Hinduism and are demanding official recognition of their Sarna religion in the Census. Yet, their demands have not been accepted. Isn’t this a more pressing issue?

Daya Shankar: Adivasi communities have faced violence, threats, and intimidation from certain Muslim groups. Will you deny these facts?

Abhay: As I mentioned earlier, there may indeed be local-level conflicts between Adivasis and Muslims. These situations can arise, for example, if an Adivasi is a landless laborer and a Muslim is a landowner—class conflict would naturally occur. Similarly, if a Muslim mason is constructing a house for an Adivasi, disputes over wages could happen. These types of conflicts stem from economic and class struggles, not religious differences.

I am not denying the existence of these occasional conflicts, but they are not indicative of a larger systemic problem between Adivasis and Muslims. What is often overlooked is the shared cultural and social realities between these two communities. Both Adivasis and Muslims are largely marginalized and underprivileged in states like Jharkhand, and both are victims of exploitation by the upper-caste elites.

There is no credible evidence or data suggesting that Muslims are the primary source of threats or violence against Adivasis. The bigger reality is that both Adivasis and Muslims face state discrimination and are victims of corporate exploitation. The focus should be on addressing these shared struggles rather than pitting one marginalized group against another.

Some Clarifications

Before I conclude, let me clarify that my response to Daya Shankar’s question is not exhaustive. Instead of delving into details, I have attempted to outline the broader issue. Some critics may argue that by addressing Daya Shankar’s case, I am unintentionally reinforcing the BJP’s narrative that Adivasis feel threatened by Muslims. To such critics, I would like to emphasize that I do not consider Daya Shankar to be representative of the entire Adivasi voice in Jharkhand. As I mentioned earlier, the Adivasi community is made up of several tribes, each with its own diversity. The BJP, too, is pushing the narrative of Bangladeshi and Rohingya infiltration more in the Santhal regions than in other parts of Jharkhand.

My aim in responding to Daya Shankar’s misunderstanding about Muslims and Islam is to highlight the larger communal discourse propagated by the Hindu Right and its media allies. In recent years, the influence of the Hindu Right has grown significantly in Jharkhand, and manufactured communal conflicts have become more frequent. My argument is that these anti-Muslim narratives are spreading quickly in Adivasi regions, and young people like Daya Shankar are falling prey to them. Therefore, the need of the hour is not to deny these negative trends but to actively work to counter them. We must highlight the shared cultural bonds between Adivasis and Muslims to challenge Hindutva propaganda.

I also want to clarify that this article is not intended to “educate” the Adivasi community about secularism and composite culture. I am fully aware of the limitations of my own identity as a Brahmin male raised in a caste-based society. My response should not be seen as didactic, but rather as a reflection of a particular moment. Nowhere am I claiming to teach Adivasis any lessons on secularism. On the contrary, I believe that Adivasi cosmology offers hope and wisdom for a society that is losing its way.

(Dr. Abhay Kumar is an independent journalist. His broad interests include minority rights and social justice. Email: debatingissues@gmail.com)

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The post On the Muslim question: A dialogue with an Adivasi Youth appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Conducting a fact-finding to understand the trend behind incidents of violence in the region that have been connected to this rumour-mongering, the team consisting of representatives of the Jharkhand Janadhikar Mahasabha and Loktantra Bachao Abhiyan went to the Santhal Pargana area to fact-check issues. The facts found have been recently shared in a press conference at Press Club, Ranchi.

The fact-finding team spoke in detail with the students, victims, accused individuals, villagers from both sides of the ethnic divide, village heads and local activists to understand the recent major incidents/cases in Pakur and Sahibganj, such as Gaibathan, Gopinathpur, Taranagar-Ilami, KKM College, etc. The team also studied the registered FIRs and related documents in these cases. Census data from 1901 till now was analysed, other related census reports were studied, and gazetteers and research papers related to demography of the area were also assessed. The team found that the ground reality is far from the shrill communal claims of the RSS-BJP.

Brief details of the cases: In Gaithbathan village, there was a dispute going on between the Adivasi family and a Muslim family over land for more than 30 years. The Muslim family tried to capture this Adivasi land recently, after which a scuffle took place on July 18.  Students of KKM College from Adivasi Chhatra Sangh protested against this on July 27. The night before, the police severely beat up students in the college hostel. In Taranagar-Ilami, Hindu families beat up a Muslim youth and his mother for allegedly sharing a photo of a Hindu girl on social media. A large number of Muslims vandalised and attacked the Hindu hamlet after the rumour of the death of the Muslim woman spread. In Gopinathpur, there was a dispute over sacrifice during Bakr Eid that resulted in violence between the Muslims of neighbouring Murshidabad village, the Hindus of Gopinathpur and the police.

Despite this being a local dispute, state and national level leaders of the BJP have been continuously twisting facts and saying that Bangladeshi Muslim infiltrators are responsible for these incidents. But during the fact-finding inquiry, the team found that all the hyped incidents were between different local communities and people. None of the villagers in these villages – Adivasi, Hindu or Muslim – talked about the settlement of Bangladeshi infiltrators. Even the BJP Mandal President living in Taranagar-Ilami said that all the Muslims of his area were locals and not infiltrators. Interestingly, BJP leader Nishiskant Dubey had raised the incident in this village dubbing it as “violence by Bangladeshi infiltrators!”

The team visited many villages and spoke to villagers, city dwellers, students, public representatives etcs whether anyone had information about even a single Bangladeshi infiltrator till date. Everyone said that they did not. When asked where they had heard about the infiltrators, everyone said that they had heard about it on social media but had not seen one till date. Be it the matter of grabbing and settling on Adivasi land, marriage with Adivasi women or the recent violence, there is no question of Bangladeshi infiltrators in these.

At present, a large section of the Muslim community living in Pakur and Sahebganj are Shershabadias have been living here for many decades. Apart from them, there are Pasmanda and other Muslim communities settled in Jharkhand who have come from neighbouring states. Many among them are Jamabandi Raiyats, and many have settled here in the past few decades, having come from nearby districts or states. Historically, the Shershabadia Muslim community settled along the banks of the river Ganga (from Rajmahal to present-day Rajshahi district in Bangladesh) since the Mughal era. It is also significant that in most of the villages where the BJP has raised issues, there is no history of communal violence.

The BJP has been consistently claiming that the Adivasi population has decreased by 10-16% in the past 24 years due to Bangladeshi infiltrators.  First of all, there is no evidence of Bangladeshi infiltrators settling here. Secondly, according to census data, in 1951, the Santhal Pargana region had 46.8% Adivasis, 9.44% Muslims, and 43.5% Hindus. By 1991, the Adivasi population became 31.89%, while the Muslim population became 18.25%. According to the latest census (2011), the region had 28.11% Adivasi, 22.73% Muslims, and 49% Hindus. Between 1951 and 2011, the Hindu population increased by 24 lakh, the Muslim population by 13.6 lakh, and the Adivasi population by 8.7 lakh.

It is clear that the data presented by the BJP in Parliament and the media are false. However, the declining proportion of Adivasis in the total population is a serious issue, and there is a need to understand its root causes. The significant decline in the proportion of Adivasis occurred between 1951 and 1991 and it is still going on. The three main reasons for this are: 1) For decades, the population growth rate among Adivasis was lower than non-Adivasi groups due to inadequate nutrition, insufficient healthcare, and economic hardship, 2) In the Santhal Pargana region, Muslims and Hindus from Jharkhand, Bengal, and Bihar have migrated and purchased land from Adivasis and settled down, 3) Adivasis across the state, including in Santhal Pargana, have been forced to migrate in large numbers for decades, which directly affects their population growth rate.

A major issue related to this situation is the continuing alienation of Adivasi land which is being overshadowed by BJP’s communal politics. The fact-finding team found that there is widespread violation of the Santhal Pargana Tenancy Act and Adivasis are selling their land through donation deeds and informal transactions (unofficial & illegal in nature) to non-Adivasis, including Muslims and Hindus, on a large-scale. Non-Adivasis from Santhal Pargana and neighbouring districts/states are buying this land. The Santhal Pargana Tenancy Act stipulates that Adivasi land is completely non-transferable, and even Adivasis themselves cannot buy it. However, due to economic hardship, Adivasis are selling their land through informal transactions to non-Adivasis. It has also been observed that non-Adivasis have better access to and support network among the local administration which often results in decisions being made in their favour in cases of disputes.

The BJP is also spreading the claim that Bangladeshi Muslims are marrying Adivasi women to loot their land. In this context, BJP leader Asha Lakra, a member of the Scheduled Tribes Commission, held a press conference on July 28 and released a list containing the names of 10 Adivasi women Panchayat representatives from the Santhal Pargana region and their Muslim husbands. She alleged that Rohingya Muslims and Bangladeshi infiltrators are trapping Adivasi women. The fact-finding team met several of these women and found no case where a Bangladeshi Muslim infiltrator was involved in such marriages. Local villagers are also unaware of any such cases. Among the 10 women, six married local Muslims, and the husbands of three are Adivasis themselves.

There are many examples in the region of Adivasi women marrying non-Adivasis, both Hindus and Muslims. Adivasi women married non-Adivasi men by mutual choice and consent.  It is also important to note that the dissemination of lists and personal information about these women on social media by political parties and individuals is a gross violation of their right to privacy.

It is clear that the BJP aims to create social and political rifts between Adivasis, Hindus, and Muslims by declaring Muslims of this region as Bangladeshi infiltrators. Their objective is to create religious and social polarization before the Jharkhand Assembly elections.

The socio-economic problems faced by Adivasis in Santhal Pargana also reflect the failures of both past and current state governments. The government continues to demonstrate apathy towards the core issues of Adivasis in Santhal Pargana and other areas of the state, such as the weak economic condition of Adivasis, violation of the SPTA by non-Adivasis purchasing land, capture of government jobs by non-Adivasis and people from other states, inadequate nutrition, insufficient healthcare, and the low population growth rate of Adivasis due to economic hardship.

Therefore the following demands have been made by the Jharkhand Janadhikar Mahasabha and the Loktantra Bachao Abhiyan of the state government:

• Action should be taken against the BJP and any other leaders or social organizations for using terms like “Bangladeshi infiltrators,” “land jihad,” and “love jihad,” which are used to spread communalism. Under no circumstances should they be allowed to disrupt the the fabric of society.
• In the incidents at Gaibathan, Taranagar-Ilami, Gopinathpur, Kulapahari, and KKM College, the police should take adequate action against the culprits. Severe action should be taken against police officers and personnel responsible for the violence against students in the KKM College hostel.
• The Santhal Pargana Tenancy Act should be strictly enforced. Under no circumstances should Adivasi land be sold to non-Adivasis. The revisional survey should be completed as soon as possible, and the survey report should be released. Fifth Schedule provisions and PESA (Panchayats (Extension to Scheduled Areas) Act) should be strictly implemented.
• The phone system established by the other district administrations of Santhal Pargana for the public to give information about Bangladeshi infiltrators should be immediately stopped.
• The state government should form a high level committee to study the economic condition of the Adivasis in all the fifth schedule areas of the state including Santhal Pargana, reasons for low population growth rate, settlement of non-Adivasis, capture of jobs by non-Adivasis, migration of Adivasis etc. The state government should take immediate action on the basic issues discussed in the report.

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The post Bengali-speaking Muslims of Santhal Pargana are Indians, not Bangladeshi infiltrators: Citizens appeared first on SabrangIndia.

On August 18, Uttar Pradesh’s Ambedkar Nagar, a 21-year-old gang-rape survivor ends her life after UP Police denied to lodge an FIR against three men for the crime and coerced her father into misreporting the complaint.

According to the victim’s father, his daughter had gone missing from their home on the evening of August 16. After searching for her, she was found in an unconscious condition near a school and brought home by family members around 11 PM. Once she regained consciousness, she revealed that three men had lured and gang-raped her.

The father immediately went to the local police outpost to file an FIR but the Police refused to lodge an FIR and forced him to change the complaint.

On August 18, the victim’s younger sister discovered her hanging in her room. The devastated father reported to police that his daughter had felt humiliated ahead and abandoned due to the authorities lack of response.

The Police have said “the charges were upgraded to rape on the father’s complaint”, reported The Times of India.

A 16-years-old tribal girl gang-raped in Sahibganj (Jharkhand), dies by suicide

Another horrific incident of death by suicide of a gang-rape survivor in Jharkhand’s Sahibganj. A16-years-old minor tribal girl who was apparently unhappy with the local panchayat’s decision, allegedly ends her life.

The mother of the minor accused the panchayat head and the rape accused for killing her daughter.

On August 18, the local panchayat of Sahibganj district, where the incident happened, imposed a fine on the alleged rapist instead of accepting the earlier demand for marriage between him and the survivor made by her family members as she was a minor.

On August 19, the survivor’s mother lodged an FIR against 16 persons, including the local panchayat head and the rape accused, saying they killed her daughter on the night of August 18 when she was asleep in her room that was not bolted from inside. The panchayat head, who is the uncle of the rape accused, had reportedly presided over the meeting, police said.

The Times of India reported that the FIR alleged that the survivor was raped by a 23-old man of her village on August 15. However, the accused assaulted her at his house and threatened her with dire consequences if she approached the police.

Gang-rape horror in UP

In Uttar Pradesh, this is not the first incident where the rape survivor and family members have chosen death against police inaction. In March, 2024, 2 teen rape survivors died by suicide and father of one also was found hanged. In October 5, 2022, in Ambedkar Nagar, a student hung herself from the ceiling of her room. The father of the victim has reportedly stated that she had gone into “depression” after allegedly being kidnapped and gang-raped by two youth when she was on her way to school in the district’s Malipur area.

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The post Rape Horror: two gang-rape survivors die by suicide in UP & Jharkhand appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Addressing the state assembly’s concluding session, amidst the walk-out of BJP legislators, CM Soren emphasised the need to resist the BJP’s attempts to undermine tribal rights by amending existing laws. He highlighted the coalition government’s commitment to safeguarding tribal interests in the face of such challenges.

Particularly, CM Soren condemned the BJP’s amendments to laws protecting tribal rights, accusing the party of undermining the power of gram sabhas and seeking to alter legislation such as the Coal Bearing Areas (Acquisition and Development) Act and Chotanagpur Tenancy Act.

Expressing concern over the BJP’s purported agenda, CM Soren urged ruling alliance legislators to mobilize public awareness against the party’s intentions, highlighting the strategic implications of its policies for tribal communities.

Furthermore, he asserted that former Chief Minister Hemant Soren’s incarceration on land-related charges was a deliberate tactic employed by the BJP to suppress dissent, emphasizing the need to confront such tactics head-on. Underlining the coalition government’s commitment to socio-economic development, CM Soren reiterated the administration’s focus on ensuring food, clothing, and shelter for all citizens, as part of its efforts to strengthen the state’s education and welfare systems.

The Citizens for Justice and Peace and People’s Union for Civil Liberties has released a Human Rights Manifesto for all parties ahead of the 2024 Lok Sabha polls. In the section on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples: Adivasis/Forest Workers, the organisations have raised the following demand of the newly formed government:

[Articles 14, 15, 16, 17, 18 and 21 of the Chapter III of the Fundamental Rights & Article 48A of the Directive Principles of State Policy in Chapter IV of the Indian Constitution and Schedule V and VI of the Indian Constitution]

• Strengthen and implement the Forest Rights Act, 2006, The Panchayat (Extension of the Scheduled Areas) Act, 1996 and other provisions of land and environmental laws and the Indian Constitution, in letter and spirit, to ensure free prior informed consent, participation in decision making and recognition of rights of the local and indigenous communities over their lands, traditional livelihoods, culture and way of life, and to stop forced displacement.

• Hold a special session of Parliament to discuss the adequate implementation of the Forest Rights Act, 2006 (FRA) in all declared forests in India

• Repeal the Indian Forest Act (1927), Forest (Conservation) Act, 1980 as well as Forest (Conservation) Amendment Act, 2023
• Appoint a Judicial Commission, first in Uttar Pradesh, then in other states to examine all the false and arbitrary cases against Adivasis and other forest dwelling communities as a first step towards quashing these malicious prosecutions
• Stop the oppression, harassment, torture of, and police brutality against Adivasis, Dalits Muslim and all other ethnicities among forest dwellers and workers, especially women. The targeting often takes the form of being evicted from their traditional padas with no legal or commensurate rehabilitation for their cultivated lands.
• Ensure that no tribal or forest dweller is evicted from protected areas and critical wildlife habitats without following the procedures established under Forest Rights Act, 2006 and initiate strict action against officials responsible for these acts
• Make transparent and expedite the process of approving community land claims by forest dwellers and forest workers under FRA 2006; Institute strict accountability measures for authorities, including those reviewing these claims and ensure that the statutorily required representative bodies and committees are in place
• Ensure fair prices for Minor Forest Produce (MFP)
• Effectively implement PESA [Panchayats Extension to Scheduled Areas (PESA) Act, 1996] and regular monitoring and advisories by Union Ministry of Tribal Affairs (MOTA) should ensure that the recommendations by the Gram Sabha are scrupulously followed
• Dilution or distortion of PESA, for example in several states, including for example, in Maharashtra that allows the Collector to overrule the decision of the Gram Sabha, should be done away with.
• Repeal the 2015 amendments made to the Mines and Minerals (Development and Regulation Act), 1957 that now allows the union government to grant indiscriminate mining rights on forest land.
• Repeal the Compensatory Afforestation Fund Act, 2016 that promotes funds collection to replace forest land with agricultural land without the concurrence of the local people.
• Repeal the National Waterways Act, 2016 through which 111 waterways are included under this act. Infrastructure projects will be developed on these water bodies and complete commercialisation will take place leading to obstruction of life and livelihoods of people living along the banks.
• Withdraw the Draft EIA Notification (2020 Amendment to the Environmental Impact Assessment Act, 2006) – which sought to significantly dilute the existing provisions of law which itself were far from ideal; roll back the dilutions to the EIA Notification 2006 brought in by way of amendment notifications / office memorandums and circulars and put in place a strong law / Act mandating environment impact assessment for all impacting projects, without exemption.

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The post BJP a threat to tribal rights and land, Adivasis & Moolnivasis: Jharkhand Chief Minister Champai Soren appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Reacting to the arrest of Soren, numerous tribal outfits are going to organise protests and a state-wide shutdown. As per a report of IndiaTVNews, Ajay Tirkey, the president of Kendriya Sarna Samiti, had stated that at least 15 to 20 tribal organisations from various parts of Jharkhand will be participating in the said shutdown. Expressing discontent with the union government-controlled agency arresting former CM even after cooperation, Tirkey stated, “Despite cooperating with the ED in the investigation, Hemant Soren was arrested. We strongly oppose this action,” as per IndiaTVNews. Tirkey has assured that the protests will not hamper any emergency services or any schools that remain open today.

Most of the tribal outfits supporting the said state-wide took to social media to announce their participation. Another tribal outfit, namely Samast Adivasi Moolvani Sangathan, posted on ‘X’ (formerly Twitter).

झारखंड बंद है। हूल जोहार।
#HemantSoren pic.twitter.com/neuol3usTc

— Tribal Army (@TribalArmy) January 31, 2024

As the arrest took place and the news of the baandh emerged, a large number of police personnel were deployed around the Chief Minister’s residence in Ranchi on January 31 itself, as per a report in Livemint. Section 144 of the CrPC was also imposed within a radius of 100 metres outside the CM house, Governor House, and the ED office to deal with any untoward situation because of protests, rallies and processions by the ruling party workers. Notably, the JMM workers had gathered at Morabadi ground against the ED’s action and raised slogans against the central government on January 31.

Lalu Prasad Yadav, Former Chief Minister of Bihar and National President of Rashtriya Janata Dal, took to X to show his support for the arrested former tribal CM. in his social media post, Yadav wrote “Jharkhand’s popular tribal Chief Minister Hemant Soren is being tortured by the dictatorial government at the Centre. These disgusting tactics of BJP may cause trouble in the short term but cannot defeat the resolve and ambitions of backward, Dalit, tribal, minority and marginalized groups. The fear of BJP is well known and the public has also understood this now. We are strongly with Hemant.”

The post can be viewed here:

झारखंड की लोकप्रिय सरकार के जनप्रिय आदिवासी मुख्यमंत्री हेमंत सोरेन को केंद्र की तानाशाह सरकार प्रताड़ित कर रही है। भाजपा के यह घिनौने हथकंडे अल्प समय के लिए परेशान तो कर सकते हैं पर पिछड़े, दलित, आदिवासी, अल्पसंख्यक और हाशियों पर रहने वाले समूहों के संकल्प और महत्वाकांक्षाओं को…

— Lalu Prasad Yadav (@laluprasadrjd) February 1, 2024

Even in the face of impending arrest, Soren refused to cower:

Prior to being arrested by the ED and signing the arrest memo, Hemant Soren had submitted his resignation from the post of Chief Minister to Raj Bhawan. He was accompanied by the party alliance leaders. As per a report of the Telegraph, the ED team was also present there. Pursuant to his move, party loyalist and state transport minister Champai Soren was named as his successor. Notably, Champai Soren has the support of 47 MLAs.

Furthermore, earlier in the day of January 31, Soren had also lodged an FIR against senior ED personnel at the SC/ST police station here over the searches conducted by the agency at his Delhi residence. In the FIR, Soren has alleged that the ED conducted the search operation at his residence in the national capital to “harass and malign him and his entire community”.

On the night of January 31, Soren had moved an application to the Ranchi High Court challenging his arrest by the ED. As the case was listed for the morning of February 1 before the bench of Acting Chief Justice Shree Chandrashekhar and Justice Anubha Rawat Choudhary, Senior Advocate Kapil Sibal and A.M. Singhvi mentioned the said case in Supreme Court and withdrew the petition from the state High Court. Changing their strategy, Sibal stated before the Supreme Court bench comprising Chief Justice DY Chandrachud and justices JB Pardiwala and Manoj Misra that they will be withdrawing the petition from the High Court as the actions by the ED will have an adverse effect on the polity of the country.

“We will be withdrawing the petition in the high court… the manner of arrest just before the general elections has an adverse impact on polity of the country,” Sibal stated as per Bar&Bench.

The said move did not sit well with Solicitor General Tushar Mehta and Additional Solicitor General SV Raju, representing ED, as they opposed the plea on the basis that the hearing was scheduled to take place in the High Court. Responding to this, Sibal called this a “serious matter” while pointing to the timing and other procedural aspects related to arrest of Soren. He asked the court as to how a chief minister of a state be arrested like this.

As the ASG and SG countered this argument by dismissing the said arrest to be just one of the thousands of people arrested by ED, the Supreme Court bench agreed to list the case for February 2. The CJI also remarked that the counsels of both the sides should keep their ammunition ready.

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The post Adivasi (tribal) organisations protest against arrest of Former CM Hemant Soren in Jharkhand, state wide shutdown called for appeared first on SabrangIndia.

On December 13, during the ongoing winter parliamentary session, Chandra Prakash Choudhary raised several questions regarding the rehabilitation of displaced families due to the land acquired for coal mining activities. Through his question, Choudhary inquired about the total land acquired, the number of families displaced, and the compensation and employment provided to those families. Choudhary is a member of the Lok Sabha from Giridih constituency. These questions were presented to Pralhad Joshi, who currently serves as the union minister of Parliamentary Affairs, Coals and Mines of India.

In its response, the union minister apprised the Lok Sabha by providing that the total land acquired by Coal India Limited in Kathara, Dhori and Bokaro & Kargali amounts to 13,709.44 hectares. The break up is as follows:

1. Kathara – 3765.7 Hectare
2. Dhori – 2966.71 Hectare
3. B&K – 6977.03 Hectare

The response also provides the number of families displaced by the coal mines in the aforementioned areas totalled to 1,043 families, the breakup for which is as follows:

1. Kathara – 83 Project Affected Families
2. Dhori – 110 Project Affected Families
3. B&K – 850 Project Affected Families

On the issue of employment and compensation, the minister responded by providing that the people who have lost their land are being provided direct employment at the rate of one employment for every two acres of land.

From the above table we can see that, the highest amount of compensation has been given to the people of Bokaro & Kargali whereas the lowest amount of compensation has been given to Dhori. Additionally, the highest number of people who have acquired employment belong to Bokaro & Kargali totalling to 709 whereas the lowest number of people who have acquired employment belong to Kathara totalling to 147.

The minister claimed that there were no cases pending where the necessary documentation is incomplete.

From the table provided above, it can be observed that a total of 12 cases are yet to be given employment in the Bokaro & Kargali area. This is followed by 4 cases of pending employment in the Dhori area. It is claimed that the Kathara area has no pending cases of providing employment. A total of 16 cases of providing employment are pending.

The rehabilitation process for displaced families on GM (Gair-Mazrua) land in Jharkhand has encountered multifaceted challenges. The absence of valid documentation for tenant land claims has led to demands for both house and land compensation, exacerbated by inadequate records and delayed land authentication by the government department. Building a consensus among villagers for the finalization of a rehabilitation site is hindered by disputes over employment claims surpassing established norms, creating internal familial conflicts. Complicating matters further is the resistance from the host community to accommodate displaced individuals at the designated R&R sites, compounded by the reluctance of villagers to relocate near this community. Moreover, the scarcity of suitable land for resettlement sites exacerbates the intricate web of challenges faced in facilitating the relocation and rehabilitation of these affected families.

To expedite the resolution of pending and under process cases, CCL (Central Coalfields Limited) has implemented several key measures. They are actively collaborating with applicants, state government authorities, and village representatives to secure any missing documentation related to employment proposals, ensuring a comprehensive record. Additionally, CCL officials are providing essential support to land losers, facilitating their access to the R&R (rehabilitation and resettlement) benefits. At the operational level, multiple monitoring groups have been established within projects and areas to oversee the planning, implementation, and evaluation of the rehabilitation action plan. These groups engage closely with state authorities throughout the plan’s execution. CCL maintains ongoing communication with affected villagers, engaging in negotiations aimed at achieving mutually agreeable solutions, thereby demonstrating a commitment to resolving these pending cases.

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