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The news of recurrence of violence, student protests and the video war on social media in Kashmir ought to disturb every right thinking Indian. Both the government and the Kashmiri protestors need to recognize that in democracies the world over, peace in disturbed areas has never been achieved through more violence or by retributive measures.

Whether it is the death of 8 protestors on April 9 during the Srinagar by-poll, the 200 including troops injured in the accompanying violence and now the student protests the situation in Kashmir is only deteriorating by the day. Already we have witnessed far too many deaths, maiming and blindings in the Kashmir Valley last summer.

Nobody in his right mind should want a repetition of the events of 2016 – not the government and certainly not the Kashmiri civilians.

The worst ever voter turn-out of a meager 7 per cent in Srinagar bye-poll is a warning of the extent of disillusionment prevailing in the Kashmiri voter’s mind. An erosion of faith in democratic processes may eventually threaten the legitimacy of the State itself. This process needs to be stemmed and corrective measures taken.

Dialogue with those who hold differing views is the only civilized way that democratic societies know of reconciling differences. India’s heart is large enough and its Constitution flexible enough to accommodate the aspirations of all its citizens, the people of Jammu and Kashmir included.

Conditions conducive to a dialogue that can restore reason, calm and sanity must be enabled. For this, the government of J&K and the Central Government need to show exemplary restraint in either deploying force or adopting ‘innovative’ measures which can backfire in dealing with protesters. The protesters must also understand that the path they have chosen is counter-productive. Stone-pelting or intervening in anti-militancy operations of the security forces will make them easy targets of violence. Even one civilian death is too many in the present sensitive situation in Kashmir.

The government of India needs to carefully fashion a strategy of outreach to the people of Kashmir. Such an outreach should include not only leaders of Kashmiri civil society, opinion makers, public intellectuals and other stakeholders in the state but also the separatist leadership as promised in the agenda of alliance between the BJP and the PDP.

We urge the central government, to urgently initiate a political dialogue to prevent the recurrence of violence in Kashmir and restore the faith of the Kashmiri people in democratic processes to resolve their grievances. A continued reliance on military measures alone to sort out a problem which is entirely political is short-sighted, to say the least and a great disservice to the nation.

Signatories:

Justice (r)A.P.Shah
Yashwant Sinha
Wajahat Habibullah
Salman Haidar
Nirupama Rao
Aruna Roy
Shekhar Gupta
Prem Shankar Jha
Ramchandra Guha
Irfan Habib
Kapil Kak
Badri Raina
John Dayal
Bharat Bhushan

The post Prominent citizens call for urgent political dialogue in J&K appeared first on SabrangIndia.

हिंसा और जवाबी हिंसा की वजह से जम्मू-कश्मीर एक बार फिर सुर्खियों में है। हालात काबू करने के लिए फिर नए सुझाव सामने आए हैं। लेकिन आगे बढ़ने और भविष्य की शांति सुनिश्चित करने के लिए एक बार जमीनी हालत की पड़ताल जरूरी है।
राज्य में हिंसा का जो मौजूदा दौर है उसकी शुरुआत हिजबुल मुजाहिदीन के लोकल कमांडर बुरहान वानी की सुरक्षा बलों की साथ मुठभेड़ में मौत के साथ हुई थी। हिजबुल वो संगठन है, जिसने फिदाइन हमलों के जरिये कश्मीर को आजाद करने की कसम खाई है। (टाइम्स ऑफ इंडिया, 4 सितंबर 2016)। कश्मीर की यह अशांति सिर्फ घाटी तक सीमित है। यह इलाका पूरे राज्य के भूभाग का 7.1 फीसदी है लेकिन इसमें राज्य की आबादी का 54.9 फीसदी हिस्सा रहती है। 2011 की जनगणना के मुताबिक यह आबादी 68 लाख है। बहरहाल, मौजूदा दौर की हिंसा में घाटी में अब तक 70 लोगों की मौत हो चुकी है और हजारों घायल हो चुके हैं।

घाटी के इस बिगड़े हालात के खात्मे के लिए जो हल सुझाए जा रहे हैं उसके मुताबिक पाकिस्तान कश्मीर में शामिल हो जाए या फिर उसे भारत से `आजाद’ कर दिया जाए। तीसरा हल यथास्थिति बनाए रखने की है, जिसे अलग-अलग शर्तों के साथ सभी राजनीतिक दल बनाए रखना चाहते हैं।

पाकिस्तान के साथ विलय
पाकिस्तान के साथ विलय के सुझाव में दम नहीं है। इसकी सीधी सी वजह यह है कि अगर कश्मीर पाकिस्तान में शामिल हो जाता है तो घाटी के लोग वहां एक और अल्पसंख्यक समुदाय की आबादी के तौर पर जुड़ जाएंगे।  और पाकिस्तान में जातीय और अलग-अलग पंथों के अल्पसंख्यकों की हालत अच्छी नहीं है। मोहाजिर, बलूच, पख्तून, अहमदी और हाजरा जैसे अल्पसंख्यक समुदाय के लोग मुश्किल में हैं। बड़ी तादाद में इन समुदायों के लोगों को पाकिस्तान से बाहर भागना पड़ा है।
यूनाइटेड नेशन हाई कमीश्नर फॉर रिफ्यूजिज (यूएनएचसीआर) के ताजा आंकड़ों के मुताबिक यूरोपीय देशों में शरण मांगने वाले पाकिस्तानियों की आबादी खासी बड़ी है। सीरियाई, अफगानी और इराकियों के बाद शरण मांगने वालों में पाकिस्तानियों का नंबर छठा था।

वर्ष 2013-14 की ऑस्ट्रेलियाई इमिग्रेशन रिपोर्ट के मुताबिक मानवीय आधार पर वीजा ऑन अराइवल की मांग करने वालों में सबसे ज्यादा पाकिस्तानी थे।
( एलिब्रिट कार्लसन – 2014, ऑस्ट्रेलिया की संसद में पेश रिपोर्ट)

बलूचिस्तान में पाकिस्तान का मानवाधिकार रिकार्ड बेहद खराब रहा है। पिछले एक दशक के दौरान इस प्रांत से 18000 लोग कथित तौर पर गायब हो चुके हैं। वॉयस फॉर बलोच मिसिंग पर्सन्स के मुताबिक राज्य में 2015 में 157 लोगों के क्षत-विक्षत शव बरामद हुए थे। 463 लोग कहां गए इसका कुछ पता नहीं चला। (बलोचवार्ना न्यूज, 3 जनवरी 2016)। पहली नजर में इसके लिए सुरक्षा बलों को जिम्मेदार ठहराया जा रहा है।

पाकिस्तान प्रशासित कश्मीर की हालत भी इससे कोई अच्छी नहीं है। चीन-पाकिस्तान इकोनॉमिक कोरिडर के तहत ऊर्जा सेक्टर में 38 अरब डॉलर का निवेश होना है लेकिन गिलगिट-बाल्टीस्तान में दूसरे राज्यों के मुकाबले कोई निवेश नहीं हुआ है (डॉन, 12 मई 2016)। इसके उलट योजना मंत्री ने क्षेत्र के किसानों को यह कह कर धमकाया है कि अगर उन्होंने परियोजना का विरोध किया तो उनके खिलाफ आतंकवादी रोधी कानून लागू किया जाएगा। (टाइम्स ऑफ इंडिया, 18 अगस्त, 2016)

कश्मीर की आजादी
जम्मू-कश्मीर की आजादी के विकल्प में भी दिक्कत है। अगर राज्य के पांचों क्षेत्रों ने आजादी की मांग कर दी तो भारत और पाकिस्तान के रुख को देखते हुए यह संभव नहीं होगा। अगर जम्मू और लद्दाख के लोगों के नजरिये को दरकिनार कर भारत के हिस्से के कश्मीर की आजादी के विकल्प पर गौर किया जाए तो वह भी संभव नहीं होगा।

सिर्फ कश्मीर घाटी की आजादी की मांग में भी भारी नैतिक दुविधा है। घाटी में रहने वाले पांच लाख कश्मीरी पंडित लगभग निर्वासन की स्थिति में हैं। इस आजादी का नकारात्मक असर पड़ सकता है क्योंकि पुंछ, रजौरी और किश्तवाड़ में मुस्लिम आबादी बहुसंख्यक है जबकि उधमपुर और जम्मू में हिंदू बहुसंख्यक हैं। इससे राज्य में अस्थिरता और बढ़ जाएगी।

कश्मीर की आजादी की मांग करने वाला आंदोलन हिंसक रहा है और यह आतंकवाद को हथियार के तौर पर इस्तेमाल कर रह है और इतिहास गवाह है कि हिंसक आंदोलन एक सफल लोकतांत्रिक राज्य की स्थापना करने में नाकाम रहे हैं। हिंसक विचारधारा के सहारे लड़ने वाले अफ्रीकी देशों के आंदोलन में यह स्थिति देखी जा सकती है।

हाल के दिनों में ऐसी खबरें आई थीं कि कश्मीर में आंदोलनों के लिए मस्जिदों का सहारा लिया जा रहा है और वहां आईएसआईएस के झंडे लहराए जा रहे हैं। ( इंडियन एक्सप्रेस, 21 अगस्त 2016)। इस तरह के आंदोलन अगर आगे चलकर सफल भी हुए तो इस पर धार्मिक सत्ता हावी हो जाएगी और यह `कश्मीरियत’ की भावना के खिलाफ साबित होगी। पिछले कुछ सालों में घाटी में इस भावना को काफी चोट पहुंची है।

आगे का रास्ता
केंद्र सरकार घाटी के आबादी वाले इलाके में नागरिक आजादी बहाल करने के अपने संवैधानिक दायित्व से बंधी है। उसे वहां से अफस्पा जैसे कानून हटाने होंगे। सरकार को मानवाधिकार उल्लंघन के मामले में जिम्मेदारी तय करनी होगी। एक सुनिश्चित और पारदर्शी गवर्नेंस देना होगा। लोगों को आतंकियों के प्रभाव से मुक्त करने के कार्यक्रम शुरू करने होंगे और वार्ता के लिए घाटी के वास्तविक नेतृत्व की पहचान करनी होगी। अगर वह देश भर में जोर पकड़ रहे `केसरिया’ राष्ट्रवाद को काबू कर सके तो कश्मीर में शांति बहाली में यह बेहद मददगार साबित होगा। मानवता को तवज्जो देने वाले और लोकतांत्रिक कश्मीर की दिशा में अब यही कदम उठाने होंगे।

(पुष्कर राज मेलबोर्न में रहते हैं और कश्मीरी मूल के लेखक हैं। वह दिल्ली यूनिवर्सिटी में राजनीति विज्ञान पढ़ा चुके हैं और पीयूसीएल के राष्ट्रीय महासचिव रह चुके हैं। इनसे raajpushkar@gmail.com  पर संपर्क किया जा सकता है।)

The post नागरिक आजादी और मानवाधिकार बहाली के बगैर कश्मीर में अमन मुश्किल appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Image: AFP

Even as a pellet-riddled body of a teenager was found in Kashmir capital late last night, triggering massive clashes in Srinagar today, the Indian Ministry of Defence (MOD) remains adamant in not releasing information on the efficiency of riot control weapons used to control crowds and protest. Greater Kashmir reported that the body of Nasir Shafi aka Momin, son of Muhammad Shafi, a resident of New Theed Harwan in Srinagar, was found near Sarband water reservoir in the area late last night, said locals, alleging that he was chased by forces during clashes.

Meanwhile RTI activist Venkatesh Nayak, has through a detailed investigation uncovered the fact that the Indian Ordinance Factory, Khadki refuses access to information about the sale and efficacy of riot control weapons. In response to detailed queries under the Right to Information Act (RTI), the chief public information officer (CPIO) of Khadki Ordnance Factory has replied that none of the information sought in the RTI application may be disclosed as it is "sensitive defence information". How anti-riot weapons and ammunition, used internally, amount to "defence information" is perplexing to say the least.

Ordinance Factory, Khadki refuses access to information about the sale and efficacy of riot control weapons
Disturbed by the spiralling violence and the number of injuries and casualties reported all over Kashmir, Venkatesh Nayak sought some information from the Ordnance Factory Board (OFB) based in Kolkata, about the characteristics and specifications of anti-riot weapons, their sale price and quantum of sale since 2010 and evaluation reports about their efficacy and impact on human beings. The defence forces, paramilitary forces and State police organisations use several arms and ammunition manufactured at units operating under the control and supervision of the OFB. The paramilitary forces deployed in Kashmir are organisations notified as partially exempt from the coverage of the RTI Act, so there was no point in seeking information from them directly. As a rule they have refused access to information about their security-related activities in the past.
 
In July, 2016, Venkatesh Nayak sought the following information from the OFB:
"I would like to obtain the following information from your public authority under the RTI Act, 2005 relating to the manufacture and sale of anti-riot weapons and related ammunition:
1)    A clear photocopy of all official records/documents that describe the physical characteristics and specifications of all weapons and related ammunition manufactured for the purpose of riot control by the Ordnance Factories under your jurisdiction along with the name and location of the factories where manufactured;
2)    A clear photocopy of all official records/documents containing the wholesale price and maximum retail price fixed currently for all categories of anti-riot weapons and related ammunition manufactured by the Ordnance Factories under your jurisdiction;
3)    A clear photocopy of all official records/ documents relating to the sale of the anti-riot weapon- “12 Bore Pump Action Gun” and related ammunition containing specific details such as the identity of the buyer, date of sale, sale price, and quantity of such guns and related ammunition sold. Please provide the said information for every transaction that took place from 01 January 2010, till date; and
4)    A clear photocopy of all studies relating to the efficacy and impact of the anti-riot weapon- “12 Bore Pump Action Gun” and all types of cartridges usable with such gun “held by” your public authority or which is “under the control of” your public authority as understood in terms of Section 2(j) of the RTI Act."
The OFB circulated the RTI application to several desks and the responses trickled in (1st attachment). One desk pointed out that anti-riot weapons are not civilian trade items (see page 5). It also pointed out that 12 bore pump action shot guns are a civilian trade item being issued only to the State Bank of India for security purposes. Another desk pointed out that the anti-riot weapons are issued to State organisations, so the information sought may not be disclosed under RTI (see page 4). They also found that anti-riot weapons were primarily manufactured at the plant in Khadki, Pune and transferred the RTI application to the CPIO at Khadki. It is not clear whether the security forces used 12 Bore pump action shot guns in Kashmir. The Media reports that Nayak sifted through do not mention the exact specification of the gun used, the main discussion is about the nature of cartridges used. As this was the only type of pump action shot gun mentioned on the OFB's website, Nayak, then, made a specific mention of it in the RTI application.

Background
Readers are aware that Kashmir has been in turmoil since the end of Ramzan, in July 2016. Almost every day, violent protesters have clashed with security forces across several districts in the Kashmir valley. According to media reports, the use of pump action shotguns to fire pellet cartridges has resulted in serious injuries to people, including innocent bystanders. Medical specialists have been rushed from Delhi and other cities to treat the injured. Meanwhile, the security forces are reported to have told the Jammu and Kashmir High Court that 3,000 pellet bearing cartridges and 8,650 tear gas cannisters have been used to disperse the protesters between July-August. According to recent media reports, the death toll has gone up to 80. Ambulances carrying the injured also bore the brunt of the violence. Hundreds of security personnel are reported to have suffered serious injuries, while on duty. 
 
Meanwhile, the authorities are discussing alternative methods of dealing with violent mobs to minimise injury. The CRPF, which is the main paramilitary force deployed for restoring public order in the valley, is reported to have told the J&K High Court that given the dynamic and mobile situation on the ground it would be difficult to follow standard operating procedures (SoPs) for crowd control issued by the Government. They are reported to have said that the use of pellet guns is an approved method according to the SoPs for crowd control. They have also claimed that if pellet guns are done away with, they will have to resort to firing bullets which may hike up the casualty figures. The SOPs for crowd control that the RTI activist, Nayak obtained in 2012 through The Right to Information Act, 2005 (RTI Act) do not contain any reference to pellet guns as an approved method of crowd control (2nd attachment). These SOPs were drawn up after the episode of violent protests in Kashmir in 2010. Perhaps there is another crowd control SOP with the CRPF which it has not disclosed in the public domain.
 
The CPIO of Khadki Ordnance Factory has replied that none of the information sought in the RTI application may be disclosed as it is "sensitive defence information". How anti-riot weapons and ammunition, used internally, amount to "defence information" is perplexing to say the least.

 
The applicant had not asked information about weapons and ammunition used to defend the country against external aggression. Nayak was only asking information about the specifications and characteristics, pricing and sales data about anti-riot weapons and copies of reports that indicate the efficacy of such weapons and their impact on human beings who are targeted. The queries were about weapons and ammunition used against citizens within the country. Even this information has been denied by invoking Section 8(1)(a) of the RTI Act without showing how India's 'security interests' would be prejudicially affected by such disclosure. 
 
Even more puzzling is the denial of all information on the ground that it is in the nature of commercial confidence, trade secrets and intellectual property whose disclosure may result in harm to the competitive position of a third party. It is not clear which third party's interests the CPIO is trying to protect. I had sought information about anti-riot weapons manufactured and sold by the Khadki Ordnance Factory not by any other entity. So how the disclosure of data about prices, sales and physical characteristics about anti-riot weapons will be attracted by any of the exemptions under Section 8(1)(d) is a big mystery. The RTI application and the responses received are in the 1st attachment.
 
The OFB's website contains information about the characteristics and specifications of even defence equipment, let alone civilian trade items like revolvers and sporting rifles which their units manufacture. Specifications about mortars, 155mm guns, machine guns and the like are found on the OFB's website. Similarly there is considerable information about grenades and rocket bombs on the OFB's website. Strangely, there is more proactive disclosure about the specifications of defence equipment than anti-riot weapons and ammunition which are used against citizens within the country.
 
Further, the CPIO's argument that evaluation reports of anti-riot weapons cannot be disclosed on grounds of it being "sensitive defence information" related to commercial confidence, trade secrets and intellectual property is difficult to accept. In 2012, Venkatesh Nayak was able to obtain not only the SOPs for crowd control but also the reports of the committee set up in 2010 that evaluated the efficacy of various methods available for crowd control (see pages 28-40 in the 2nd attachment).
 
When the Government has already disclosed the exact number of pellet cartridges and tear gas shells used to quell the violent protests in Kashmir before the High Court, there is no reason why sale price, quantum of sale and efficacy reports cannot be shared with the people proactively. The SOPs cannot be misused by vested interests as they do not contain any information about the strategies used by the forces to control protesting mobs. Similarly, sales data cannot be misused in any manner as it is taxpayer funds that are being used to buy the equipment and ammunition. Given the large scale of serious injuries to people in J&K there is an overwhelming public interest in disclosing the evaluation reports of riot control weapons including pellet guns, says Venkatesh Nayak. 

Nationwide criticism of misuse of pellet guns on innocent bystanders in Kashmir apart, the Modi regime appears keen on concealing all information regarding the use of pellet guns in Kashmir. This comes even as political commentators have begun discussing the hardline approach to ‘solving’ the Kashmir issue, suggested by National Security Adviser((NSA) Ajit Doval – and therefore it appears that Kashmir is heading for another crackdown. The Narendra Modi government has made it clear that it wants to take back control of the streets from stone-pelting youth. A security official told the Business Standard “Sooner or later, we will have to retake control in South Kashmir. The longer we wait, the more emboldened the protesters become, the more force will be required to deal with them”.

The post Teen Dies of Pellet Wounds, MOD Refuses Info on Safe Riot Control appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Image: IANS

Journalism in conflict zones is a dangerous vocation. Journalists and media houses are caught in a maelstrom of different and differing narratives and counter-narratives. In this charged environment, some voices succumb and some collude, while others resist and, despite the odds, portray a picture of reality that is unbiased and non-partisan. In the final analysis, this non-partisan and unbiased voice and articulation of issues is the essence of good journalism – especially in today’s cluttered mediascape, where some media houses have become obsessed with sensationalism and ratings in the jostle for eyeballs and mouse clicks.In conflict zones, who gets the narrative out first and the nature of the narrative matters. In this schemata, various stakeholders attempt to either obscure the “reality” or give their narrative precedence over other narratives. The key to good and prudent journalism then is to maintain objectivity, balance and equipoise and serve the public good and interest despite pressures. It is an eminently difficult endeavour, one which entails tensions with various stakeholders, especially the government.

In this part of the world, the media, especially the print media, is largely dependent on advertising revenue generated from government departments. Their economic survival and viability relies on this revenue. However, it is not a favour that the government does to media houses – the government is bound by law and statute to disseminate vital public information to wider audiences through established newspapers.

These government advertisements assume saliency in an environment like Kashmir where the private sector is rudimentary to the point of being defunct. However, herein lies a lever for the government to pressure media houses that fall out of favour with it. And this is what has been done to the Kashmir Observer. Attempts are being made to starve and strangulate the Kashmir Observer by denying it its ad share and force its readers to look for other newspapers for such vital information.

We at the Kashmir Observer can lay claim to attempts at good and prudent journalism over the entire course and history of the institution. We have not fallen victim to blandishments, coaxing, cajoling or threats. Our motto has been the public good and enlightening the public. And it is to these themes that the Kashmir Observer has been and will remain wedded. If the aim of the powers that be is to make the Kashmir Observer toe the line and succumb to pressures and financial sanctions, then people should rest assured that this will not happen. The very reason for Kashmir Observer’s existence is to throw light on issues that matter to the public, to enlighten and to generate debates and dialogue. The Kashmir Observer will not shift or betray this line out of coercion. And if indeed Kashmir Observer is starved and strangulated to the extent of being forced to close down, then this is a sad and pernicious commentary on the nature of the government and its (misplaced) priorities.

Media – free and fair in the final analysis – is the essence of democracy and free expression. It is the bedrock of democracy. If the media is coerced to toe the line, then this compromises democracy and the liberal idea that undergirds democracy or should underpin it. We at the Kashmir Observer will continue to do what is “right” and exercise our freedom of expression. And if starved and strangulated, the denouement will not be a commentary on us but on the government in particular and democracy and freedom in general.

Sajjad Haider is the Editor-in-Chief of Kashmir Observer.

This article was first published on Scroll.in
 

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The J&K High Court Bar Association (HCBA) on Monday said the Hurriyat Conference (G) chairman Syed Ali Geelani and other resistance leaders were “within their rights” not to meet the visiting all-party parliamentary delegation” here on Sunday, according to a report in Greater Kashmir .

“Irrespective of the fact as to whether Syed Ali Geelani was right or wrong in not opening the door of his house to the visiting delegation, how can one deny the fact that the octogenarian is under house arrest from 2009 continuously and has not even been allowed to offer Friday prayers? He has also not been allowed to talk to his people or have any discussion or discourse with them on matters concerning the (freedom) movement,” a Bar spokesman said in a statement. “Thus, not only his freedom of speech and expression has been infringed, but his right to live a dignified life without any fetters on his liberty and also the right to preach, propagate and profess his religion has been negated by the government of India and its collaborators in Kashmir.” “On a day when members of the visiting parliamentary delegation had gone to meet Syed Ali Geelani, he was still under confines with all kinds of restrictions on him. The same is true about other leaders also, who have been arrested and detained on flimsy grounds and lodged in jails, sub-jails and police stations, without even being allowed to meet their kith and kin.”

“Today when Home Minister was addressing a press conference, the ruthless forces at that time were busy thrashing people at Palpora in Srinagar who had assembled there to mourn the death of Danish Sultan Haroo, a student of class 6th, who drowned in river Jhelum last Thursday, after he, along with a group of youth, was chased by the ruthless forces,” the Bar spokesman said, adding: “Yesterday, when members of parliamentary delegation went to meet Geelani and other leaders, right at that time, more than 600 persons received injuries, by use of pellets and bullets by the ruthless forces. More than 73 persons have been killed by the forces and about 700 have been hit by pellets in their eyes, out of whom 30 are those who have received pellets in both eyes. More than 11000 have been injured and most of them are still receiving treatment in different hospitals in Kashmir.”

The Bar Association quipped: “If this is Jamhuriyat and Insaniyat of which Union home minister is proud of, then India definitely deserves a permanent seat in the Security Council so that they can teach this lesson of Jamhuriyat and Insaaniyat to other people of the world,” the spokesman said, adding: “Syed Ali Geelani or other leaders did not meet the parliamentary delegation members only because they wanted to register their protest against the brute force used by government forces to kill innocent Kashmiris who — for the last 70 years — are fighting for a genuine cause, there was no other way for them to register their protest in any other manner because either they were lodged in police stations or jails or were under house arrest”.
 
This article was first published on www.greaterkashmir.com

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Image credit:  Hari Adivarekar/via Facebook

On August 13, Amnesty International India held the event called "Broken Families" at the United Theological College in Bangalore as part of its campaign against human rights violations in Jammu and Kashmir. The audience included families of those who had gone missing (allegedly after being detained by the security forces), those who had lost loved ones to fake encounters and people whose relatives had alleged been torture by security personnel.Two days later, sedition charges were filed against Amnesty’s Bangalore unit after members of the Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad complained that the event had featured “anti-national songs, raised anti-national slogans, made anti-India and anti-national speeches and raised slogans saying India’s Kashmir should "go to Pakistan”.

Hari Adivarekar, a photojournalist from Bangalore who had attended the Amnesty event, tells Scroll.in what happened that evening.

It started off like any other programme. After introducing the event and other niceties, the organisers screened video interviews of parents who had lost their children to the unrest over the years in the Jammu and Kashmir. That was when the issue hit home for a lot of people and the video was punctuated by loud wails from the audience.

Families of people who had been killed or had gone missing in Kashmir had been invited by Amnesty International. The venue was packed and the wailing seemed to have a greater impact than the videos, because it connected us to the grief of not just those on screen, but also those who were right there, in the same room. You could feel their pain, anguish and suffering.

Then, Ali Mohammed Shah, who had lost his son in 2002, allegedly to torture by security forces, took the stage. His speech was eloquent, poetic and philosophical. He, too, broke down. What we saw and felt were visceral connections that go beyond that which words can explain.

His speech was heart warming. “Not only will my son never ask for sweets again but even witnessing his shadow is not in his parent's fate,” he said – at which point many in the audience let out a gasp. It was almost like shayari – but in a grim, horrible, macabre setting.

Credit: Hari Adivarekar/via Facebook

Reenacting tragedy

Some in the audience were wearing t-shirts that said “Kashmiri Pandits”. They didn't seem threatening or menacing in anyway – just people there to represent another point of view. Everyone was watching the event peacefully.
Then a few youngsters from Kashmir performed a skit. It was a variety performance of sorts – there was some singing, some theatre and some chanting. Though their play wasn’t perfect, you could see their intensity. They were speaking in Kashmiri, so I tried to understand whatever I could through their gestures.

The skit opened with the scene of a happy family sitting together – everything seemed normal. And then, something happened and suddenly, one of them was taken away by security personnel and tortured a little. He was eventually killed.

His parents, meanwhile, were running from pillar-to-post trying to find him. After several dead-ends, they finally found his body. Though that brought them some closure, the pain and suffering was evident.
They showed the body being lifted from somewhere. From what I gathered, they were lifting it out of a truck, or someplace where a young man’s body should not be. A lot of things about the evening were more visceral rather than explicit.

A performance by Kashmiri youth. Credit: Hari Adivarekar/via Facebook

Among the panellists for the event were journalist Seema Mustafa and RK Mattoo, President of the Bangalore Kashmiri Pandit Association, and the mother of Shahzad Ahmed Khan, who had been killed in the Machil fake encounter in 2010.

They explained that they do not want to politicise the event and just want to talk about the plight of families who have lost their loved ones in Kashmir.
 

The drama that followed

Things began to heat up when Mattoo, while expressing sympathy towards those suffering, said that the Indian Army is among the most disciplined armies in the world.
That’s when one group in the audience shouted out in disagreement while another group clapped and cried “Yes!”

What he said, however, seemed to have been taken out of context as he was not allowed to complete his sentence. His message was actually one of inclusiveness.

But it's important to note that young Kashmiris who had shouted out against Mattoo’s statement were not insulting the Indian Army – they were just disagreeing with him.

Then a Kashmiri Pandit stood up and called the dissenting group "terrorists" – I don’t know what, if anything, provoked him.

The group was visibly upset and demanded to know what he meant. Soon, it became a yelling match, with one group shouting louder than the other. Others were trying to maintain calm, especially Amnesty volunteers. Some Kashmiri youngsters were also trying to make sure that their group doesn’t go overboard and were trying to restore peace. Every time things threatened to turn violent, these Kashmiri boys were at the right place at the right time, calming their friends down.

However, Kashmiri Pandits were refusing to calm down. Finally, Mattoo appealed to them to quiet down and move on with the programme.
 

The panelists. Credit: Hari Adivarekar/via Facebook

Under control

After the panel discussion, Roushan Illahi – better known as MC Kash, a rapper and emcee from Kashmir – took the stage. But he could perform only one song because by then, the police had entered the venue.

They seemed pretty nervous and asked the organisers to close the event, saying it was past 8:30 pm, the time at which it was supposed to wrap up.

Amnesty declared the event over as soon as Kash finished his song. The artist, however, looked very angry. He stormed off stage, swearing.

Some young Kashmiri boys in the audience, probably buoyed by this, started shouting "azadi" and pumping their fists in the air. The peacekeepers, as I had designated the Kashmiri youth who had tried to calm things down earlier, again held their friends back to restore peace.

My mother, who was at the event with me, was sitting in the midst of the melee while I was photographing the event. But nothing was threatening or scary about what was transpiring – if it was, I would have left with her long ago. Later, she met the parents of missing youth and was very moved by their stories.

By then, ABVP members were outside and appeared to be in the mood to fight. The police, therefore, did not allow the audience leave in one go – we were let out in batches of 30-40. By the time I exited the auditorium, the police had dispersed the ABVP activists. Nothing untoward happened after the event.
 

Credit: Hari Adivarekar/via Facebook

As told to Vinita Govindarajan.

Courtesy: Scroll.in
 

The post ‘Things got heated but not threatening’: An eyewitness account of Amnesty’s contentious Kashmir meet appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Dear Friends, 

Four hundred and sixty (460) of our fellow Kashmiris have received grievous injuries to their eyes with pellet hits.

Doctors have operated on 385 including children and young boys.

Over 100 victims have already lost eyesight permanently. It is apprehended that many others may also lose their eyesight permanently.

HELP Foundation was the first local CSO to reach out to the injured patients in the Valley's leading hospitals including SKIMS, SMHS and its associated hospitals, with medical aid.
 
HELP not only provided medico-surgical stuff to the supplies to these hospitals, and a few in Kupwara, to supplement their depleted stock position, but also supported other NGOs to reach out to the maximum needy patients in the shortest possible time.

HELP has so far supported eye surgeries at SMHS and many advanced eye surgeries in private hospitals outside J&K.

Almost 250 patients stand identified who need to undergo advanced surgeries in Ophtho Specialized Hospitals outside state.

Many are being flown to Hyderabad today, Friday, August 12.

Most of the patients are diagnosed with: Vitreous hemorrhage with intraocular pallet, associated with Retinal detachment, Associated with Coronial tear, Cataract Iris Trauma. Double Perforage and related.

All our donors and benefactors are, hereby, appealed to donate to our NGO in this hour of need to enable us to reach to the maximum number of victims.

Please Donate Generously and Demonstrate Empathy with the Grief and Grievances of Kashmiris

 The Facebook Appeal may be read here.

Cheques/DDs in favour of ‘HELP Foundation’ may be posted to:
HELP Foundation, J&K

Contact Person at HELP Foundation
Ms. Nighat Shafi http://www.helpfoundation.co/aboutus.aspx

Full Address of HELP Foundation:
HELP Foundation, J&K
50 Tulsi Bagh behind Amar Singh College, Srinagar
E-mail ID: Ms Nighat Shafi <nighatshafi@gmail.com>

We thank you in advance. If you do decide to donate please intimate us at sabrangind@gmail.com

All donations to HELP Foundation qualify tax exemption under section 80G.

Bank A/c. details for local donations:
Bank Name: J&K Bank Ltd.
Branch: Baghat Barzulla, Srinagar
IFSC Code: JAKA0BAGAAT
A/c. No: 0278 0401 0001 3260
Title: HELP Foundation

For Foreign Currency:
Bank Name: J&K Bank Ltd.
Branch: Residency Road, Srinagar
IFSC Code: JAKA0CHINAR
A/c. No: 0005 0101 0000 6228
Title: HELP Foundation
SWIFT Code: JAKAINBBSRI

Details About the Foundation mat be read at the Foudnation’s Website
http://www.jkhf.in/Contactus.aspx
The Foundation is the only NGO in the state working in both the divisions, Kashmir as well as Jammu. It has also been working with and helping the members of the minority community who are staying back in the valley, even after the general exodus of community after 1990.
 

The post NGO Appeal: ‘Open Your Hearts to Restore Vision to Those Mercilessly Shot by Pellets’ appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Srinagar, Aug 03: Around 110 ambulances have been damaged by troopers and protesters till July 29, according to Directorate of Health Services, Kashmir (DHSK). However, it’s not registering any complaint in this regard, fearing that legalising the issue will make the ambulances more vulnerable to such attacks.

Riyaz Ahmad Khan, who is working on deputation with DHSK as Transport Head, said, “As of now our priority is to take patients safely to hospitals. So we don’t want to lodge any complaint because it might create further problems for ambulance drivers who are every now and then getting beaten up by police.”

“There are reports that from July 29 onwards, 15 more ambulances have been damaged,” Riyaz added.

In Anantnag district, highest number of ambulances (38) has been damaged followed by Kulgam (19), Pulwama (14) and Kupwara (12) districts.

“The ambulances are in a very bad shape. The windscreens, side and rear windows, lights, tyres and body all are damaged. The estimated cost of repair ranges from Rs 5000 to 1 lakh for each ambulance. As of now, we are just doing minor repairs so that we can run them again,” Riyaz said.

“Much of the damage to the ambulances has been done by policemen. When they see the injured being taken to hospital they get angry and hit the ambulance,” he added.

Many of the ambulances which have been temporary repaired have again been attacked by the government forces as well as protesters.

“Couple of days ago, we repaired a vehicle of district hospital Kangan, but again it was damaged,” Riyaz said. “We thought of filing a complaint against the cop who did it .But then we dropped the idea, thinking it will create unnecessary trouble for us.”

Medical Superintendent of SMHS hospital, Nazir Chowdhary, said: “We have given a list to the government about the damage done to the ambulance. Let them take action. As of now, we have not filed any complaint against the persons who has damaged ambulances.”

Meanwhile, the doctors have reiterated the appeal to government forces to allow smooth movement of ambulances, as they have been continuously found thrashing the hospital staff.

Number of ambulances damaged till 29th July:

District Number of Ambulances Damaged
Ananatnag 38
Kupwara 12
Baramulla 05
Budgam 10
Pulwama 14
Ganderbal 07
Kulgam 19
Srinagar 06

Courtesy: risingkashmir.com

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In 2011, I had written an essay on Kashmir entitled: “The Militarized Zone,”which was published in an anthology on Kashmir (Verso Books).

What was apparent then is all too real now. I reproduce an edited fragment here today, in solidarity with Kashmiris who are being asphyxiated in their land and subjected to life under conditions akin to collective internment, and their allies across India who are being intimidated to conserve the silence. Speaking up on Kashmir is inevitably accompanied by fear for many even as silence is a betrayal of humanity.

From “The Militarized Zone” (2011: 105-109):
“If India fails to act, if Pakistan acts only in its own self-interest, and if the international community does not insist on an equitable resolution to the Kashmir dispute, it is conceivable that, forsaken by the world, Kashmiris will be prompted to take up arms again. If state repression persists, it is conceivable that the movement for non-violent dissent, mobilized since 2004,will erode. Signs indicate that it is already fraying. It is conceivable that India’s brutality will induce Kashmiri youth to move from stones to petrol bombs, or worse…

This policy of incitement is a mistake. Such legitimation of militarized rule will produce intractable conflict and violence. All indications are that in Kashmiri civil society dissent will not abate: it is not externally motivated but historically compelled. Repressive regimes tend to overlook that freedom struggles are not about the moralities of violence versus non-violence, but reflect a desire to be free. The oppressors forget that the greater the oppression, the more fervent the resistance. Violence is apt to reproduce itself in cycles. [The social and political consequences of repeated cycles of violence are horrific for all involved.]

Whether dissent in Kashmir continues as mass-based peaceful resistance or turns into organized armed struggle will depend upon India’s political decisions. Any future mobilization by Kashmiris would involve an even stronger mass movement than that which occurred in 1990 and between 2004 and 2007,led by youth whose lives have been shaped by two decades of militarization…

[Between 2006-2011], I travelled through Kashmir’s cities and countryside… I witnessed the violence that the military, paramilitary, and police perpetrate. I walked through the graveyards that hold Kashmir’s dead, and have met with grieving families. I listened to the testimony of a mother who sleepwalks to the grave of her son, attempting to resuscitate his body…In July 2010, I sat with witnesses and family members…who described how Indian forces had chased down and executed three of their friends who had been involved in acts of civil disobedience…[Pain and social suffering are profoundly present across intimate and social spaces throughout Kashmir.]

[Official discourse posits false equivalencies between the present actions of the stone-pelter, militant and military in Kashmir, serving to obfuscate structural injustices.] Despite various debates…the Indian government has made no commitment to rescind the series of impunity laws deployed in the administration of Kashmir or to reverse the special powers, privileges, and immunity granted to the Indian forces there… Legal impunity [seeks to shield] the moral impunity of Indian rule.”

(Angana Chatterji is a feminist scholar. This post has also been published in Kashmir Reader)

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An Indian Army officer who served in Kashmir writes his heart out:

I was trained to kill, and armed for it. My literature was bloody. 
As a preparation, I was not educated on the beauty the land was but on the contours of terror that prevailed within the landscape.
I would have loved to say — 'Yes, we are. We are all Kashmiris. We are all heaven dwellers.'
I would have wanted him to know–'We are here for you. We are your men.'
Geetu's DT (Dinesh Tiwari)
July 19 2016

I have been to Kashmir. No, not as a tourist.
I have lived there. I have worked there.

I was part of the heavy military instrument of the Indian State in the paradise, guarding it from the heaven dwellers themselves. And some mischievous neighbors too.

As a 21 year old, with the might of one of the biggest militaries in the world behind me and its command pinned on my shoulders, its determination manifested in the AK in my hand, I have roamed the towns and villages with authority which none of the Burhan Wanis or Bhatts or Wazirs or Bhans or Wattals or anybody else whose land it was, would have dared to.

Ironically, as a Citizen of Nepal, serving in the Indian Army, I was a bundle of contradictions myself.

When I led a group of armed men through a tense neighborhood, I could not help recall the state I was in myself as a teenager, back home in Nepal, angry and frustrated because of the curfew imposed in my hometown, from six in the evening to six in the morning every day for years.

When the Maoist insurgency was at its peak, I was a teenager. I have been frisked, violated, insulted; made to do pushups and squats just because I asked the police man at the check post to repeat himself when he instructed something and I did not properly hear.

There were regular visits to our houses– by police in uniform, by police without uniform, by a secret police who every one knew was a secret police; also from unknown people with weapons prominently hidden under wraps, meant to be seen and feared, demanding food, shelter, and money.

I was angry, very angry. I was angry at the then mysterious figure of Prachanda, whose only one picture in combat fatigues was public at that time. I was angry at the ideologue Dr Baburam Bhattarai — legendary nepal topper (Board First) and PhD from JNU — who was known to be the brain behind the movement.

I was angry at the people who marched in my town with weapons held high, after they blew away the local bank and the police station.

I was also angry at the policeman who frisked me, dragged me by my arm, threw my bag scattering away all my stuff on the floor and pinned me down to the ground and poked the back of my neck with a pointed object. It wasn't a stick. It was cold and heavy. I did not see it but a chill ran down my spine.

It blew up the anger. I was angry at the government. At the state, which had ignored so many people for so many years that they were ready to fight, and kill and die.

Also, I was angry at myself. Without knowing the reason, without a target, the anger was building up and building pressure and engulfing me.

I was lucky. I had options to flee. I fled at the right time.

When I looked at a beautiful Kashmiri child, who approached me with an innocent admiration and a genuine query, 'You must be Kashmiri, are you Kashmiri?', I was fumbling for an answer.
I would have liked to tell him — 'Yes, I am.'

I would have loved to say — 'Yes, we are. We are all Kashmiris. We are all heaven dwellers.'
I would have wanted him to know–'We are here for you. We are your men.'

I would have wanted to give him a smile, a nudge, pinch his cheeks, and ruffle his hair a bit and say, 'Yes, I am a Kashmiri. And I love Kashmir. And you.'

But I did not. Because I did not. I did not love Kashmir. And I did not love that child.
I was not a Kashmiri. And I was not a tourist.

Kashmir, for me was a duty. An assignment, an ardous task that had to be fulfilled to my utmost capability and most importantly, survived.

I did not pack a camera, few romantic novels and Faiz and Gulzar's poetry books before stepping on to the heaven.
I was trained to kill, and armed for it. My literature was bloody.

As a preparation, I was not educated on the beauty the land was but on the contours of terror that prevailed within the landscape.

I did not go through accounts of romantic unions in the scenic backdrops, but brainstormed over hundreds of case studies of bloody and fatal encounters in the terrain.

For me Kashmir was not to be appreciated, but assessed, analysed and acted upon, and survived.
For me the innocent child was not that innocent.

The images of children carrying messages, supplies and even weapons, read in the extensive case studies, immediately cropped up in my mind.

Even before noticing his sparkling beautiful blue eyes, pink apple-like cheeks, and loveliest smile,
I had to scan through his whole body to know what was hidden.

Images of children blowing themselves away in front of security forces flashed before me even before I could comprehend the emotions in his voice.

Even before I could think of extending my hand to ruffle his hair, the grip on the AK tightened automatically and my trigger finger was alert.

No, my friend, I am not a Kashmiri. I could not be one. I was not expected to be one.
Therefore, I was not educated to be one. I was not trained to be one.

And I do not love you and your Kashmir. I could not. I was not expected to. I was not educated to. I was not trained to.

I was fumbling for an answer. I did not reply.
The child's mother came running, lifted him up and dragged him away hurriedly, slouching a bit, without even looking at me.

Today, he must be Burhan's age. And we don't love him still. And that is one of the reasons why Kashmir burns.

Meanwhile Dibyesh Anand on Facebook has also stated that other pro Kashmiri Voices and Videos are also being blocked:
Dibyesh Anand on July 27, 2016 On Facebook censorship of pro Kashmir voices (AJE)
 
While FB claims it is only blocking support of terrorism and accepts "error" in some cases, in the two sentences I had, I made it clear it is censorship. 
Some of the things I had said in the pre-recorded interview that was left out included:

1. If FB has to censor profiles and posts supporting terrorism, it should start with banning pages of military and in this context, profiles of all those Indians who are supporting violence and terror of their armed forces. 
2. FB is failing in its vision of providing alternative space and hence in this case is complicit with state atrocities against Kashmiris 
3. FB refuses to delete/block profiles that have sent death threats, threat of rape, etc but found perfectly reasonable and sensible posts on Kashmir objectionable.
4. If FB takes side this blatantly, it should expect us to not accept it with resignation.
 

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