Since March, action has been taken against 136 madrasas that were ‘not registered with the education department or the Madrasa Board.’ Reports suggest that, according to government estimates, the state has around 450 registered madrasas while 500 are operating without the recognition of these two departments. However, these institutions are being run under the Societies Registration Act.

A statement put out by the state reportedly said, “Action against illegal madrasas, unauthorised shrines, and encroachments will continue. Unregistered madrasas have been reported in towns bordering Uttar Pradesh, and such unauthorised institutions pose a serious security concern.”

In January 2025, the CM had first directed ordered a ‘verification drive’, and the district administrations have been surveying madrasas to ascertain various aspects, including their financial sources. In Udham Singh Nagar, the government has sealed 64 madrasas; in Dehradun, 44; 26 in Haridwar; and two in Pauri Garhwal, officials said.

Khurshid Ahmed, the state secretary for Jamiat ulema-i-Hind, claimed that the exercise is illegal as the managers of these institutions are not given notices before they are closed. “For a large-scale drive like this, the government needs to pass an order, but that has not happened. The sealing is taking place during Ramadan when the children are away at their homes. Several institutions had closed after the year-end exams. What needs to be seen is if the children will be able to assimilate with other schools and curriculum when they get transferred,” he said.

Madrasa Board chairperson Mufti Shamoom Qasmi said that the children from the sealed madrasas will be transferred to schools and madrasas nearby, and urged the administration to initiate this action. “We will look into how many children study here after the report on the drive is submitted. The children are entitled to the right to education and we will make sure it is not violated,” he said.

The issue of inequitable comparisons between educational qualifications in a madrasa and a school, Qasmi said the education department will try to resolve this. It may be recalled that, in Uttar Pradesh, the government has awarded equivalence to Munshi and Maulvi curricula in class 10 and Alim in class 12. “A set of guidelines have been formed, which will bring the congruence. The Education Board headquartered in Ramnagar will resolve this and accord recognition,” he said.

In Uttarakhand, it was the DMs (Collectors) who conducted the state-wide inspection in all 13 districts, yet, the findings are not public. Recognised madrasas come under the state boards for madrasa education, while unrecognised ones follow the curriculum prescribed by the bigger seminaries such as the Darul Uloom Nadwatul Ulama and Darul Uloom Deoband.

Related:

Uttarakhand: Six Muslims killed after demolition of Madarsa, Haldwani MLA says officials rushed the process

Lucknow demolition drives resume a day after central government’s oath taking ceremony

Demolitions as retributive state policy used against minorities in India: Amnesty

Historic 600 year old Delhi mosque demolished without notice

The post 136 madrasas sealed, Uttarakhand CM Dhami now orders probe into funding appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The move by the municipal corporation raises serious questions as reports suggest that the madrasa’s appeal in court was scheduled for February 2. People from the Muslim community are asking if the court was about to hear the case regarding the alleged illegal structure, why was it razed a day before it? This move is one more case of the Bulldozer being used against the state’s minorities by the Eknath Shinde Shiv Sena-Bharaitiya Janata Party (BJP) regime).

Atmosphere tense

As per reports, during the demolition, locals shouted slogans and expressed their disagreement which escalated tension in the area. Although police have successfully maintained peace till now with implementation of section 144 , the atmosphere in the area remains tense. Reports suggest that strict identity checks have been enforced for those moving in and out of the areas.

Interestingly, the  Laxtirth Vasahat Peace Committee had said that the structure in question has not faced complaints from locals or the community, asserting that actions are based on external complaints. Yesterday, former corporator Anandrao Khedkar, Yuvraj Khandagale, and peace committee members demanded an extension of encroachment proceedings in light of these concerns.

Protest from Hindutva organisations led to Bulldozer action?

Due to some questions about permissions around this Madrassa, far right Hindutva organisations had asked that the Alif Anjuman madrasa in Laxtirth Vasahat Colony be closed down. Following the protests of Hindutva organisations, the trust received a notice from the local corporation instructing them to remove the structure. In the meanwhile, the trust submitted a petition to the court. Following the court hearing on the petition, a temporary stay was granted for a certain period of time. Later, the court had denied the application to restrict the action in a hearing on January 23. However, the Municipal Corporation anti-encroachment team made all the necessary preparations and headed to demolish the Madrasa on Wednesday at approximately seven in the morning. The madrasa was razed down with the help of  three JCBs, a dumper, fire department vehicles, etc.

The entire demolition was incited it appears from local news reports after a complaint by the controversial Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) and Bajrang Dal in May 2023. Thereafter as pressure built up, authorities came and sealed the Madrassa in December 2023. There unconfirmed allegations, of a bus of “children” being “stoned” after some of them raised the slogan “Jai Sri Ram.”

Hindutva organisations participating in the protests

In fact Vishva Hindu Parishad, Bajrang Dal, Hindu Janajagruti Samiti, BJP, Shiv Sena, Hindu Ekta Andolan, Hindu Mahasabha, etc. have been active in these protests against the Madrassa.

Related: 

Historic 600 year old Delhi mosque demolished without notice

250-year-old mosque in Delhi partially demolished in “anti encroachment drive”

Evictions are at an all-time high as bulldozers gain momentum in the country

The post Maharashtra: Bulldozer Raj, tensions rise in Kolhapur’s Laxtirth Vasahat Colony after administration demolishes Madrasa under pressure from Hindutva organisations appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Having made such a wild allegation, he tried to intimidate people that “while the population of Muslims in the state is about 18 per cent, these areas have a higher concentration. Moreover, he alleged that there is a strong presence of the banned PFI across the state. So the situation poses a grave challenge to the country’s internal security”.

He proceeded thereafter to criticise the JDU and the RJD-led Government in Bihar for appeasing the Muslim community and ignoring the threat of the mushrooming growth of “illegal” madrasas and mosques in the state. But the statement of Giriraj Singh has been brushed aside by the leaders of the RJD and the JDU and they have accused him of playing a communal card.

There may be multiple reasons why Giriraj Singh has consistently used polarising words and imagery in his public exhortations, the latest being about madrasas and mosques. By claiming that madrasas and mosques have been “illegally constructed”, he is playing to the gallery of the party’s hard-core supporters. Sources suggest that the party may deny him a ticket in the upcoming Lok Sabha election. Fearing his exclusion, he has tried to establish his relevance and resumed making such statements to re-consolidate his position as a fire-brand leader of the state BJP.

Giriraj Singh is aware of the fact that the myth of the population rise of Muslims has penetrated deep inside the psyche of a section of the majority community with the help of continuous propaganda. By raising such an issue, he is trying to attract media attention for himself and the party. Such a communal card may also work to counter the “re-assertion” of Mandal politics in the state.

Under the leadership of Chief Minister Nitish Kumar and Deputy Chief Minister Tejashwi Yadav, the Bihar government has recently conducted a caste survey in the state. Based on the findings of reports, the Bihar assembly passed a unanimous resolution to increase the quota for the marginalised castes to 65 per cent. Although the opposition BJP supported the resolution for the quota increase, the upper caste lobby within the BJP was not happy with the party’s decision. The upper castes lobby believes that the quota increase would be detrimental to their “dwindling hold on the state politics”. A section of the upper caste leadership has always demanded that the BJP should promote upper caste leaders in the state, rather than using the mascot of Nitish Kumar. After Nitish parted ways with the BJP the same lobby is now once again trying to strengthen the upper caste hold within the party.

But the top leadership of the BJP understands the compulsion of Bihar politics. In the state, the upper castes are numerically a minority and they alone cannot help the saffron party win elections. Therefore, the BJP is trying to maintain “a balance” in Bihar. While it has supported the quota increase to woo marginalised castes, it has often promoted firebrand leaders within the party who are capable of polarising voters on religious lines. Giriraj Singh is one of them and he is trying to do what the hard-core supporters may feel appeased.

However, this statement may fetch the BJP some votes but would certainly also strain the social fabric of Bihar. Such a statement is also historically erroneous and misleadingly portrays what has been a rich tradition of India’s freedom fighters.

The act of linking madrasas with security threats and terrorism is a relatively recent phenomenon. The act of demonising madrasas is a part of wider Islamophobic discourse. The writings of orientalist writers (including historians), at first systematically demonised Muslim rules in their education and culture and called Muslims essentially (only) a religious community.

It was these Orientalist authors who created a false binary. For them, western society is based on the values of secularism, science, rationality and democracy, the Muslim society has an inherent bias against secularism, and are mired in “fanaticism” and “bigotry”.

Now, the post-2001 war on terror discourse, first fuelled after the end of the Cold War has further ignited Islamophobic discourse, generating a fear of madrasas. The demonisation of madrasas is, hence the re-calibration and continuance of the same Orientalist prejudice against Muslims.

Under the influence of Islamophobia, the madrasas are suspiciously looked at by both the right and unfortunately a section of the left. Such discourse has also been used by majoritarian parties, such as the BJP, to polarise society on religious lines. When Atal Bihari Vajpayee came to power, the establishment launched a campaign against madrasas and wild charges were made against madrasas. They were linked to “anti-national” activities, the way Giriraj Singh has not yet elaborated. But these charges were never proven. Yet, proof does not matter, such an anti-Muslim narrative is often invoked to target the minority community.

Targeting of madrasas or calling them a “den” of “anti-anti-national” activities is, besides being prejudicial and Islamophobic, also an act of insulting our freedom fighters and undermining India’s anti-colonial struggle. Historians have shown how, the Khilafat Movement in the early 1920s shook the foundation of the mighty British Empire. Under the leadership of Mahatma Gandhi and the Ulema of Deoband Seminary, millions of people turned mobilised British rule.

It is a historical fact that the success of the Khilafat Movement turned out to be the result of the rock-solid alliance between the Congress party and the Jamiat Ulama-i-Hind. Formed in 1919, the organisation was an integral part of Darul Uloom Deoband.

A large number of nationalist leaders, who worked with the Congress party, had a madrasas education background, including the Deoband seminary that was set up in 1866.

Apart from Gandhi, Dr Rajendra Prasad, the freedom fighter, the Congress leader and the first President of India, had intimate relations with madrasas. In his autobiography, Rajendra Prasad devoted the third chapter to fondly remembering his association with “Maulvi Saheb”, who “initiated” him “into the alphabet”. Prasad, the big Congress leader from Bihar, went to Maktab in his childhood where he learnt Persian. It was because of his Maulvi Saheb that Rajendra Prasad learnt to read Persian texts such as Karima, Gulistan, Bostan etc. Paying tribute to the Maulvi Saheb, Rajendra Prasad wrote in his autobiography, “The little Persian we learn goes entirely to this Maulvi’s credit. We had started liking him and we felt sorry to leave when we had to go to Chapra” (Rajendra Prasad, An Autobiography, NBT, New Delhi, 2018, p. 8).

History is witness to the fact that a large number of Hindu scholars also attended madrasas for education. Learning Urdu and Arabic, Persian and going to madrasa were open to all. Similarly, Muslim scholars also learnt Awadhi, Braj Bhasha, Hindi and Sanskrit and went to the educational centres run by Hindu teachers.

The composite culture of India and the historical reality are witness to the fact that madrasas were never called a place for breeding “anti-Hindu” or “anti-national” feelings, the way Giriraj Singh has alleged.

In the same statement made last Friday wherein he reviled mosques and madrasas, Giriraj Singh called for imparting science to Muslim students and implied that they should desist from going to madrasas. Similar rants have also been attributed to the BJP chief minister of Assam Himanta Biswa Sarma. In 2018, Prime Minister Modi too made his infamous statement that he would like to see “Muslim Youth hold the Quran in one hand and a computer in the other”.  Exhortations apart, this ground reality exposes the questionable intentions of BJP leaders.

For example, several news reports from Uttar Pradesh reveal that the madrasa teachers, who were recruited to impart computer education and science along with English in these institutions, have not been paid a salary by the government for months.

Similarly, the Modi Government rolled back the Maulana Azad scholarship for minorities, even though Muslim youth are underrepresented in higher education. Worse still, the BJP government continues to cut the budget for minority education and their welfare schemes.

Recently the BJP has invoked the Pasmanda Muslim issue and tried to project itself as a “champion” of their rights. But such an act appears to be the classic instance of shedding crocodile tears. Had it not been the case, the BJP governments would not have failed to give protection to the Muslims from communal forces whose large population compromised Dalit and backward caste Muslims. The saffron party has also failed to take concrete steps to address their social and economic backwardness.

The BJP, which raises the issues of the Pasmanda Muslims, has so far failed to give proportional representation to them. While it is at the forefront to point out how they are discriminated against by the upper caste Muslims, it has offered no concrete programmes to address their social and economic backwardness.

For example, the Pasmanda Muslims are yet to get adequate seats in the assembly and Parliamentary elections from within the BJP. Ali Anwar, the leader of the Pasmanda Muslims, has rightly raised a question on the BJP’s intention to give justice to Pasmanda Muslims by saying that Bilkis Bano was also a Pasmanda but why she had been denied justice.

In his Bhopal meeting last summer, Prime Minister Modi raised the issue of “untouchability” within the Muslim community but when the Supreme Court asked the Government to spell out its stand on giving SC status to Dalit and Christian Muslims, the Government spoke a different language by saying that caste does not exist in Islam to weaken the case for SC status to Dalit Muslims and Dalit Christians.

What could be a better example than this about speaking in forked tongue?

It appears that the statement of Giriraj Singh has less to do with historical facts and ground reality and more to do with fermenting communal polarisation. Amidst these disturbing trends, the need of the hour is to maintain communal harmony and fight for social justice.

(Dr Abhay Kumar, the author is a Delhi-based journalist.)

[1] Union Minister Giriraj Singh stirred controversy on Friday December 1, 2023 with a call for the closure of “illegal madrasas” in Bihar, citing concerns over the rising numbers and saying that they pose a “threat to the internal security of the state and the nation.”

Related:

Azizia Madrasa: Burning of just a Madrasa or Cultural Genocide?

After UP Madrasas Survey, Centre Stops Scholarships For Students of Class 1- 8

UP: After Madrasas, Yogi Govt to Survey Waqf Properties; Muslim Citizens Doubt ‘Intention’

The post Demonising the Madrasa is insulting India’s freedom fighters  appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Firstly, the petitioners argued that the order dated June 14, 2023, passed by the Divisional Commissioner Jammu, leading to the seizure of madrasas, specifically applied only to the Madrasas operated by Maulana Ali Miyan Educational Trust, Bathindi.

They strongly asserted that their respective educational trusts were entirely unrelated to the mentioned trust and had absolutely no connection to any anti-national or anti-social activities.

Despite the high court’s warning of July 4, the administration, directly governed by the Bhartiya Janata Party (BJP)-led Union government, sealed Madrasa Taaleem-ul-Quran and Madrasa Asraful Aloom in Tatani Suroor area of Kishtwar’s Drabshalla tehsil on Tuesday, July 4. Officials stated that the two madrasas are associated with the Jammu-based Maulana Ali Miyan Nadwi Education Charitable (MAMNEC) Trust, which has been accused of violating Foreign Contributions Regulation Act (FCRA) norms under an order (No: 301/FCRA/2023/696-714) issued on June 14 by Divisional Commissioner Jammu, Ramesh Kumar.

On July 4, the court had prohibited the administration from taking any punitive action against madrasas in the Union territory, except for those operated by the trust. Consequently, nearly 100 students enrolled in the two schools have been affected by the administration’s recent move.

The case was presided over by Hon’ble Justice Sanjeev Kumar. During the proceedings, the arguments put forth by the petitioners’ counsel, Mr. Gagan Basotra, and the Senior Additional Advocate General, Ms. Monika Kohli, representing the respondents, were heard and considered in detail.

After a thorough examination of the material on record and the order issued by the Divisional Commissioner, Jammu, the court conclusively determined that the order dated June 14, 2023, specifically targeted the madrasas operated by Maulana Ali Miyan Educational Trust, Bathindi. Notably, the Divisional Commissioner had not issued any directives concerning other madrasas under different educational charitable trusts, including those managed by the petitioners.

Justice Sanjeev Kumar held that the Additional Deputy Commissioner, Kishtwar, committed an error in applying the June 14, 2023 order to close down or seize the madrasas run by the petitioners’ trusts, as there was no substantial evidence of their connection to the mentioned trust. The court emphatically stressed that the impugned orders were issued without affording the petitioners an opportunity to be heard or conducting any proper inquiry.

As a result of the comprehensive examination, the High Court granted its approval to the writ petition and nullified the orders of July 3, 2023, issued by the Additional Deputy Commissioner, Kishtwar, concerning the seizure of the madrasas operated by the petitioners.

Administrative misdemeanour

A letter written in Urdu was handed to the administrator of Madrasa Taleem-ul-Quran, indicating that the school has been handed over to the administration and ordered to be shut down as per the order (301/FCRA/2023/696-714) of Divisional Commissioner and Deputy Commissioner (DC) Kishtwar under DMK/K/23/686 (dated June 22, 2023) and Additional DC Kishtwar under DM/K/23/762-A (dated July 3, 2023).

The sealing of the madrasas has introduced a fresh dimension to the ongoing controversy, attracting considerable attention and prompting questions regarding the legality and fairness of the Deputy Commissioner’s order. The actions taken by the authorities have given rise to concerns about the potential disruption of education for the students currently enrolled in these institutions.

The petitioners contested the orders issued on July 3, 2023, by the Additional Deputy Commissioner Kishtwar. These orders directed the takeover of the management of the madrasas operated by them, with the buildings to be handed over to the District Administration through the concerned Tehsildar, as previously reported on The Chenab Times. In their challenge, they presented two primary grounds.

Firstly, the petitioners argued that the order dated June 14, 2023, passed by the Divisional Commissioner Jammu, leading to the seizure of madrasas, specifically applied only to the Madrasas operated by Maulana Ali Miyan Educational Trust, Bathindi.

They strongly asserted that their respective educational trusts were entirely unrelated to the mentioned trust and had absolutely no connection to any anti-national or anti-social activities.

Secondly, the petitioners strongly contended that the impugned orders were a clear violation of the principles of natural justice. They argued that these orders were issued without granting them a fair opportunity to be heard or conducting any proper inquiry into the matter.

The court further clarified that if any evidence of law violation emerges during an investigation or inquiry, the respondents have the liberty to take appropriate action. Nevertheless, the court emphasized that no adverse orders shall be passed against the petitioners without providing them due notice and a fair opportunity of hearing. He further added that if it comes to the notice of respondents regarding indulgence in any illegal activity then the action as per law can be initiated by them.

The initiated action against the madrasas is part of a broader crackdown on non-governmental organizations and their affiliates in Jammu and Kashmir, suspected of violating foreign funding norms. According to a Government of India survey in 2013, there were 372 madrasas in Jammu and Kashmir. However, a 2022 book by Dr. Nisar A Bhat, titled “Madrasa Education in Jammu and Kashmir,” indicates that the number has increased to 499, with 16 of them located in Kishtwar district alone. According to the book, these madrasas house nearly half a million books in their libraries, but only 94 have adopted a combination of modern education and religious teachings.

Arshad, the administrator of Madrasa Taleem-ul-Quran, expressed concern about the impact of the government’s decision on his students’ education. He stated that his students receive free education due to the generosity of the public, and denying them the opportunity to learn about their religion is unjust. However, DC Kishtwar, Dr. Yadav, countered this by stating that the students will be given a choice.

They can either continue their religious education, where the district administration plans to appoint a government teacher, or they can opt to join a government-run school anywhere in the district. This approach aims to provide the students with options to ensure continuity in their education. In recent years, the BJP-led Union government has undertaken a stringent action on non-government organizations (NGOs) under the Foreign Contribution Regulation Act (FCRA). Despite these measures, NGOs and other associations received over Rs 22,000 crore in foreign funds during the fiscal year 2021-22. This amount surpassed the funds received in the preceding two years, indicating a notable increase in foreign contributions despite the government’s efforts to regulate them.

This landmark ruling by the Jammu and Kashmir High Court brings immense relief to the petitioners and firmly reiterates the significance of adhering to the principles of natural justice and due process in matters involving educational institutions. The court’s decision constitutes a momentous milestone in the ongoing controversy surrounding the seizure of madrasas in Kishtwar and Udhampur

Judgement can be read here

(The article has been authored by Nabeel Masood an intern with the organisation)

The post Unshackling Education: High Court Unravels Madrasa Order in Jammu and Kashmir appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Lucknow: The National Commission for Protection of Child Rights (NCPCR)’s recommendation to trace non-Muslim children studying in all government-funded/recognised madrasas and shifting them to other educational institutes along with mapping all unmapped madrasas has triggered a fresh controversy in the state. The UP Madrasa Education Board (UPMEB) has unanimously rejected the NCPCR recommendations.

With the move sparking fierce criticism from Muslim organisations and Opposition parties, the Board chairman Iftikhar Ahmed Javed, while opposing the NCPCR recommendation, said it was “discriminatory” and goes against the tenets of the Madrasa Education Board. The students taking education can not be differentiated on the basis of religion, it added.

“We follow the ideology of Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s ‘Sabka Saath, Sabka Vikas’ and will never remove the students of non-Muslim faith from madrasa, shifting them to other institutions. This kind of practice should not be implemented in the education sector. If parents are sending their children to our madrasas, they will continue to study there,” Javed told the media.

He went on to add that “the madrasa education board has unanimously rejected the NCPCR recommendations.”

Speaking with NewsClick, Javed said: “PM Modi wants children studying at madrasas to hold the Quran in one hand and a computer in the other. Allowing a survey of children in madrasas of Uttar Pradesh is not right; it will encourage discrimination among children on religious grounds. Non-Muslim children are studying in madrasas and non-Hindu children are studying in Sanskrit schools. Children of every religion are also studying in missionary schools. I myself studied at Banaras Hindu University (BHU). The NCPCR should reconsider their letter.”

He added, “We will not allow a divide to be created between Muslims and non-Muslim communities as this goes against the Bharatiya Janata Party’s (BJP) principle of Sabka Saath Sabka Vikas.”

Seeking that the Commission reconsiders its recommendation, Javed had stated that “we are providing modern education to children under NCERT (National Council of Educational Research and Training) syllabus. Only religious education is not being imparted in madrasas.”

“If the NCPCR head has any evidence of forced religious conversion of any student or forceful admission of non-Muslim students in a madrasa, then he must share inputs and lodge an FIR,” Javed said.

THE ISSUE

The controversy started in December last year after a notification was issued to the UP Minority Affairs and Waqf Department wherein the NCPCR said that giving Islamic education to non-Muslim students was a violation of Article 28(3) and sought a reply within three days.

The Commission had also recommended all non-Muslim children studying in madrasas be admitted to other schools after the inquiry.

The decision was conveyed in a letter written by the NCPCR Chairperson Priyank Kanoongo, on December 8, 2022, to all Chief Secretaries, who had noted that children belonging to non-Muslim communities were attending government-funded or recognised madrasas. “It is also learnt by the commission that some States and Union Territories are providing them with scholarships too. “It is a clear-cut violation and contravention of Article 28(3) of the Constitution of India that prohibits educational institutions from obligating the children to take part in any religious instruction, without the consent of the parent,” the letter stated.

Madrasas, as institutions, are primarily responsible for imparting religious education to children, the commission said, adding it was learnt that those madrasas funded or recognised by the government were imparting both religious and to some extent formal education to children.

Meanwhile, soon after the UPMEB unanimously rejected the recommendations of NCPCR to inspect recognised madrasas in order to trace non-Muslim students and shift them to other educational institutes, the commission served a notice to the state government seeking a compliance report within three days.

Shuchita Chaturvedi, a member of the Uttar Pradesh State Commission for Protection of Child Rights, attacked the madrasas and termed it unfair for non-Muslim children to study in madrasas.

MADRASA BODY WRITES TO PM MODI, PRESIDENT

The All India Teachers Association Madaris Arabiya — a teachers’ body has also written to the President and Prime Minister stating that NCPCR recommendations were violative of the Right to Education and go against the spirit of the Constitution of India.

Wahidullah Khan Sayeedi, the national general secretary of the organisation, stressed in the letter that such recommendations create “hatred and animosity” in society while also creating a sense of “suspicion and ill-will” toward madrasas.

Sayeedi said the issuance of such letters and directions for educational institutions “on the basis of mere complaints and imaginations” and “without any concrete proof or evidence” only harms their image. He also insisted that dividing educational institutions on the basis of religion, community or caste and creating a sense of animosity towards them on these lines was not right.

Saying that no student is given admission in any madrasa without the consent of their parents, Sayeedi has urged the President and the Prime Minister to take appropriate action on the letter of NCPCR’s chairperson.

MODI’S MADRASA MODERNISATION PUSH?

The Uttar Pradesh madrasa body and teachers’ association has expressed doubts over the Narendra Modi-led Union government’s intention that claims it wants to ‘modernise’ the syllabus of madrasas in Uttar Pradesh so that the students are also taught subjects like Math, English, Computer Science and Hindi.

The teachers’ associations alleged that for more than three years they have not been paid salary despite several protests in the state.

Badre Alam, a teacher in Gorakhpur told NewsClick: “Out of a hundred, four-five are Hindus in general, that too not enrolled in every madrasa. They come as they do not have a school nearby their house, we don’t bring non-Muslim children to the madrasa forcefully, they come with the consent of their parents. However, we don’t teach them Urdu and Arabic. If their parents ask us to teach Urdu, then we teach them.”

Muslim Khan, a madrasa teacher in Ghazipur told NewsClick: “Education should not be painted in two colours – Hindu and Muslim. For a teacher, students coming to a madrasa, missionary or any other school are only students. We don’t view children through the lens of religion. Though it is an Arabic word, which means an educational institution, we no longer work on the old traditional patterns of teaching. Every subject including Maths, Science, English etc apart from Urdu, Arabic and the Quran is taught. We also teach Sanskrit to non-Hindu students,”

Khan who teaches at Khwaja Gharib Nawaz Madrasa in Ghazipur where nearly 25-to 30% of students are non-Muslims in every class, believes that the madrasas are being targeted for political mileage ahead of the 2024 Lok Sabha polls.  

“I have studied in a minority school and when I was in class 6, I was asked to write an essay on Bhishma Pitamah and had written it so well that my teacher was surprised, Therefore, we should not differentiate between students on religious grounds,” he said.

Doubting PM Modi’s madrasa modernisation plan, Khan alleged: “Madrasa teachers in the state have not been paid their salary for the last three-four years. The government claims they want to modernise madrasas which lack basic facilities, including teacher’s training, but they have a very low budget. During the Congress regime, the budget for madrasas was around Rs 200 crore when teachers used to be few, now the budget has come down to Rs 10 crore. Neither the teachers’ salary can be given in Rs 10 crore nor the previous dues can be cleared, leave alone modernisation. The government is giving slow poison to madrasa teachers. When the budget is low, then the payment will not be received and when the payment is not received then the teacher will not teach on an empty stomach. The government is waiting for everything to end slowly so that they don’t have to take the onus.” 

Notably, the UP government’s recent directive to all the district magistrates to begin a survey to identify “unrecognised madrasas” has also kicked up a political storm as many minority organisations see it as an attempt to target the community.

Courtesy: Newsclick

The post UP: NCPCR Bid to ‘Trace’ Non-Muslim Students in Madrasas; ‘Discriminatory’, Says UPMEB appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Lucknow: Three months after the Yogi Adityanath government ordered a survey of “unrecognised madrasas’ in Uttar Pradesh (UP), the Centre has instructed the state government to stop providing scholarships to seminary students enrolled in classes one to eight citing provisions of free education under the Right of Children to Free and Compulsory Education Act, 2009.

According to a government notification, students of classes one to eight are provided education, Mid-Day meals and other facilities free of cost, and, therefore, there is no point in continuing the scholarships. Students of classes 9 and 10 are still eligible for government benefits.

Earlier, students from classes one to five got an annual scholarship of Rs 1,000 while students from classes five to eight used to get it on the basis of the courses they opted for. As per government data, around 5 lakh students of 16,558 madrasas in the state received scholarships last year. 

“The way the government is going ahead, they could shut down madrasas in Uttar Pradesh someday,” Muslim Raza Khan, a teacher at a Ghazipur madrasa told Newsclick. “Basically, the government did not like it as only minority students were getting scholarships while there was no such facility for non-minority students. The majority of madrasa belong to financially weaker sections of the community. After the decision, most of the students dependent on the Rs 1,000 scholarship will be deprived of education.”

When questioned about the UP government’s logic of not providing scholarships as these students get free education, Mid-Day meals and other facilities, Khan said, “The government won’t admit publicly that only government and aided madrasas get such facilities while private seminaries manage everything themselves. Students of private madrasas have not been getting anything from the government.”  

Diwan Sahab Zaman Khan, general secretary, Teachers Association Madaris Arabia, UP, told Newsclick that PM Narendra Modi said in 2018 that “Muslims should hold the Quran in one hand and a computer in the other, indicating that his government was concerned about the empowerment of Muslims. But what has been happening for the last eight years is not hidden.”

The decision to stop scholarships, according to Khan, will “result in an increase in the dropout rate”. “When the situation of minorities is worse than that of Dalits in terms of education, scholarships were needed to encourage students. It is an unfortunate move by the government.”  

Khan added that several parents send their kids to madrasas for primary education and such “scholarships boost their morale to continue their studies. But the government has dashed their dreams with the decision”.

There are 16,513 recognised madrasas in UP out of which 560 get financial assistance from the state government. 

When the government claimed that the survey of “unrecognised and private madrasas” was conducted to gather information about the number of teachers, curriculum and basic facilities available there, among other factors, many minority organisations termed it an attempt to target the community.

Ateef Ansari, a social activist working for the empowerment of minority communities, told Newsclick, “The sequence of government actions on madrasas is nothing but a direct attack to deprive minority students of education. Students need scholarships for encouragement as there is a lack of knowledge in the community.” 

Courtesy: Newsclick

The post After UP Madrasas Survey, Centre Stops Scholarships For Students of Class 1- 8 appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Kerala Governor Arif Mohammed Khan has claimed that Islamic law that advocates beheading as a punishment for blasphemy is taught in madrasas. Khan was speaking to Aaj Tak regarding the beheading of Udaipur tailor Kanhaiya Lal by two Islamic hardliners.

Khan condemned the murder and said that those who follow Shariat should move to countries that follow the law. The Governor said this was in keeping with the Sharia laws as well. The viral video clip has been making the rounds on social media since the beginning of July.

“If you believe in #Shariat, then you should not stay in the country where it is not applicable, but move to the country where it is applicable,” says #ArifMohammadKhan, Kerala Governor.#Kerala #Sharia #KeralaGovernor pic.twitter.com/FT61uZeevq

— Hate Detector ? (@HateDetectors) July 4, 2022

Further, he claimed that he was not surprised by the gruesome murder because madrasas spread such lessons of hatred. He claimed that Sharia laws are taught in madrasas even though it is not a part of the Quran.

According to The New Indian Express, Khan also claimed that madrasas violated the Right of Children to Free and Compulsory Education Act 2009 that bars “specialised education” till the age of 14 years. However, specific sections of the Act (amended in 2012) exclude madrasas from the purview of this law. In February 2022, the Supreme Court dismissed a petition questioning the exclusion of madrasas and Vedic schools from the ambit of the Act.

Quoting Pakistani scholar Javed Ahmed Ghamidi, Khan said that madrasas teach children about capital punishment if someone prays in any other way. He claimed that children are taught that non-Muslims are born to be ruled by Muslims and that any non-Islamic government is illegitimate. Ghamidi also said that as long as this education continues, it is not possible to establish peace in the world. By this, Khan was likely referring to an interview of Ghamidi in 2015 in Dallas, Texas, USA. However, most of his comments seemed to be focused on Pakistan.

He went on to say that Islam is totally different from such laws. He stressed that this is not the message from the Scripture, reported the Indian Express.

The Udaipur murder was widely condemned by Muslim and non-Muslim groups alike. Islamic organisations across India condemned the two fanatics for their cowardly behaviour that violated the Quran as well as Indian laws to express one’s opinions freely.

Related:

Hate Watch: Indians reject #BoycottMuslims call
Hate Watch: Udaipur man beheaded for supporting Nupur Sharma
CJP’s Hate Hatao Campaign: A half-yearly report
Why is serial hate offender Ilyas Sharafuddin invited to TV news debates?
CJP moves NCM against Ilyas Sharafuddin for spreading communal hate

The post Hate Watch: Kerala Governor says madrasa education responsible for Udaipur beheading appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The Allahabad High Court recently instructed the Uttar Pradesh government to answer a series of queries about the funding and functioning of religious educational institutions like madrasas before mid-September. 

On August 19, Justice Ajay Bhanot heard a plea from Madarsa Anjuman Islamia Faizul Uloom seeking to establish additional posts of teachers considering the increasing number of students. He directed the state government to file a counter-affidavit within four weeks adding, “The State Government shall bring in the record the syllabi/courses, conditions and standards of recognition including requirement for playgrounds at madrasas and all other religious institutions which are recognized or aided by the state government. Further it shall be disclosed whether Madrasas so recognized and aided also admit girl students.”

Further, the court also directed the government to answer additional questions like whether the state policy to provide financial aid to such institutions is consistent with the secular scheme of the Constitution.

That is to say, the court asked whether the government funding of institutions run by religious minorities imparting religious education, implements the constitutional protection afforded to all religious faiths with reference to Articles 25-30 that protect religious and minority rights.

The court asked the government, “Whether the institutions which impart knowledge in diverse fields and also include courses in theological learning come within the ambit of the phrase “religious instruction or religious worship” or only schools which exclusively impart religious education come within the ambit of Article 28 of the Constitution of India?”

It may be mentioned that while clause one of the Freedom as to attendance at religious instruction or religious worship in certain educational institutions prohibits religion instruction in state funded schools, clause two states, “Nothing in clause (1) shall apply to an educational institution which is administered by the State but has been established under any endowment or trust which requires that religious instruction shall be imparted in such institution.”

Similarly, the court asked if the absence of a mandatory provision for playground for recognition, even for Madrasas and other religious institutions, prove to be incompatible with child rights as conferred by Article 21A.

Bhanot asked if other religious minorities are also provided government aid for running theological schools and whether women are prohibited from applying to religious schools. The order further asked, “If so, whether such bar is an act of discrimination prohibited by the Constitution?” 

The case will have its next hearing on October 6.

Related:

SHOCKING! Allahabad HC asks that Cow Protection be declared a Fundamental Right for Hindus!
Why is the Govt of India silent on the spurt of attacks on Muslims, Adivasis?
Serial hate crimes against Muslims spiral, first MP, now Rajasthan
Hate Watch: Muslim bangle seller thrashed, wares looted in Indore

The post Allahabad HC questions if state funds to madrasas is consistent with India’s secular scheme appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Main Points:

•        Sectarian divisions run deep within madrasas.

•        It is reflected in hadith lessons, books and even legal arrangements.

•        Common Muslims need to rethink if they want to keep funding such sectarian agendas.

Talk to any Alim about madrasas and its contribution to Muslim life and he will tell you how fundamental the role of this institution has been. For them, madrasas exist to maintain the continuity of Islamic tradition; without them the light of Islam will very nearly be extinguished. Such pious proclamations often hide the fact that what the Ulama mean by Islam is itself a matter of contestation. Most Ulama are aligned to one school of thought or another and their invocation of Islam should rather be seen as the propaganda of a particular Maslak within Islam.

Normally this should not be a problem: all religions have within them various interpretative schools through which they appropriate the sacred. Diversity is therefore an inbuilt feature of many religions. But this diversity takes on a different connotation in Islam, especially in the South Asian variety. Here the internal polemics are so sharp that one maslak does not believe in the truthfulness of another; rather they all claim to be the only true interpretation of Islam. When the Ulama speak of Islamic identity, they in fact have this maslaki identity in mind.

Madrasas are institutions established by the Ulama for the reproduction of their worldview. It follows therefore that these institutions, while claiming to speak for Islam, end up reproducing this sectarian worldview. Almost all madrasas in India (barring some state funded ones) are established by private donations and as such reflect the worldview of its founders. If the founder is a Deobandi, the madrasa would reflect that worldview through its teaching and allied pedagogical practices. If the founder is a Barelwi, the madrasa would exist to trounce the ideology of the Deobandis. God forbid if the founder is an Ahle Hadis, then the madrasa would rubbish the claims of the both the Deobandis and the Barelwis. The historian George Makdisi perhaps rightly claims that madrasas have been sectarian right from the very beginning: al-Azhar was established by the Fatimids for the express purpose of transmitting Shia ideology.

In the Indian context, madrasas adopt various strategies to do so. For example, it can be through a discussion on Ilm e Ghaib (knowledge of the unseen). The Barelwis teach their students that Prophet Muhammad knew beforehand who would go to heaven and who would go to hell. This becomes proof that from the beginning to the end, the Prophet had knowledge of everything. But in the same breath, the teacher will also tell his students that in opposition to this ‘truth’, the Deobandis believe that the Prophet did not possess this special power. The same discussion within a Deobandi madrasa, however, will lead to different results. There, students will learn that Ilm e Ghaib is possessed by God alone and at times this knowledge was given to the Prophet only for some time. The teacher would repudiate the Barelwi belief as nonsense.

Not just the formal curriculum, but also the popular books for ‘self-study’ which are used in madrasas end up reproducing a deeply sectarian worldview. For example, within Barelwi madrasas, two of the most popular books are Zalzala (Earthquake) and Dawat e Insaf (Invitation to Justice). The author of both these books is Arshadul Qadri (1925-2002), a graduate of a prominent Barelwi madrasa. Tariq Rahman informs us that both these books are not just popular in India but also in Pakistan. These texts are written like a writ (Istigaza), in which Qadri appeals to Muslims of the subcontinent to judge for themselves what is right and what is wrong. These books plainly state that the Deobandis are not ‘true’ Muslims since they ‘disrespect’ the Prophet. Through reading texts such as these, students in Barelwi madrasas learn that Deobandis are the ‘real’ enemy of Muslims and Islam. It is common refrain within Barelwi madrasas that ‘since the Deobandis appear pious and committed to Islamic precepts, they are even more dangerous, as one cannot fault them on the basic tenets of Islam’.

On the other hand, within Deobandi madrasas, it is said with firm conviction that the Barelwis are too Hindu to be called Muslims because they commit shirk by praying at shrines. Both Deobandis and Barelwis cite a hadith, according to which Prophet Muhammad had foretold that the most important danger to Islam would come from a community who would act as Muslims and be steadfast in prayers, but in reality, would spread confusion and sow discord. Barelwis generally identify this community as the present day Deobandis whereas the latter think that the community in question are the Barelwis.  

Such deep sectarian divisions are not just a matter of pedagogical rhetoric but so significant that madrasas write this down even in their bye-laws. Consider the apex Barelwi madrasa in North India, Ashrafiya Misbahul Ulum. Its’ Dastur (Constitution), has a section called non-changeable laws (Ghair Mutabaddil Usul) which clearly states that ‘members of this madrasa, from a humble sweeper to the manager (Nazim e Ala), should all be the followers of Ahl e Sunnat wa Jamaat’ (Barelwis). It further mentions that ‘if for any reason this madrasa falls into the hands of a non-Sunni, then any Sunni (Barelwi) from anywhere in India will have the right to move court in order to bring back the madrasa into the hands of Sunnis once again’.

Moreover, the working committee of this madrasa takes the following pledge: I am a true Sunni Muslim and I believe in every word of Hussam al Haramain. Now, Hussam al Haramain is a polemical text written in 1906 by Ahmad Riza Khan, the Barelwi ideologue. It is basically a collection of fatwas against what it calls the ‘Deobandis’ and ‘Wahhabis’. It was in this work that Ahmad Riza had pronounced the fatwa of Kufr on some of the Ulama of Deoband and by extension anyone associated with the Deoband madrasa. It needs to be underlined that generally, a Muslim is expected to take oath on the Quran, but here the pledge is taken on a text which is deeply sectarian and divisive. This only tells us the level of internalization of sectarian identity within these madrasas.

Should madrasas then be called Islamic or should it be called sectarian institutions? Or are we to believe that Islam can only be understood and experienced through a Maslak? The common Muslim, who funds these madrasas may not be aware that his resources are being utilised to further a sectarian ideology. Isn’t it time that madrasas become ecumenical? Instead of rubbishing each other, why not start thinking that there are many ways through which Islam can be understood and appreciated?

Arshad Alam is a columnist with NewAgeIslam.com  

This article was first published in New Age Islam and may be read here

The post Madrasas: Islamic or Sectarian? appeared first on SabrangIndia.

On Monday, December 14, Assam’s Education and Finance Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma made an important announcement about government-run madrasas in Assam. He said, “The word ‘madrasa’ will be removed from the name of these schools. The High Madrasas will now be called High Schools and a 50-mark paper on the Quran will be dropped from the syllabus.” The decision was made to secularise education, reasoned the minister.

High Madrasas are run by the Board of Secondary Education in Assam, and are equivalent to classes 9 and 10 of regular schools. The decision effectively ends High Madrasa exams beyond 2022. Not only will High Madrasas be converted into High Schools, theological courses will also be discontinued. This applies to 189 government-run High Madrasas in Assam.

Additionally, the State Madrassa Education Board, Assam, which looks after pre-senior madrasas, senior madrasas, Arabic colleges and title madrasas, will be also dissolved after declaration of results of the examinations conducted in 2021-22 as per the government’s decision.

Now, the Assam unit of the Jamiat Ulama-i-Hind has decided to legally contest the decision. The Jamiat held a four-hour meeting at the Garigaon madrasa in Guwahati on Tuesday, December 15, and decided to legally challenge the government’s decision if it brings in a new ordinance or act. Hafiz Bashir Ahmed Qasimi, general secretary of the state Jamiat, also told The Telegraph, “At the same time we will also request the government to modernise madrasa education instead of shutting them down.” Addressing the matter of secularsing education, Qasimi told The Telegraph that the Quran wasn’t only about religion, “It is high standard literature. The madrasa syllabus can be modernised.”

In October this year, Sarma had announced that all madrasas and Sanskrit tols in the state will be shut down soon. He had reasoned then, “There should be no religious education with government funding.” However, he clarified that this only applied to government run institutions saying, “We have nothing to say about privately-run madrasas and Sanskrit tols.”

The state government will table a bill to this effect in the Assembly on December 28.

Related:

Assam to shut down gov’t run madrasas, Sanskrit tols?

The post Jamiat Ulama to contest decision to convert all madrasas into regular schools in Assam appeared first on SabrangIndia.