The report by the Washington Post notes that there exists a ‘parallel campaign’ beyond official social media fanfare of the BJP. This was revealed by BJP staff, campaign consultants, and party supporters during rare and in-depth interviews that the report included, which brought to light that the party maintains discreet collaborations with content creators responsible for managing what are referred to as “third-party” or “troll” pages. These content creators specialise in crafting provocative posts with the explicit aim of polarising sentiments on platforms like WhatsApp and at the same time maintaining the party’s core supporters.

Poojary therefore is no lone figure but part of a very efficient right wing ecosystem that thrives on hate and muscle power typical to the right. While Poojary has claimed that he didn’t make money from his controversial social media post, the account has certainly gotten him significant influence, despite being a “10th-grade dropout” without a regular job. In fact, his “Astra ” posts were even shared by the Karnataka chief minister, and he has also claimed to have gotten calls from top government and BJP officials.

These polarising messages have achieved their intended impact, as described by the Washington Post. He has been able to successfully influence Indians about the farcical propaganda that tries to accuse Muslims of conspiring against India and the Indian nation. For instance, this can be exemplified in the way he laid out a hand for the BJP in Karnataka. The BJP benefitted electorally especially in coastal Karnataka from this campaign by ‘Astra’, winning 11 out of 13 contested constituencies. One respondent in the Washington Post article has stated that nearing the day for voting, he received about 120 messages a day – which he said signified as a ‘reminder’ to vote right for the BJP.

The BJP is notorious for tactics like these. In 2017, Swati Khosla who worked as a ‘volunteer’ in the IT Cell, then headed by a man named Arvind Gupta, stated that the IT cell is a vast network that works with ‘volunteers’ like her, whom they can disassociate with at any circumstances. In the interview with Caravan Magazine, Khosla stated that the National Digital Operations Corporation (NDOC) orchestrated targeted campaigns using social media and instant messaging platforms like WhatsApp and Twitter. These campaigns were directed against individuals who dared to voice criticism of the Modi government or the BJP. Khosla revealed that the list of targets at the time included famous figures like Aamir Khan and Shah Rukh Khan, as well as respected journalists such as Rajdeep Sardesai and Barkha Dutt. Bollywood actor Aamir Khan had stated that ‘Our country is very tolerant, but there are certain people who spread ill-will’, to which he faced a targeted response.

Thus the former volunteer, Khosla, told the Caravan Magazine that following Aamir Khan’s comments in November 2015 regarding alleged incidents of intolerance in India, the cell had launched a concerted effort to make sure that Khan was removed from a deal with corporate giant Snapdeal. The BJP has been exposed several times for their outsourcing of hate. In 2022, for instance, social media trolls reportedly employed by BJP had accidentally revealed the background of their work, as one of them prematurely shared the entire social media ‘toolkit’ comprising tweets in both Telugu and English. The complete toolkit was 15 pages long and featured numerous tweets maligning opposition leaders and to flood Twitter with tweets using the hashtag #JPNaddainOrugallu.

Thus, similarly according to WaPo, the founder of Astra, Poojary is concerned about potential legal consequences for libel and spreading false information but however the success he has seen seems, especially as all five BJP candidates he supported on social media emerged victorious in coastal Karnataka, seems to have put everything else in the background.

This report by Washington Post further sheds light on Meta, the parent company of WhatsApp, Facebook, and Instagram, and how Meta has time and again faced accusations of not doing enough to prevent the spread of hate news and being lenient with BJP leaders who violated its terms, possibly to safeguard business interests. Similarly, SabrangIndia reported earlier this year, after social media giant Meta released its annual report on human rights, that it was noted by activists that not enough has been done by the social media giant to curb hate that run amock there as there was no concrete plan. Just earlier this year in June, there was a report that stated Elon Musk had asserted that it was better to follow local laws. This statement came in the wake of former CEO Jack Dorsey stating that Twitter, now X, and had been threatened with calls to shut down Twitter in India and to have ‘homes raided’.

These instances serve to show that not only do social media giants face pressure from the government to bow down to their demands, they also seem to have no will to make changes to ensure violation of human rights does not take place on these platforms.

Related:

 Facebook’s plans to curb online hate during Indian elections: Too little too late?

India’s Struggle for Social Harmony: Challenges Amidst Surge in Hate Speech

Is There a Hidden Narrative Behind Slurs Hurled in Parliament?

India’s Struggle for Social Harmony: Challenges Amidst Surge in Hate Speech

The post BJP’s “parallel” IT Cell exposed by Washington Post appeared first on SabrangIndia.

While the BJP’s vote share is low in many regions, it remains high in some regions. Various analyses of the BJP’s defeat are being discussed with in the progressive circles. These range from the extreme argument that the “BJP has lost all grounds” to the argument that “BJP’s communal politics not at all affected, even increased its strength in some places”.

This phenomenon calls for further exploration. 

What has the BJP lost? 

• Many top leaders of the BJP have lost miserably in the elections. CT Ravi, Somanna, R. Ashok, Vishweshwar Kageri, Murugesh Nirani, Halappa, Shankar Patil, B.C. Patil, BC. Nagesh, MTB Nagaraj, J.C. Madhavaswamy, K. Sudhakar, B. Sriramulu ….the list is long.

• BJP has failed to secure a single constituency in nine districts. Just one constituency in other 8 districts. Just two in another seven districts. This indicates a real poor performance of BJP in 24 out of the 31 districts of the state.

The BJP experienced significant losses even in its traditional stronghold regions of Chikkamagaluru, Kodagu, and Bellary.

• BJP could do fairly well (though the seat share shrunk from the lost tally) in five districts. In Belgaum, the BJP secured seven out of 18 seats, in Dakshina Kannada it won six out of eight seats, in Shimoga it won three out of seven seats, in Bidar it won three out of six seats, and in Dharwad it won three out of seven seats. In Udupi district, the status quo remained with the BJP winning five out of all five seats, while in Bangalore the number of seats for the party increased from 11 earlier to 17 this time.

• If we take six Administrative regions as reference, the number of seats for BJP has decreased in all the regions except Bangalore.

In Old Mysore, the seats have decreased from nine to six.

In the Coastal region, it has decreased from 18 to 13.

In central Karnataka, the seats have decreased from 24 to six.

In Mumbai Karnataka, the seats have decreased from 30 to 16. In Kalyana Karnataka, the seats have decreased from 12 to nine. 

• BJP candidates have lost their deposits in 31 constituencies across the state, with a majority of them belonging to the old Mysore region.

• BJP suffered the highest vote loss in central Karnataka (-7.3), followed by the coastal region (-3.1), Mumbai Karnataka (-2.4), and Kalyana Karnataka (-1.8).

Vote Share    

What the BJP has been able to gain? 

• Bengaluru is the only region where the BJP has increased both its seats and vote share in the elections. In Bangalore, not only has the number of seats for the party has increased from 11 to 17, but the vote percentage has also risen from 35.8% to 41.2%. This translates to an additional 5,78,170 votes secured by the party.

• The number of seats for the BJP in the erstwhile Mysore region has decreased from nine to six. However, its vote share has increased from 18.2% to 21.4%. This indicates a 3.2% increase in votes. Notably, in Srirangapatna, the party witnessed a significant surge in votes, rising from 11,326 to 42,306.

The BJP’s vote share has also increased in the Maddur, Chamundeshwari, and Varuna constituencies.

What the BJP has been able to retain?

• In the coastal areas, particularly in Udupi district, the BJP has retained its dominance. It secured six out of eight seats in Dakshina Kannada district and retained all the five seats in Udupi.

However, the party’s overall vote share in the coast has decreased from 51% to 46.3%. This reduction is substantial. Nevertheless, the BJP has established a sizable vote bank in these two districts to the extent that even such decline in vote share is not enough to break their dominance in this stronghold of theirs.

• The BJP has managed to maintain its influence in Shimoga district. In addition to retaining the contested city of Shimoga, the party has also secured victories in Shikaripura and Thirthahalli.

• Similarly, the BJP has managed to maintain its presence to some extent in Belgaum district, Dharwad and the city of Vijayapura.

What do BJP’s loss, gain, and status quo indicate?

• While some interpreted the BJP’s defeat as a “shameful defeat of the politics of hatred,” some argued that though seats decreased “communalism has not got a beating anyway” pointing to the BJP’s sustained vote share and increased voter turnout in certain areas.

What would be a more factual assessment is to be seen from below.

• The Sangh Parivar attempted to provoke communal controversies as a strategic approach in the lead-up to the elections, approximately a year in advance, starting up racking Hijab issue. These attempts continued as the Halal, Jatka cut, prohibition on Muslim traders near temples, the murder of Harsha, the Darya Daulat controversy in Srirangapatna, propping Urigowda-Nanjegowda, and the Idris Pasha murder.

Furthermore, they employed their political power to implement communal policies, such as the Cattle Act, Conversion Act, textbook revisions, and the elimination of reservations for Muslims.

However, this strategy largely proved ineffective as they were unable to maintain power solely relying on this strategy of hate and divisive politics. Therefore, in an overall sense communal politics was beaten back significantly.

• The primary catalyst for minority communities voting in unison is their anger and unease towards hate politics. These communities not only got mobilized internally but also actively collaborated with ‘Eddelu Karnataka’ and other social movements to defeat the politics of hatred. Their collaborative collective community efforts had a significant influence on the final outcome.

• Considerable sections of Dalit, backward communities and a section of Lingayat communities also voted against the BJP. One of the primary reasons behind this shift is the increasing awareness and organised efforts among these communities in response to the BJP’s Manuvadi politics.

Furthermore, the BJP, which had previously managed to divide these communities by exploiting reservation policies, found itself ensnared in the same predicament this time.

Their attempt to offer relief without delivering tangible benefits ultimately led to a significant portion of the grassroots community turning away from them. Another significant development is the increasing awareness within the Lingayat community regarding Brahminization.

Along with this counter current, the feeling that ‘Lingayats have been neglected’ has resulted in a substantial number of Lingayat voters shifting their support from the BJP to Congress. These instances of heightened awareness within various castes have posed challenges for the BJP.

• The impact of price hikes has severely affected people this time. The BJP’s rampant corruption has significantly damaged its social reputation. The responsibility for bringing the issues of inflation and corruption to the forefront of public consciousness lies with a combined effort involving social campaigns, budding new trend media initiatives and the campaigning endeavours of the Congress party.

The combination of the heat of every day issues which touched the base and the political campaign which touched the minds set the voters mood, especially women voters.

• Simultaneously, the guarantees offered by the Congress are akin to providing water to those in a desert of distress. If debates on the usefulness and potential risks of these schemes persisted on the one hand, the common people found solace in the assurance that they would receive relief support during these challenging times. This instilled a sense of hope and optimism in the projections on Congress.

• Additionally, the BJP government’s introduction of the contentious anti-farmer laws and the resulting conflicts, anti-labour policies, increasing job insecurity, numerous struggles faced by various working sections, the struggle of the downtrodden sections for land, housing and NREGA schemes,  the resistance from government employees against the New Pension Scheme, have all as a whole, played a significant role in distancing people from the BJP. Furthermore, the conscious efforts by these movements to mould people’s political opinions have also contributed to the overall dynamics.

• In sum, the collective awareness and unity among minority communities against the politics of hatred, the increasing dissatisfaction among oppressed communities, the impact of price rise and the burden of corruption, and the resistance generated within various communities due to the anti-people policies were all nurtured through the hard efforts of various social organizations and peoples media set the tone.

Together with this the efforts made by Congress by rising its voice against price rise and corruption, Bharath Jodo Yathra and the Guarantee promises instilled a feeling among voters that the BJP should be ousted. The Congress party has reaped significant benefits from this whole situation.

Does the BJP’s retained vote share reflect the success of communal politics?

• The analysis stating that the BJP has maintained its vote share (36%) despite significant defeats, implies that “Congress has won but communalism has not lost,” is partially correct but mostly inaccurate.

• The statement is partially correct because: while a majority of people voted against the BJP, it is important to note that not all of these votes can be attributed to a voting against hate politics.

Minorities and democratic sections of the people have consciously casted their votes against communal politics. This suggests that some sections of the voters did cast their ballots as a response to the BJP’s hate politics. It is also worth noting that for another big section of voters, other life issues hold greater significance than communal politics. But the biases infused by the politics of hatred or communalism still do persist in the minds of these sections also.

• In this election, several right-wing individuals have also switched their allegiance from the BJP to the Congress. They have also garnered some right-wing votes. Additionally, communal polarisation played a significant role in shaping the outcomes in Udupi, Dakshina Kannada districts, as well as the Shimoga-Belgaum, Dakshina-Hubli, and Vijapur city constituencies.

All this points to the importance of the immense work that needs to be done against the politics of hate and the danger of the kind of vicious atmosphere that communal politics can opportunistically create.

• At the same time it is also to be noted that in most parts of the state, not only has the hate politics card not worked but the increased voter share in majority areas can be attributed to reasons other than communal politics.
  

BJP has received the highest number of votes in Bangalore city, with a vote share of 5.4 percent, totaling 4,71,079 votes and resulting in an increase of 6 seats. However, it is important to note that these votes were not garnered solely due to communal politics. Instead, there are four primary reasons behind these electoral gains. 

• Operation Kamala: The people who sold themselves and shifted from congress to BJP during Operation Kamala in 2019 (S. T. Somashekar from Yeshwanthpur, K Gopaliah from Mahalakshmi Layout, B. A. Basavaraj from K. R Puram, and Munirathna from RajarajeshwariNagara) have brought almost half the votes that BJP got in this election.

One aspect of Operation Kamala is, although many candidates have lost in this election they have contributed to the vote share of BJP. Their cumulative votes share in the entire BJP vote share is 2.86%. In the exceptional case of the Yeshwanthpur constituency, the BJP was able to secure 59,308 in 2018 elections, the Congress candidate S.T. Somashekar who had jumped to BJP in 2019 was able to secure 1,69,149 votes in 2023 elections.

• Collapse of JDS: In Bengaluru this time, there was a significant decline in support for the JDS. Both the Congress and BJP have gained from this shift, but the BJP has emerged as the biggest beneficiary. Traditionally anti-Congress votes that were previously cast for the JDS have now shifted towards the BJP.
  

• The influence of Power and Money: Bangalore generally tends to favour individuals with financial resources and influential positions. This can be attributed to the city’s close proximity to the centres of authority and the well-established ruling power networks within the slum areas.

• Modi road show: The Modi road show campaign during the final phase of the election is also had a slight impact on boosting the BJP party to an extent.
  

In conclusion, it is primarily the aforementioned four factors, rather than communal polarization, that have played a significant role in shaping the political landscape of Bengaluru and resulting in the BJP’s significant gains. 

BJP’s second highest gain is in the Mysore region.

• BJP has directed its utmost attention towards capturing this Vokkaliga majority area, which holds singular priority for them.

In their pursuit, the BJP has emphasised the involvement of influential leaders, Modi and Shah rallies, creating controversies surrounding Tipu, the fabrication of Urigowda-Nanjegowda fictional characters, and the distribution of substantial funds. They have utilized various tactics to achieve their objectives.

Despite these efforts, the BJP did not witness an increase in its number of seats; in fact, it experienced a decrease. It only managed to gain a 3.2 percent increase in the vote share.

However, it is important to note that the main reason for this outcome is not the communal politics it aims to promote. The primary factor influencing the election results in this area is the decline of the JDS.

Upon closer examination, it becomes evident that the Congress has benefited more from this situation than the BJP.

The Congress not only saw an increase in its seat count from 16 to 30 percent but also gained a 5.8 percent vote share.

On the other hand, the JDS, with its stronghold crumbling, experienced a decrease in seats from 24 to 13, resulting in a decline of 9 percent in its vote share.

While the Congress has benefited the most the BJP has also experienced some gains from this situation.

Additionally, factors such as the presence of popular figures like Sumalatha and Darshan, who are closely associated with the BJP, and the party’s strategy of enticing small leaders through substantial financial investments have contributed to their increased vote share.

The influence of these factors can also be observed in the voting patterns of Srirangapattana town. There is indeed a role of communal politics that the BJP has emphasized and attempted to cultivate here. However, it is not the sole determining factor. And It would be too simplistic to consider the 4,000-vote increase in Melukote as a significant reference point.

• The concentration of the entire BJP government machinery on the Varuna constituency to defeat Siddaramiah has also played a part in the neighbouring constituencies to win more votes. In spite of this, BJP could win only one seat in Mysore and Mandya out of 18 seats, in five seats it has secured the second position, and in 12 seats it could only manage to secure 3rd place.

• Communal politics is not the primary reason for the BJP’s increased vote share even in some other constituencies. While caste politics played a role in Bhadravati, personal image politics influenced the outcomes in Belagavi and Bagalkot. Additionally, the voter turnout for Yatnal in Vijayapur was also marred by fraud, as over 17,000 voters from other constituencies were discovered to have cast their votes using forged ballot papers.
  

• In sum, communal polarisation played a significant role in the BJP’s victory in two districts and four constituencies. And the influence of communal prejudice is deeply entrenched in general.

However, while the BJP has seen an increase in certain areas and maintained an overall vote share of 36 percent, it is important to note that this cannot be exclusively attributed to communal politics.

• BJP played the cards of Communalism, Caste politics, Operation Kamala and Huge Money to woo voters. In this the Communal card could not save them much, though communal prejudices continue to prevail, Caste politics boomeranged to an extent. Operation Kamala and Money power helped them to retain their vote share though it could not be materialised in seat share.

Is there any reason to celebrate or not?

There are several reasons to find some level of solace in this election result. Karnataka has effectively curbed the politics of hatred through strategic and concerted efforts, resulting in the removal of communal forces from state power.

Significant credit goes to the social forces that have actively shaped a narrative that diminished the influence of communal politics, while simultaneously highlighting the genuine concerns of the people.

People’s movements have played a vital role in exposing the BJP’s anti-people legislations, thereby unifying the secular votes and preventing divisions within the electorate. Even though the Congress made several mistakes this time, they have also shown prudence in their actions after a long period.

As a result of these collective efforts, authoritarian forces have been defeated. The masses, forces working on the ground, and the democratic intelligentsia are experiencing a profound sense of relief.

As a friend aptly put it, “Now, it feels like the air is oxygen-rich.” This outcome is the culmination of years of conscious action by multiple forces working towards a common goal. This should bring certain happiness and satisfaction.

However, it is important not to forget that although communal forces have suffered a setback in this election, the influence of communalism still persists, and its potential danger cannot be underestimated. There is every possibility that it may resurface in a more aggressive and violent form. Various forces are actively working towards this agenda.

Moreover, there are real concerns about the Congress party potentially enabling or allowing the resurgence of communalism through its mistaken moves.

We need to be glad about what could be achieved, draw the positive lessons from the same and constantly remain cautious not to fall a prey to any illusions and temptations. At the same time we should determinedly raise our voice against the probable mistakes by the Congress party and thwart the conspiracies of the BJP and its allies. On these lines, social forces must embark on a new phase of work to prepare the people for necessary actions.

(The author, Noor Sridhar is  one of the coordinators of Eddelu Karnataka and Bharath is the analytical head of Eedina survey team)

Related:

Part One, Eddelu Karnataka, understanding a unique civil society experiment: K’taka assembly polls

Part Two, Actions taken in the campaign, Eddelu Karnataka: K’taka assembly polls 2023

Part Three, ‘Wake-Up Karnataka’, Impact Created, Lessons Learned

Part Four, What lies ahead for Eddelu Karnataka

The post 2023 Karnataka assembly elections: what has BJP lost and what has it gained? appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Eddelu Karnataka (Wake-Up) has successfully established a model of effective civil society intervention. Its efforts have not only brought hope to the people of Karnataka but have also inspired progressive individuals and organizations in other states.

What is the impact?

• ‘Eddelu Karnataka’ has emerged as a platform for passionate individuals who aimed to defeat the rightwing Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and contribute to the cause. It resulted in a remarkable surge of energy and successfully motivated thousands of activists to take action.

• The journey is not yet complete. It has instilled a sense of confidence in civil society, proving that with dedication and a well-planned strategy, it is indeed possible to overcome the BJP in electoral battles to start with.

• It has given rise to an autonomous political force of the people, independent of any particular party and free from financial or other dependencies.

• It has significantly enhanced the understanding of our political policies and tactics in the present-day society, particularly among the marginalised and oppressed communities. The importance of avoiding vote fragmentation was emphasised, promoting the idea of voting for candidates with higher chances of defeating the opposition. It is noteworthy that the occurrence of vote splitting was considerably reduced this time.

• The message of resistance reverberated throughout society, thanks to an extensive and impactful social media campaign. It revitalised the spirits of those who had lost hope and provided rational answers to those who were confused. Resistance gained a charismatic aura through the power of songs.

• A substantial set of counter-narratives have been constructed to challenge the strategies employed by the BJP and the Sangh. This achievement should not be underestimated. This time, the BJP’s Urigowda, Nandini, and Sudeep were all confronted effectively. Even Modi’s visit failed to create a significant effect. The role and contribution of independent civil society activists and teams, working in coordination with Eddelu but with their own unique approaches, played a crucial part in this humble accomplishment.

• The BJP attempted to maneuvre its way out of the pit it had dug for itself. The murder of Idris Pasha (April 30-May 1, 2023) and the revocation of reservations for Muslims were not mere acts of retribution. They were political monstrosities, part of a conspiracy to incite Muslims and steer politics in a communal direction. However, the collaborative efforts of Muslim organisations working in coordination with Eddelu shed light on a different path. The entire community thus unanimously decided to respond legally and politically, refraining from taking to the streets.

• A confidence-boosting survey emerged. Amidst the media’s constant chatter about the BJP’s grip on power or its precarious state, the “Eedina” team’s scientific survey, commissioned by civil society, confidently asserted that “Congress will independently form the government.” This survey provided a noteworthy contribution, instilling confidence among the progressive circles and the dedicated activists striving to defeat the BJP. Such assurance was vital to their cause.

• While its impact may not have been overwhelmingly powerful, it served as a wake-up call to those advocating for the rights of various marginalised groups during the elections. The platform brought attention to the issues faced by the landless, farmers, underprivileged agricultural laborers, communities seeking internal reservations, and government employees fighting for their rights, among others. It compelled the dominant parties, particularly the Congress, to acknowledge and address these concerns to some extent. As a result, the respective communities made a resolute decision to defeat the BJP. Furthermore, it marked a fine milestone in people’s politics, as Congress was made to commit itself to resolving the people’s issues though much struggle remains to see that that it is fulfilled.

• By focusing on increasing voter turnout and minimizing divisions, Eddelu Karnataka played a vital and positive role in consolidating votes in favor of the opposition. A considerable amount of effort went into persuading 49 minority and Dalit community candidates to withdraw from the electoral contest to avoid vote splitting, although specific details will not be shared here. Furthermore, discussions regarding the Congress and JDS should be temporarily halted.

• Community leaders were advised to vote strategically for candidates with the best chance of defeating the BJP in their respective constituencies, rather than wasting the votes on candidates who are unlikely to win. The collective understanding that each vote should be utilised to remove the BJP from power led to a decrease in vote splitting. It is crucial to acknowledge that this played a pretty good role in achieving favorable outcomes. While the BJP’s vote share saw a slight decrease in this election, non-Congress parties, including JDS, experienced a significant decline. Last time, their combined vote share was 25.51%, which dropped to 21.12% this time, marking a reduction of 4.3%. The primary reason behind this phenomenon is the heightened awareness that votes should not be divided or wasted. The role of civil society in fostering this awareness is undoubtedly important.

The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) was unsuccessful in 73 out of the 103 challenging constituencies where Eddelu Karnataka focused and worked. It should be noted that all the constituencies selected by Eddelu Karnataka were considered tough. It is important to acknowledge that the positive outcome cannot be solely attributed to Eddelu Karnataka, but rather the solid efforts made by Eddelu Karnataka was complementary to other major processes including political, within these areas.

Among the 73 constituencies won by non-BJP candidates, the victory margin in 8 constituencies was less than 5000 votes, while seven constituencies had a margin of victory between 5,000 and 10,000 votes. Out of the total 15 constituencies, Eddelu Karnataka played a prominent role in securing victory in 12 constituencies. Among these, seven constituencies were lost by a narrow margin of less than 5000 votes. Additionally, in 6 more constituencies, the non-BJP forces suffered defeat with a margin of 5 to 10 thousand votes. It is evident that if greater attention had been devoted to these 13 constituencies and measures taken to prevent vote division, there could have been a possibility of retaining them. Despite efforts made in certain areas, the division of votes could not be averted, as witnessed in Chikpet, Harihar, Gangavati, and Bijapur. These instances serve as valuable lessons for the civil society and grassroots communities.

Lessons Learned 

• Karnataka’s Eddelu experience has been an eye opener for individuals who were previously unfamiliar with the intricacies of election politics. It has been a kind of a transformative journey that made you float above the routine practice with little results and learn anew.

• The election presented a competition between a minority of well-coordinated negative forces and a majority of unorganized secular forces. Despite being in the majority, unorganised secular forces would have inevitably faced electoral defeat due to their lack of organization. However, this time dedicated efforts were made to effectively organize and invigorate this unorganized majority. Through this process, we have not only gained valuable insights but also imparted a certain knowledge to many others.

• In an election characterised by the clash of powerful entities, Eddelu Karnataka has demonstrated the possibilities of connecting with and influencing the public through civil society and ethical politics, transcending the cacophony generated by the politics of money, caste, and hatred.

• It is truly inspiring to witness the multitude of altruistic forces present within society, spanning across various regions, towns, and villages, who are actively working towards combating these negative forces and fostering unity.

• This experience has revealed a considerable presence of young individuals who are enthusiastic about volunteering and actively working to combat the prevailing corrupt government.

• We have made definite progress in utilizing social media to effectively influence public opinion, construct compelling narratives, conduct scientifically sound surveys, and gain insights into the sentiments of the people. However, there is still much more to learn. The significance of mass media in shaping public perception has become increasingly evident and cannot be underestimated.

• We have acquired valuable knowledge on constructing an extensive network by uniting influential members of society, social and community organizations, as well as the mass media network. It was truly astonishing to witness the far-reaching impact that this collaborative effort can have on society.

• Moreover, we have received some training in the art of addressing / resolving political divisions that have emerged among the masses. Our focus has been on fostering consensus, encouraging collective decision-making processes and collectively determining the choice of our vote.
• Eddelu has demonstrated the immense moral strength that can be attained by operating independently of political parties and maintaining financial autonomy while still maintaining association with political entities.

• Furthermore, we have embarked on a journey of understanding the intricacies of the constituency, analyzing the booth structure, comprehending the composition and characteristics of the masses, and identifying the individuals, issues, and phenomena that exert influence within it. This endeavour is aimed at acquiring a comprehensive understanding of the dynamics at play.

• Above all, Eddelu Karnataka has established a commendable model of effective intervention by civil society. Its impact has not only instilled hope within Karnataka but has also inspired progressive individuals and organisations in other states.

The significance of Wake Up Karnataka lies not solely in its outcomes, but rather in the spirit it ignited and the valuable lessons it imparted throughout the process. Forces driven by social concerns converged to experiment with people-centered politics. Their efforts extended beyond mere seminars as they actively engaged with thousands of young individuals, formed numerous field teams, conducted independent surveys to gauge public sentiment, efficiently utilized social media, diligently exposed corrupt forces through various means, and brought the people’s issues to the forefront.

Furthermore, they rallied committed political parties, communicated in a manner that resonated with the people, effectively conveyed the three fundamental voting principles, and dedicatedly implemented strategies to prevent vote division. Through these actions, they well contributed to fostering a positive political atmosphere in critical areas and the state as a whole. This impressive journey has left an indelible mark, imparting invaluable experience, empathy, and confidence. All who have been part of the “Eddelu Karnataka” experiment, collectively shouldered this responsibility and willing to further it.

Even the Congress party leadership before which our staunch criticism about their approach and orientation remained clear throughout, even as Eddelu team strived to work in ways that ultimately went in its favour was vocal in its applause starting with CM. Siddaramaiah.

Satish Jarakiholi, Congress minister vociferously put it this way in the large gathering organised by Eddelu Karnataka to make Congress commit itself to people publicly. “It is essential for you to devise a slogan Eddelu congress to keep us vigilant. ……we recognise the importance of guidance and correction if we happen to deviate from the right path. The pursuit of social justice is just as crucial as development, and therefore, it is imperative to have a campaign that serves as a reminder and warning to keep us accountable. Your role is indispensable, as you will consistently act as a watchdog for our government, holding us responsible and pushing us in the right direction. Your vigilant support is crucial to ensure that we serve the interests of the people to the best of our ability. Dr. Parmeshwar, the home minister resonated the same feelings clearly.

From here where the movement moves depends on many factors, also on how and in which direction we move. The responsibility on us is heavier as expectations have multiplied all around.

Related:

Part One, Eddelu Karnataka, understanding a unique civil society experiment: K’taka assembly polls

Part Two, Actions taken in the campaign, Eddelu Karnataka: K’taka assembly polls 2023

The post ‘Wake-Up Karnataka’, Impact Created, Lessons Learned appeared first on SabrangIndia.

There is popular saying, “In victory, all become fathers and mothers, defeat remains an orphan”. This reflects a harsh reality. So much is being said about the hearty outcome of this campaign, Eddelu Karnataka. Eddelu Karnataka means simply, Wake-Up Karnataka and the name too was chosen in a participative way! Yet, inevitably, there have been a few articles that undermine the efforts of citizens coming together –yes, civil society and its role—belittling the significance of defeating the BJP in this crucial assembly election. This, in a sense, undermines the very essence of a hard earned victory. Although not entirely surprising, this situation also provokes contemplation. We have been, many of us together, engaged in a relentless race and even as the journey has been through challenging paths, I am responding to the insistence of many who have urged that the experiences and learnings are shared.

In four parts, I attempt this detailed documentation.

The following aspects need to be underlined to start with.

First, these points are crucial.

To the best of my / our knowledge, there has been no singular assertion that it is Eddelu Karnataka alone being the cause, or primary factor behind this positive outcome. The combined actions and interventions of diverse social forces has not ever, and cannot be claimed to be to the exclusive credit of Eddelu Karnataka. As critically, none of individually or collectively from within the social movements of Karnataka, is naïve enough to believe that the Bharaitiya Janata Party (BJP) has lost ground, that Hindutva has retreated, and, finally, Karnataka is shielded from the perils of communalism let alone fascism. Neither, no one within Eddelu Karnataka harbours the illusion that the Congress party is a viable political solution or an alternative for our nation.

Secondly, it is crucial to note that the Wake Up Karnataka Executive Council Review meeting has not yet taken place. Therefore, the views expressed in this writing are solely my personal opinions.

Thirdly, it is crucial to clarify that the intention behind this writing is not to just applaud the accomplishments of Eddelu Karnataka. Instead, its purpose is to share some valuable lessons derived from this distinct and rather special journey. In these dark, despairing and isolating times, within which elections are snared and engulfed by the influence of money, caste divisions, and communal politics, a question arises: Why should social organisations engage in such meaningful endeavours? The experience of Karnataka has revealed that the answer to this question lies not in a definitive solution but rather in a compass that guides our actions. Hence, it is imperative for dedicated social workers, committed to the preservation of our nation, to carefully study and reflect upon this matter. With the intention of offering possible assistance to developing this understanding, I am sharing my experiences in writing, here.

Brief Background: Karnataka has witnessed a significant rise in communalism, prompting a strong legacy of resistance against it within the state. The Karnataka Anti-Communal Forum (Karnataka Kaumvada Souharada Vedike) emerged as the most organised and enduring initiative in countering communal forces. In addition to the aforementioned efforts, several other initiatives have emerged, such as the Samana Manaskara Vedike, Samvidhana Ulivigagi Karnataka (Karnataka for Saving the Constitution, Deshakkagi Navu (We for the Country), Sahamata, Manava Bandhutva Vedike (Human Brotherhood Forum), Bhahutva (Pluralism), Janapara Sanghatanegala Okkota (Union of People’s Organizations), Sahabalve (Peaceful Co-existence) and more.

Equally, numerous left-wing, democratic, Dalit, and minority organizations have been actively resisting the oppressive influence of fascist power through their own unique approaches. In recent times, a significant number of social organizations, including farmers’ associations, women’s organizations, labour unions, and more, have taken a firm stance against these forces. As a result, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) BJP and Sangh Parivar are being challenged and resisted by various social organisations in Karnataka, each employing their own distinctive methods.

Social organisations have been actively engaged in intervening in every election, and the scale and momentum of their involvement has been increasing. Now, this time, we are able to see a significant leap in their efforts. Among the collective endeavors to counter these forces, four initiatives have emerged as particularly noteworthy in recent times.

1. In May 2022, progressive forces congregated at the Udupi Peaceful Coexistence Conference and collectively arrived at the conclusion that “We must persistently strive to liberate Karnataka from the politics of hatred.”

2. On December 6, 2022, different factions of the Dalit Sangharsh Samiti (DSS) forces joined to organise a substantial resistance conference, unequivocally proclaiming that “our primary objective is to triumph over the fascist forces.”

3. On February 16, 2023 in Bengaluru, various farmers organisations, farm labor organizations, Dalit Organisations, and workers organizations, under the banner of Samyukta Horata) united struggle convened a public gathering for people’s demands, and collectively resolved to “impart a fitting lesson to the anti-people BJP in the forthcoming elections.”

4. Numerous dedicated organisations actively took part in the central workshop held at Jai Bheem Bhawan, Bangalore on March 5, which collectively urged for the identification of 150 committed organisers from 20 districts. They arrived at a decisive resolution under the banner of “Eddelu Karnataka” to “identify critical constituencies and immerse themselves at the grassroots level, diligently working with a well-defined plan.”

‘Wake up’ Plan: The conclusion derived from the aforementioned workshop is that the overarching slogan of “defeating communal forces” holds limited efficacy. Instead, it is imperative to engage in efforts that directly influence the voting process.

To achieve this goal:

Our focus should be directed towards assembly constituencies where there is intense competition with the BJP. Specifically, we should target constituencies where the BJP and other parties are engaged in a close contest, where the margin of victory is narrow. By strategically selecting and actively engaging in these constituencies, a mere shift of 5-10,000 votes can significantly impact the results. It is crucial to leverage our social networks and abilities to influence the outcome by targeting and influencing these specific votes. To facilitate this, dedicated teams of volunteers should be formed, and a well-planned approach should be implemented in these areas.

In the chosen constituencies, our efforts should be focused on enhancing voter turnout by fostering grassroots awareness, minimising vote division, and persuading diverse segments of the population about the significance of defeating the BJP.

A scientifically conducted survey should be undertaken to gauge public sentiment, enabling the creation of a narrative that addresses the deeply felt concerns of the people. Extensive efforts should be made on social media platforms, along with the publication of diverse literature, to effectively disseminate this narrative.

Crucially, it is paramount that all these endeavors are conducted without accepting any financial support from any of the political parties or candidates. By ensuring an independent and ethical civil campaign, we can maintain the moral strength required to criticize all parties and communicate with the public in a selfless manner.

(To be Continued: Part-2: How ‘Eddelu Karnataka’ Worked)

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The reactions are not far from expected: INC is hoping to capitalise on its victory in Karnataka and win back power at the Centre. The BJP, on the other hand, is sticking to its game of trying to control the narrative by using the familiar tools of misdirection and half-truths. Mr. Shivraj Singh Chouhan, the honourable Chief Minister of Madhya Pradesh, has reportedly recently said, “BJP never got more than 36% votes in Karnataka. This time also BJP got 36%. Five years ago, BJP got 104 seats, but this time our number of seats went down. It’s not defeat. It’s mathematics.”

Well, is it? Let us look at this so-called ‘mathematics’ a little closely and see why the pooled vote share is not at all a good or healthy way to look at the outcome of any election in India using a simple toy example followed by a real one.

As we all know, India has a multi-party, first-past-the-post electoral system. This means that the candidate who receives the most votes in a constituency wins, regardless of the margin of victory. As a result, the vote share does not directly translate into the number of seats won by a party. There are a number of socio-political factors that can impact the vote percentage in India, including regional variation, polarisation, voter turnout, lines of segregation along economic or caste lines, and so on.

However, we will not go deep into those trenches, at least not here, this time. We will stick to just one unambitious goal: showing that the total vote share has very little to do with who ‘wins’ the election. Let’s start with a “toy” example, albeit carefully chosen to drive home the point. In a fictional district, we have 3 constituencies (A, B, C) and 3 parties (X, Y, Z). Suppose their vote shares are as in Table 1. Roughly speaking, party X receives the highest percentage (38%) of the total votes, and yet fails to win even a single seat. Party Y, on the other hand, gets the lowest share (29%) of votes and wins 1 out of the 3 seats. Party Z, with the second largest vote share but the highest number of seats, forms the fictitious government because of its absolute majority!

If you find tables and numbers a bit dry, you can look at the following figure as well.

Is this surprising, or, a concocted, pathological example? Not at all! Let us go back in time a little bit and look at the Mysore district assembly election results in 2018. As per https://www.indiavotes.com/district/ac/258/1926, the total number of votes, number of seats won, and the vote shares of various political parties are given below.

Mysore, with its 11 seats, witnessed an intense electoral battle as all three major parties vied for victory across each constituency in 2018. In the absence of any alliances that could have influenced vote shares, an interesting picture emerges. Despite JD(S) securing the second-highest vote share, it emerged with the maximum number of seats. Interestingly, Congress garnered more than double the votes of BJP, yet both parties ended up with an equal number of seats. Delving deeper, we discover a strategic move by BJP, as it refrained from fielding strong contenders in seats like Hunasuru, Periyapatna, Chamundeshwari, T Narasipur, and Krishnarajanagara, where its vote shares ranged from 1.5% to 8%. Instead, the party focused on just six seats, successfully securing three of them. In the aforementioned five seats, the battle predominantly unfolded between JD(S) and Congress, with JD(S) emerging victorious in all five contests. Many observers interpreted BJP’s absence from these seats as a subtle alliance between BJP and JD(S),

Going back to the comment of Mr. Shivraj Singh Chouhan, the honourable Chief Minister of Madhya Pradesh, if this is indeed a “half-truth”, then where is the other half? What he remained silent about is how the Congress vote share was the highest achieved by any party in the last 34 years of Karnataka’s election history. Furthermore, the Congress vote share in the state has steadily increased since 2008, keeping in mind that Karnataka traditionally has been a three-party race since 2004. However, the 2023 assembly election looked more like a two-party race. Total vote percentage polled by the top two parties in Karnataka was 63.6% in 2004, 68.7% in 2008, 56.8% in 2013, 75% in 2018, and 78.9% in 2023. This indicates a strong consolidation and people’s increasing preference towards a two-party system. Despite the polarisation, the consolidation favoured Congress, while BJP simply managed to retain its stable vote share.

Another way to interpret Mr. Shivraj Singh Chouhan’s comment is that BJP’s core loyal vote share in Karnataka has never been more than 36%, in spite of their huge investment in social engineering, propaganda bandwagon and shamelessly divisive politics. This gives a scope (and a faint ray of hope) to the Congress to work on the fence-sitting voters, i.e., the voters who do not align with the core of extremist Hindutva, and consolidate more anti-BJP votes in its favour in 2024. Will that really happen? What will it take for Congress or other political parties, both regional and national, to strategize against the behemoth of a well-oiled machinery and strictly loyal voter base? We don’t know yet, and it’s too early to extrapolate Karnataka 2023 to pan-India 2024. As Winston Churchill, the former honourable Prime Minister of the United Kingdom, famously said, “the past no longer enables us even dimly to measure the future”. The optimists of the present may, however, hope whatever Karnataka thinks today, India will perhaps think tomorrow.
(Jyotishka Datta is an assistant professor of statistics at Virginia Tech, USA and an author. Sudipto Pal is a corporate leader, statistician, novelist and diversity champion for the LGBTQ community in the tech industry. Parthanil Roy is a professor of mathematical statistics at Indian Statistical Institute, Bangalore Centre and a fellow of Indian Academy of Sciences. All views expressed in the article are solely based on the authors’ opinions, interpretations and analysis)

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The reasons cannot be listed fully but here are some:

1. Karnataka has a rich history of culture, intellect and education. The results of this election have proved this one more time. Karnataka cannot be called Dakshin Pradesh, period.

2. Even if we cannot, or have not eliminated communal forces in their entirety, this tremendous triumph of unity in diversity gives us hope that the propagandist representation of the divisive gang can now be significantly reduced within the Union. This too should be considered a prominent political success given the current scenario.

3. Article 51 A (h) of Indian Constitution states: (It shall be the duty of every citizen of India) to develop scientific temper, humanism and the spirit of inquiry and reform.

4. The “entire political science” of South India has now become more modern, progressive, inclusive and pluralistic. This change was absolutely necessary, a non-negotiable, for democracy, sovereignty and secularism within Karnataka as also in all of India.

5. Phase transition (borrowing a terminology from my physicist friends) takes time. It can be sharp but it needs various important steps, at times sacrifices.

6. This landslide victory is a huge morale booster for each and every person fighting against fascism in our country.

7. I went to the Orion Mall (Bangalore) on Saturday. Saw many people of various faiths coming out and enjoying with family, friends, etc. Being a privileged person with a Hindu name, I cannot even imagine what kind of stress they have been going through. It was surrealistic to see them in a relaxed mood, laughing mingling, simply enjoying themselves freely.

8. Fake hate-propaganda messages were sent regularly within our apartment complex WhatsApp group. Very few people used to protest. Yesterday, I saw a bunch of new people protesting against them. They were scared to silence earlier?

9. History has taught us nobody, absolutely nobody, is invincible. Isn’t it sweet to validate it through the present?

10. “Yesterday is history, tomorrow is a mystery, today is a gift”. Let’s learn from yesterday, relish today and prepare for tomorrow.

Parthanil Roy is a professor at the Indian Statistical Institute Bangalore Centre. This article is based on the authors’ personal experience and opinion. 

The post What Karnataka thinks today, will India think tomorrow? appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The first complaint was against suspended BJP MLA, T Raja Singh and the second  dealt with two offending speeches of party functionaries, BJP MLA Basanagouda Patil Yatnal and BJP leader and former MLA Ayanur Manjunath. Detailing the offensive comments, the complaints point out to the state election commission authorities as well as the state DGP how the Model Code of Conduct (MCC) has been violated . The MCC became applicable in Karnataka from March 29 and since then 3-4 incidents of hate speech have come to the fore.

In swift dual actions, the Complaint Monitoring Cell of the Office of Chief Electoral officer, Karnataka has forwarded CJP’s complaint to the District Election Officer of Shimoga and Dharwad for an inquiry and has sought Action Taken Report (ATR) within 24 hours.

The hate speech delivered by T Raja Singh was sent in a separate complaint considering the history of Raja Singh, a suspended BJP MLA from Hyderabad as a repeated and relentless hate offender on Monday May 8. In his speeches, given at two separate events, the speaker has made misinformed and offensive claims against the minority community, made religiously derogatory and communal statements. T. Raja Singh has a history of stigmatizing and dehumanizing the minority community apart from spreading communal disharmony by targeting the Muslim community. The complaint against Raja Singh has also been forwarded for inquiry and ATR sought within 24 hours from district election office, Gulbarga,

On May 2 a video surfaced of BJP MLA Basanagouda Patil Yatnal making a speech in Kannada whereby he says that if somebody speaks about Hindus/India, that person will be shot. He also said that if BJP comes to power again in Karnataka, there will be direct (and swift) encounters (extra judicial killings) out on the road and no imprisonment for such crimes. Further, on April 3, a video surfaced online where BJP leader and former MLA Ayanur Manjunath warned Muslims, Hindus as well as Shivamogga Police to be careful as anything could happen before the elections. This was the subject matter of another complaint on May 9.

CJP has pointed out the sections of the MCC that stand to be violated as well as provisions of the Representation of People’s Act and the Indian Penal Code as well. The MCC clearly states, among other things, that “(1) No party or candidate shall include in any activity which may aggravate existing differences or create mutual hatred or cause tension between different castes and communities, religious or linguistic.”

There is also a provision that prohibits party persons from intimidating voters. In Abhiram Singh v. C.D. Commachen (Civil Appeal No. 37 of 1992; decided on January 2, 2017), a 7-judge bench decided that electoral appeals to voters based on their religion is a “corrupt practice” and Justice TS Thakur in a concurring judgement had said, “Suffice it to say that the Constitutional ethos forbids mixing of religions or religious considerations with the secular functions of the State.”

CJP, in its complaint also detailed the April 2019 judgement of the Supreme Court had pulled up the Election Commission for not taking action against hate speech on religious lines during election rallies.

“Those who make hate speech during election campaigns intend to divide voters on communal lines and this is neither desirable nor favourable for a culturally and communally vibrant and diverse country like ours where our courts and statutory as well as constitutional bodies have upheld constitutional values and strive to uphold democracy in its truest sense. While keeping this in mind, we humbly urge the Commission that is the sole body responsible for free and fair elections in our thriving democracy, to do all that it can in its powers to deter such instances of hate speech by political parties and deal with them with an iron hand,” the complaint states.

The complaint may be read here:

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The post District EC officials to inquire into CJP’s hate speech complaints within 24 hours: Karnataka appeared first on SabrangIndia.

To this, Justice Nagarathna said, “If this is really true, why are such statements being made? There has to be some [control] … by public functionaries. When matter is sub judice and before this Court, such statements should not be made,” reported Bar and Bench.

The Karnataka government’s March 27 order to give the 4%  quota to two dominant communities, snatching it from the Muslims was largely seen as an appeasement policy toward these communities in the light of the upcoming Assembly elections.

While speaking at India today’s Karnataka Roundtable on April  22, 2023, Amit Shah had said, “The Congress party had illegally kept four per cent reservation for Muslims in the state. The Constitution of India does not allow reservations on the basis of religion. Thus, the BJP government in Karnataka ended this practice and worked for the OBC reservation.” The bench took objection to these statements.

At the last hearing on april 13, 2023 the court did not stay the government’s decision since the state government had assured the court that no appointments or admissions will be made pursuant to the GO.

Prima facie shaky decision

During the April 13 hearing, the bench had found the Karnataka government’s decision to scrap the 4% OBC quota for Muslim community to be prima facie flawed and shaky. The government had issued a GO on March 27 whereby it removed Muslim community from the 4% OBC reservation and distributed it equally to two dominant communities, Veerashaiva-Lingayats and Vokkaligas.

The bench had noted that the government had based its decision on an interim report of a cabinet sub-commitee, “Why could you not wait for the final report? What was the great hurry?” the bench asked Solicitor General Tushar Mehta appearing for Karnataka government. The court also noted that all previous reports of committees had termed Muslims a socially and educationally backward class.

“The community was identified as socially and educationally backward in three previous reports and were given reservations for nearly three decades. How can you subscribe to the correctness of a government order which turns a blind eye to these reports and is in the teeth of such reports?” the bench had asked.

SG Mehta had submitted that he will submit all relevant papers which were the basis of this decision and stated that there is no provision in the Constitution to provide reservation on the basis of religion. He also pointed out that eligible Muslims were still being given the benefits of reservations under economically weaker sections (EWS) now. The bench retorted that this OBC quota was not about religion and was about socially and educationally backward classes.

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Now, in this appeal just before Election Day, the appeal (that can be read below) urges one and all, even those sick and elderly to vote. Besides, states the appeal that it is the duty of every citizen to vote for candidates who are constitution bound, secular, non-corrupt and non-communal. Besides, the appeal states that freebies and incentives must guide the choice but the worth and merit of the candidate alone. The Christian community must reach out to neighbours of all religious denominations to exercise their franchise and those out of the city must be encouraged to return back to the cast their vote.

The Archbishop’s letter may be read here:

Meanwhile, on Saturday, May 5, another Jesuit priest and activist, Father Cedric Prakash also made his own appeal. He states that

“Its less than five days, on May 10, elections take place for the Karnataka State Assembly. These elections are significant on several counts but above all, it will be a telling indicator for the 2024 General Elections. The State of Karnataka is at the moment in a pathetic mess plagued with corruption, communalism, caste-ism, criminalization of politics and crony capitalism. At the receiving end are the poor: daily wagers, casual labourers and migrant workers; the excluded and the exploited; the minorities and other marginalized sections of society! Above all, several efforts have been meticulously made to destroy all that is sacred in the Constitution of India and the pluralistic, secular fabric of the country. The one aim to usher in a state based on the fascist ‘Hindutva’ ideology by 2025 seems high on the agenda by the regime and their ilk!”

In this open communication, Cedric Prakash also reminds the public, especially Christians of the attacks on Christians and their institutions in Mangalore and elsewhere in September 2008 which he states was certainly part of a much wider and long-term plan! He reminds his community of a letter (published below) which was written a little after those attacks, is still very relevant today. Though this letter was originally addressed to the ‘Catholics of Mangalore’ it is today an urgent call to every citizen of Karnataka state who cherishes the values and freedom guaranteed in the Constitution!

An Open Letter to the Catholics of Mangalore 

Dear Sisters and Brothers,
Greetings of Peace and Love to each one of you!
I have just returned from Mangalore, after spending five hectic days there; during which I met with, listened to and spoke to hundreds of youth, men and women; religious and clergy.

The days beginning Sunday, September 14 (the Feast of the Exaltation of the Cross) have been very traumatic and painful for many across the board. “We never expected this to happen to us” is what several of you have been saying.  Many others added “and we were totally unprepared”.

During the days there, I experienced the pain and suffering of several of the victims:  those who were in the midst of teargas, those who were beaten up and brutalized by the brute force and insensitivity of the police, and even of those who spent some days in jail / police custody.  The underlying feeling throughout was, “this violence was just too terrible for words”.

It was also heartwarming to know how several of you literally stood firm to protect the Church and Church property. I have been tremendously edified by the heroics of many women (very specially Religious Sisters) who boldly faced the onslaught of violence. I was touched by the fact that several youth went to jail for no wrongdoing whatsoever, but only because their names were handed over to the police officers, who demanded that this be done.

I salute each one of you who have exemplified faith, courage and dignity to preserve the diversity and the secular fabric of our country.

Having said this, I need to share with you some of my reflections on the current happenings in Mangalore and other parts of Karnataka. What I write here is essentially based on the sharing of many and in no way should be misconstrued as ‘final words.  I also share them because as a citizen of India, I feel I have a responsibility to do so:

-The attacks on Churches and Christians are NOT a ‘one off’ affair.  It is part of a systematic long-term project of the Sangh Parivar, who have an insidious, divisive agenda based on a fascist ideology.

-During these attacks, the fascists have effectively used age-old tactics like ‘hit and run’, ‘divide- and-rule’ (it is not ‘you’ but ‘they’), “diverting-from-the-real-issue” (illegal conversion, foreign funds, etc.)

-It is blatantly obvious that they have trapped us in their subterfuge.  We have fallen prey to their evil designs.
-What perhaps went awry, in their plans, was the groundswell of response, from the Catholic Laity, very specially the youth. This spontaneous response, both, on September 14 and 15 (2008), certainly put them on the back foot.

-The ringing (pealing / tolling) of Church bells was a terrific strategy used on the part of the Catholics on both days.  In doing so, we were reminded that God is with us and that we need to come together / remain united in the face of crisis.  (At times during the Nazi regime, the Resistance Movements in parts of France also used to ring the Church bells in times of danger).

-The Police had no business to enter Church property, and very specially the Sacred Precincts of our Churches.  There is enough of documentary evidence to show how police have beaten up and brutalized people even inside Churches and severely damaged Church property.

-No acts of violence can and should be justified.  However, it is anyone’s guess as to who threw ‘the first stone’ and to what extent were the Catholic youth actually involved in stone throwing.

-In some Parishes, the police asked for a list of names of youth who they could arrest, and unfortunately, these were given, even when the youth were just sitting silently in the Church compound.

-On the very first day, members of the Sangh Parivar took responsibility for the attacks.  This would not have been possible if they did not have the full patronage of the State Government and the support of BJP higher-ups.  Government Officials and Police clearly acted as footstools for the whims and fancies of their political masters.

-A few days before these attacks, a highly inflammatory and defamatory booklet was printed and distributed outside the gates of several educational institutions in Mangalore.  The booklet held the Christians responsible for the killing of the Swami in Orissa.  The police did nothing to stop those responsible for the publishing and distribution of this booklet.

-The Sangh Parivar, with all its affiliates, is a fascist organization. They are out to destroy the secular fabric of the country. They DO NOT represent the vast majority of the Hindus of the country.  It is dangerous and immoral, to enter into any negotiations or deals with them.  When one does so, one provides them a legitimacy, which they desperately hanker for. Above all, one is manipulated into a vulnerable position carefully designed by them (“you are also the criminals”).

-The dharnas / demonstrations by the Catholics have proved that “Satyagraha” (the force of Truth) given to us by Mahatma Gandhi is a very effective weapon to counter hate, prejudice and violence in this country.
In the context of the above, I would like to make the following suggestions / remarks:

• The machinations of the Sangh Parivar are going to continue for a long time. Please do not be fooled if there are utterances that it is all over.
• It is important to document / study / analyze the way they work.  This should be done through well-established ‘Resources Centres’ which can also serve as nodal points in times of crisis.
• We need to carefully study the various statements of the Chief Minister and Home Minister (check his blog) of Karnataka.  There are several contradictions in them.  Do remember that fascists always indulge in techniques which are Goebbelsian: “tell a lie a thousand time and people tend to believe it”
• We need to be a Communicating Church with a very effective coordinating mechanism in which power and responsibility is shared at every possible level and especially among all sections of the laity.
• We need to SPEAK TRUTH TO POWER (Archbishop Bernard Moras’ bold statements to the Chief Minister is an excellent example for all of us).
• We need to formulate responses and strategies for the long term.  We need to set OUR agenda, very specially to preserve and enhance the Constitutional Rights and Freedom of every single citizen (the Sangh Parivar tries to make us reactionaries to their devious agenda).
• We should not give up any of our routine programmes /functions / celebrations.  Every effort has to be made to show the fascists that we are citizens of this country with the rights and freedoms guaranteed to every citizen.
• Our response has to be broad based.  It should certainly include all ethnic groups within the Catholic Community.  It should include all denominations of the Christian Faith (e.g., at the National level, we do have the ‘National United Christian Forum’ and in Gujarat we have the ‘Gujarat United Christian Forum’).  Above all, it should include all men and women of goodwill.  In this last category, we will have thousands of young men and women belonging to every faith, who have passed through the portals of our Educational Institutions, and who even hold important positions in Society, in Government and in Industry. They MUST be part of this broad-based response.
• Those police officers responsible for these heinous acts should be brought to book immediately for dereliction of duty.  There is an understandable fear among members of the community from doing so, fearing revenge, but unless some beginning is made by civil society, we will never be able to make the police accountable and in adhering to their sacred mandate that of protecting the life and property of every single citizen.
• All others responsible for the attacks on Christians and the Churches MUST be brought to book immediately and the Government must be held responsible for this.  If not, they will be miserably failing in their prime duty.
•  All Catholic youth who have been arrested should be released immediately and all charges against them should be dropped unconditionally.
•  The attacks on the Christians in Karnataka, together with those of Orissa and other parts of India must be internationalized.  The Central and State Governments must get missives from countries who are friendly with India.  
• A Citizens Tribunal consisting of eminent people from all walks of life (and preferably non-Christians), must be set up immediately. Mangalorean Catholics will have to provide the financial resources and logistical support for this Citizens Tribunal.

Above all, ‘DO NOT PANIC!’ ‘DO NOT FEAR!’ The Lord is with us and has told us over and over again those we should “FEAR NO ONE” on this earth…Being a citizen of India is our birthright. Let us hold our heads high and cherish the eternal values given to us by Jesus.  The Indian Constitution also guarantees many of them.  Being Indian is our birthright and no one can deny us that and no one can treat us as second-class citizens in our country.

With warm wishes and prayers,
in solidarity,

Fr. Cedric Prakash j                                                                                           
September 25, 2008

Hopefully, the above letter will serve as a clarion call to the people of Karnataka to wake up now: go out and exercise your franchise and motivate others to do so too! It may be just too late – for you to cry tomorrow! Awake now and Act: the result on May 13 has to be for a more democratic India where truth, justice, liberty, equality, fraternity and pluralism are given their due importance!

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Citizens, civil society hold the ruling party, BJP to account: #ReportCard Karnataka

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One such citizens collective, Bahutva Karnataka, has released a set of Report Cards holding government and governance to account. In the words of the collective, “These report cards are intended to enable the public to not just hold the government to account, but also to make an informed choice as they choose the next government.”

Information is power and the correct information and perspective can help you choose your government wisely. The reports are available in English and Kannada here:

On standards of Democracy – Denying People’s Participation, Violating the People’s mandate, Transparency and Corruption, Free and Fair Elections, no Uniform Application of the Rule of Law, Stifling Dissent, Derailing Associated Living.

The state government fairs poorly, it’s a Grade F!

On Governance

On Federalism too, the state government has faired badly with a Grade F! Criterea and categories ae Karnataka’s decreasing share of tax revenue, Imposition of Hindi, Maha Dayi Water Sharing Dispute Resolution, Delay in Natural Calamity Relief Funds, Encroachment on State Subjects, State Government Remote Controlled from Delhi, Decline of Cooperative Federalism

On Women’s Rights the categories are judged are Violence against Women, Women in the Informal sector, Moral Policing, the Bogey of Love Jihad, Patriarchial Attitudes and the Success and Reach of the “Beti Bachao Beti Padhao scheme of the union government.” The BJP government gets Grade G!

On Religious Minorities: Targeting of Muslims, Hate Crimes against Christians, Vigilantism, Anti Conversion Laws, Cow Slauhter laws an assessment of this together gives the state a poor grade F!  

Economy & Fiscal Management

Slum Residents Rights 

Rural Development

Education

Healthcare

Key Laws Passed

Nutrition: the grade is D with categories being poor Quality of Mid Day meals, Disruption  in Dry Ration supplied to Children and Women, Limited Supply of Eggs, No Post Pandemic Surveys on Malnutrition, Covid Mismangamenent, Disruption on Milk Supply to Children, Restriction on Meat, Push for Satvic Food. The tick mark is a ‘welcome move on Poultry farming.’

Environment

Agriculture

Labour

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