The democratic transition of 2008 changed the fabric of women’s representation considerably, with many political workers winning seats in both houses of Parliament. Many of these women parliamentarians had either been a part of the women’s movement or had been associated with it. During the 13^th National Assembly, they resolved to work together across the aisle to ensure progress on issues relevant to women and marginalized communities in Pakistan. However, politics surrounding gender relations that challenged the power apparatus of religious and political elite made it difficult for them to secure a united front.
 
The 14^th National Assembly saw a withering off of women parliamentarians who had roots in the women’s movement. Instead, Parliament reflected class-based selection of party candidates, even on the seats reserved for women. The modality of reserved seats makes women dependent on party leadership. Their representation is therefore often considered secondary in comparison to those who win seats in their constituencies through general elections. The dichotomy in the nature of their representation has therefore become an emerging challenge – a glass ceiling of sorts.
 
Women on reserved seats are routinely labelled as ‘MPs without a constituency,’ ‘members without effort,’ and ‘MPs on charity seats’. Their contribution to Parliament, however large it may be, is routinely derided. The share of constituency development funds allocated to them is minuscule and their agency to speak out during debates is regularly undermined. The subtle bias of male members and often male dominated party leadership is reflected in their derogatory remarks about their female colleagues in the House. In addition, women are obliged to surrender their agency to political expediency, which is exacerbated by the fact that they are entirely dependent upon party leadership for their existence in Parliament.

Despite these enormous challenges, it is refreshing to see how women have participated in the business of the House(s) at the provincial and national level. Their performance as legislators, however, cannot be seen in isolation with the overall political culture under which they operate. The basic framework to objectively assess parliamentary performance includes three main elements. The first is the parliamentary culture which constrains or encourages democratic practices, as well as the strengths and weaknesses of parties, and  leadership attitudes towards the treasury. The second is the institutional capacity of the legislature, which includes both the advantages and drawbacks of the political and administrative wings of Parliament. And lastly, the governance context, including Parliament’s relationship with the executive branch of the state, citizens and civil society.  Discrepancies in any of these factors would enervate the entire structure, system and status of the Parliament – directly affecting the performance of its members. It goes without saying that in a patriarchal society, this overall institutional weakness would reflect particularly negatively on the performance of women in Parliament. Quantitative data though, suggests that women have tried their best to swim against the tide.

In the National Assembly, there are 60 reserved seats for women. Nine women members have come to the House through direct electoral competition. Of 342 members of the lower house of the Parliament, women make 20 per cent of the entire House. Yet, women’s contribution in the total business of the House has remained at 58 per cent, 44 per cent and 38 per cent in the first, second and third year of the current National Assembly. Even historically, data over the last 15 years demonstrates that women’s contribution to the total business of the house was 50 per cent during the 12^th Assembly, and increased as much as 62 per cent during the 13^th Assembly. This demonstrates that since the induction of women in greater numbers, their contributions have consistently remained greater than their representative numbers in Parliament.
 
Orders of business of the House fall under four main categories: legislation, executive’s oversight, representation of the citizens and budget scrutiny. Tools available to ensure these parliamentary functions include resolutions, motions, Calling Attention Notices (CANs), Points of Order (PoOs), and Private Members Bills (PMBs) amongst others. In all these categories, the percentage of concerns and motions raised by women have consistently exceeded the percentage of their seats since 2002. It is unfortunate that these contributions are routinely ignored, and at times deliberately overlooked by both the media and civil society.

What is of concern is the declining participation of women legislators in the business of the House over the past three years. This gradual decline speaks to the shrinking space for women parliamentarians. One reason for this decline is the fraying of women’s camaraderie along party lines due to increasingly entrenched, diverging and often vitiated party positions. However, an increasingly patriarchal executive branch and male dominated party structures have also been responsible for pushing women away from legislative contribution.

In order to ensure women are provided the necessary resources and platforms in Parliament, political parties should move away from tokenism and open themselves up to the idea of women in leadership positions at all intra-party forums. A constitutional amendment could assist in reviewing the model used to fill reserved seats. Not only should the list system be eliminated, but parties should voluntarily observe the gender-based legislative quota by giving tickets to more women to contest elections on general seats. Preliminary results of 2017 Census show women constituting 49 per cent of Pakistan’s population. Therefore, at a minimum, 33 per cent tickets allocated for general elections should be reserved for women. As of now, male political leadership have mutually agreed that women need not be allocated more than 5 per cent of tickets to contest general elections. This is testament to the lack of recognition given to the consistent and progressively positive contributions made by women legislators over the last decade and a half.

Today, the system of patronage associated with reserved lists threatens both the inclusion of women in the business of the House, as well as the quality of women’s representation. To ensure that women’s political space is representative, inclusive, and their voices are heard, political parties must ensure that their women workers are given opportunities to represent constituencies through general elections. Pakistan’s demographic diversity must be reflected in our democratic institutions.

Published and shared by Jinnah Institute, Lahore: Copyright © Jinnah Institute 2017.
 
 

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Jinnah Institute releases its second report on the sorry state of religious freedom in Pakistan

Discrimination and violence against minorities and vulnerable communities in Pakistan poses a grave threat to society, and a change in mindset is needed to ensure that the life, dignity and rights of minorities are protected. This was the fundamental assertion made at the launch of Jinnah Institute’s latest report, ‘State of Religious Freedom in Pakistan” and the screening of its documentary “Strangers in Their Own Land” aired at the Marriott Hotel, Islamabad on January 19 (2016).

The report, which is the second report in a series on religious freedom, examines the state of Muslim and non-Muslim minorities in Pakistan through quantitative and qualitative research based on reported incidents on discrimination and violence, along with interviews and focused group discussion with vulnerable communities across Pakistan.

Speaking on the occasion, Jinnah Institute President Senator Sherry Rehman noted that while discrimination against minorities is part of a larger regional trend across South Asia, this was no justification for the distressing state of religious freedom in Pakistan. She called on all stakeholders to recognize the real and present danger posed by prejudice, bigotry and exclusionary practices towards the state’s vulnerable citizens. She emphasized the need of incorporating Quaid-e-Azam’s August 11 speech in curricula to ensure that future generations uphold the principles of a tolerant and plural Pakistan. As such Senator Rehman welcomed Jinnah Institute’s report, and painstaking research that included over 100 interviews, as an important step in the country’s quest for a tolerant and inclusive society.

Ali Dayan Hasan, who supervised and edited the report, noted that the state’s response to discrimination has become more nuanced in recent years. He noted that it was important for policy think-tanks in Pakistan to speak to minority rights issues in indigenous voices. Executive Director Christian Studies Centre, Jennifer Jag Jiwan took the opinion that bigotry, prejudice and bias cultivated the space for discrimination against marginalized groups. Religion is just one of several vectors responsible for discrimination in Pakistan. It is the foremost responsibility of any state to protect its citizens and not discriminate when it comes to different groups.

Ramesh Kumar Vankvani, MNA Pakistan Muslim League-N (PML-N), noted that the Supreme Court in its seminal June 2014 judgment has given a roadmap to the government for ensuring that the rights of minorities in Pakistan are upheld according to the Constitution. He lamented that despite the passing of a year and a half, the SC judgement had yet to be implemented in its entirety. He highlighted that curricula reform was also essential to cultivate societal change.

Human rights advocate Tahira Abdullah praised the report as a significant contribution to the debate on minority rights. She urged the government to convene an inter-provincial meeting of education ministers to ensure that hate material is expediently removed from curricula across Pakistan.

Forced marriages, abductions and rape of Hindu girls were the overriding concerns of the Hindu community of Pakistan.  In 2015 alone, at least ten incidents of forced conversion, one case of rape and abduction, and two cases of desecration of worship places were reported. Shia Muslims continue to face some of the gravest consequences of religious intolerance in Pakistan

The report notes that recent years have witnessed an escalation in the persecution of minority communities in Pakistan. Faith-based violence and discrimination against non-Muslims is only half the story. Over time, extremists have also targeted Muslims from the minority sects of Islam. During the period, 2012-2014 at least 351 incidents of faith-based violence were reported across Pakistan. 43 attacks of varying intensity targeted the Christian community; seven churches were damaged; and 14 people were charged with blasphemy. 39 Ahmadis lost their lives in faith-based killings; the highest number of targeted killings were carried out in Sindh and Punjab. Little improvement was noticed in the socio-cultural attitudes of majority Muslim sects towards Ahmadis in Pakistan. Mass desecration of the Ahmadi graveyards was also reported.

Forced marriages, abductions and rape of Hindu girls were the overriding concerns of the Hindu community of Pakistan.  In 2015 alone, at least ten incidents of forced conversion, one case of rape and abduction, and two cases of desecration of worship places were reported. Shia Muslims continue to face some of the gravest consequences of religious intolerance in Pakistan. During 2012-2015, 23 attacks on the Imambargahs and 203 targeted killings took place. In addition, 1304 lives were lost in bomb blasts.

Until the launch of the National Action Plan (NAP) in December 2014, there was no high-level policy by the state to tackle the menace of faith-based violence and discrimination, even now progress on safeguarding minority groups remains uneven. Civil society, human rights advocates and sections of the media have been highlighting faith-based violence; and there were some gains made too. For example, the Supreme Court delivered a landmark judgment in 2014 on minority rights, and a young Christian Rimsha Masih was acquitted of blasphemy in 2013. Similarly, the National Commission for Human Rights has been activated with a retired judge as its head, however its powers and remit remain limited.

The report highlights the following recommendations, among others, to improve the status of minorities in Pakistan:
1.   A parliamentary committee should undertake a review of constitutional provisions that spur discrimination against minority groups including the oaths administered to the office of high level officials of the state.
2.    The National Commission on Minorities should be given authority to take suo motu notice of discrimination and violence against minorities, with the ability to pursue public interest litigation to protect the fundamental freedoms enshrined in the Constitution.
3.     The implementation on the June 2014 Supreme Court judgement should be carried out in its entirety and the progress of provinces monitored diligently.
4.     Full implementation of job quotas for minorities and protection of businesses owned by non-Muslim groups.
5.      Hate speech and hate campaigns need to be curbed by further strengthening existing legislation and policies.
6.       Curriculum reform through inclusion of messages of religious tolerance, and shunning of violent methods against non-Muslims is urgently required in support of the Supreme Court ruling.
7.       Intensive training of police forces across all provinces to ensure that they are equipped to deal with faith based violence in their areas with sensitivity.

Click here for full report in PDF format.

(Source: http://jinnah-institute.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/01/Minority-Report-2016.pdf)

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