In the said complaint, CJP pointed out that leading political parties, such as the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), Maharashtra Navnirman Sena (MNS), and the Shinde faction of Shiv Sena, placed full-page advertisements in prominent newspapers such as The Indian Express, Hindustan Times, Mid-Day, and Maharashtra Times. These advertisements, published during the silence period, are seen as attempts to influence voter sentiment and solicit votes, a direct breach of electoral ethics and established legal guidelines.

Undermining Electoral Integrity

CJP emphasised that the silence period is a critical safeguard designed to ensure that voters have an impartial environment to make informed decisions, free from last-minute persuasion. By publishing political propaganda during this period, CJP contends, political parties and media outlets have undermined this democratic safeguard, distorted the electoral playing field, and eroded public trust in the electoral process. The complaint elaborates on the potential long-term repercussions of such violations. It warns that these actions set a dangerous precedent, enabling wealthier political parties to leverage financial muscle for electoral advantage, further marginalising independent candidates and smaller parties.

Legal and ethical breaches

CJP has drawn attention to several legal and ethical frameworks that these actions contravene:

• Section 126 of the Representation of the People Act, 1951: Prohibits election propaganda during the 48-hour silence period. While print media is not explicitly mentioned, CJP argues that the intent of the law is clearly violated through such advertisements.
• Press Council of India (PCI) guidelines: These guidelines mandate neutrality in election reporting and prohibit paid news, especially during the silence period.
• Model Code of Conduct: Though not legally binding, the Code discourages indirect campaigning and other actions that influence voters during the restricted period.
• Constitutional principles: By compromising the level playing field, the advertisements allegedly violate Article 324 of the Constitution, which mandates free and fair elections.

Demands for action

In its submission, CJP has called on the Maharashtra State Election Commission to take decisive action, including:

1. Investigating the advertisements to determine if they qualify as paid news or unauthorised election propaganda.
2. Penalising political parties and media outlets responsible for the violations.
3. Issuing public clarifications and warnings to reinforce the sanctity of the silence period.
4. Strengthening surveillance mechanisms to prevent further breaches.

Preserving democracy

CJP underscored the critical role of the Election Commission in safeguarding democracy. The organisation has urged for strict enforcement of electoral laws, noting that failure to act decisively risks normalising unethical practices, diminishing public trust, and weakening the democratic framework. The complaint is a reminder of the need for vigilance in ensuring that elections remain free, fair, and reflective of the people’s informed choice, untainted by manipulative tactics or undue influence.

The complete complaint may be read here:

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The ruling coalition—the Maha Yuti alliance comprising the Shinde Shiv Sena, Bharatiya Janata Party, and Ajit Pawar’s National Congress Party—has come under scrutiny for its ties to many of these incidents, with local leaders and affiliates implicated in attacks, intimidation, and censorship. These actions point to a growing intolerance for criticism and opposition, particularly against those who dare to report or speak out on politically sensitive issues. Maharashtra, long celebrated for its robust economic stature and industrial might, now faces an identity crisis as it grapples with the question: can it retain its democratic spirit under a regime increasingly willing to punish dissent?

Journalists have borne the brunt of this hostility, facing threats, physical assaults, and even murder. In 2023, the shocking death of Shashikant Warishe, a journalist in Ratnagiri, who was run over after publishing a critical report linking a BJP-affiliated land broker to political elites, underscores the risks that Maharashtra’s press faces today. Meanwhile, activists protesting environmental degradation and displacement, as well as students voicing concerns over academic freedom, have encountered police harassment, legal intimidation, and restrictions that send a clear message: criticism of the state’s policies will not be tolerated.

As the election nears, Maharashtra’s citizens are at the crossroads. For a state that prides itself on its industrial strength and democratic values, these growing restrictions pose an existential challenge. The upcoming polls are not only about choosing the next set of leaders but about deciding the kind of society Maharashtra aspires to be—one that respects democratic freedoms and protects the rights of its citizens or one that endorses a politics of fear and control. The choice before voters has seldom been clearer or more consequential, as the future of free speech, accountability, and the right to dissent hangs in the balance.

1. Mounting threats to journalists and press freedom

The Free Speech Collective provided the following list of incidents that took place between Jan 2023- November 2024 under this category:

“Killing

1. 06.02.2023: Shashikant Warishe, mowed down by Pandarinath Amberkar (land broker close to BJP) , Rajapur, Ratnagiri district

Attacks

1. 09.08.2023: Journalist Sandip Mahajan attacked by supporters of the local MLA Kishor Appa Patil (Shiv Sena Shinde )
2. 09.02.2024: Senior journalist Nikhil Wagle,lawyer Asim Sarode, activists Vishwambhar Choudhar and Shreya Awale and driver Vaibhav Kothule attacked by BJP and Shiv Sena (Shinde) workers
3. 21.10.2024: Political leader Yogendra Yadav attacked by Vanchit Bahujana Aghadi workers and prevented from speaking, Akola, Maharastra

Threats

1. 27.04.2024: Journalist Sukhda Sadanand Purav threatened by supporters of Union Minister and BJP’s Mumbai North Lok Sabha candidate Piyush Goyal
2. 14.05.2024: Journalist threatened by BJP state spokesperson Shrish Boralkar, BJP Scheduled Caste cell state general secretary Jalinder Shendge and the BJP state executive member Anil Makariye
3. 20.08.2024: Journalist Mohini Jadhav covering the Badlapur rape case, threatened by Waman Mhatre, former Mayor of Badlapur (Shiv Sena Shinde)”

In Maharashtra, the chilling effect on press freedom is undeniable, with recent incidents revealing the grave risks journalists face in reporting the truth. One of the most harrowing incidents was the murder of journalist Shashikant Warishe on February 6, 2023, in Ratnagiri. Warishe was deliberately run down by Pandarinath Ambekar, a land broker known for his close connections with the ruling BJP. Warishe’s last article had shed light on Ambekar’s alleged involvement in controversial land deals tied to high-ranking politicians, including the Chief Minister. Hours after the article was published, Ambekar had allegedly attacked Warishe in a brazen display of intimidation meant to silence dissent. This brutal killing laid bare the high cost of reporting on politically sensitive issues in Maharashtra, where exposing inconvenient truths can cost a journalist their life.

The climate of impunity extends further, as seen in the assault on Pachora journalist Sandip Mahajan in Jalgaon district on August 9, 2023. Mahajan was attacked in broad daylight by supporters of local Shinde Shiv Sena MLA Kishor Appa Patil. Despite serious injuries, Mahajan encountered bureaucratic resistance when he tried to file a First Information Report (FIR). His struggle highlighted the systemic bias that protects those with political connections and discourages journalists from challenging power.

Threats against journalists have become a common tool to control narratives. In April 2024, Sukhda Sadanand Purav, a journalist who covered Union Minister Piyush Goyal, received menacing messages from BJP affiliates, pressuring her to retract critical articles. In May 2024, three BJP officials, including state spokesperson Shrish Boralkar, allegedly threatened another journalist for unfavourable coverage. A similar incident in August saw former Badlapur mayor Waman Mhatre intimidate journalist Mohini Jadhav for her reports on a local rape case. Such acts send a chilling signal that political commentary comes with personal risk, eroding the very foundation of an independent press.

2. Rising intimidation and censorship in academia

The Free Speech Collective provided the following list of incidents that took place between Jan 2023- November 2024 under this category:

“Censorship in academia

1. 08.06.2023: Professor forced to go on leave after students owing allegiance to hindutva groups protest her comments on rapists having no religion, Kolhapur Institute of Technology, Gokul Shirgaon, Kolhapur
2. Jan 28, 2023: Advisory issued to Students At Mumbai’s TISS against screening of BBC Series On PM Modi, screening held despite warning
3. 18.04. 2024: TISS suspends Dalit PhD student for 2 years for ‘anti-national activities’
4. 19.08.2024: TISS Ban on student body Progressive Students’ Forum, revoked after student protests
5. 20.09.2024: TISS convocation: students protest suspension of Dalit pupil, sacking of teachers, student Arghya Das forcibly removed and degree certificate withheld
6. Oct 20, 2024: TISS issues showcause notice to assistant prof over viral protest video” 

Academic institutions, often pillars of intellectual freedom, have also been deeply affected by the [partisan and oppressive environment prevailing in the country. In particular, the Tata Institute of Social Sciences (TISS) in Mumbai has faced growing pressure to limit political discourse and protest, acting on which they have targeted Adivasi and Dalits scholars. On April 18, 2024, TISS took the drastic step of suspending a Dalit Ph.D. student, namely  Ramadas Prini Sivanandan, for alleged “anti-national activities,” citing his participation in student protests against government policies. The decision stirred widespread outrage on campus, with students calling it an abuse of administrative power to stifle dissent. The tension came to a head at TISS’s convocation in September, when students staged a protest demanding justice for the suspended student and for faculty members dismissed under similar circumstances. When Arghya Das, a graduating student, raised a placard during the ceremony, security forces forcibly removed him, withheld his degree, and detained him. These actions show how academic institutions in Maharashtra are increasingly becoming battlegrounds for free expression and political dissent.

Outside of TISS, other academic figures face similar repression. In June 2023, a professor at the Kolhapur Institute of Technology was placed on “forced leave” after responding to derogatory comments made by students affiliated with Hindutva groups. When she stated that “rapists have no religion,” her remarks went viral in a heavily edited form, fuelling a backlash from right-wing organisations that pressured the institution to remove her. This case underscores how ideological factions are working to shape the narrative within classrooms, using intimidation to limit critical discourse on topics of social justice.

3. The crackdown on activism and environmental protests

The Free Speech Collective provided the following list of incidents that took place between Jan 2023- November 2024 under this category:

“Censorship of peoples’ protests, activists

1. January-March 2023: Detentions and externment orders of villagers and activists protesting Saudi-Aramco refinery in Barsu-Solgaon region, Ratnagiri
2. November 2023-March 2024 : Externment notice and proceedings against Aarey activist Tabrez Sayed, Mumbai
3. Oct 6, 2024: Rally Held in Mumbai Against Israel’s Aggression, Notices Issued to Organisers

Lawfare

1. 11.07.2024: Maharashtra Special Public Security Bill, 2024, tabled in the Monsoon session of the Vidhan Sabha, draconian provisions against dissent and public protests; bill lapsed”

Beyond academia, Maharashtra’s crackdown on dissent extends to environmental and social activists. In Ratnagiri, protests against a Saudi-Aramco refinery in Barsu-Solgaon saw a wave of detentions and legal intimidation beginning in January 2023. Villagers and activists opposed the refinery due to fears of environmental degradation, displacement, and health hazards. In response, the government imposed externment orders, effectively banning key activists from their own villages, while deploying police forces to suppress protests. The government’s tactics not only disrupted peaceful demonstrations but sought to stifle dissent by removing activists from their communities.

The repressive approach continued with the case of Tabrez Sayed, a central figure in Mumbai’s Save Aarey movement, who was served multiple legal notices for his role in protests against the destruction of the Aarey forest. The planned metro construction in Aarey would decimate significant green space and displace indigenous communities, yet activists like Sayed faced mounting legal threats and harassment for voicing environmental concerns.

In July 2024, the Maharashtra government took a decisive step to institutionalise this repression by introducing the Maharashtra Special Public Security Bill. Introduced by Home Minister Devendra Fadnavis, the bill ostensibly aimed to counter “urban naxals” but granted sweeping powers to the state to curb any form of organised protest. If passed, the bill would allow authorities to detain activists, seize assets, and dismantle movements deemed to threaten public order. Though it was not enacted, there is widespread concern that if the Mahayuti coalition retains power, the bill will resurface, providing legal cover for the clampdown on activism and free expression across the state.

4. Judiciary’s response: A mixed outcome

The Free Speech Collective provided the following list of incidents that took place between Jan 2023- November 2024 under this category:

“Court cases

1. 22.08.2024: The bench of Justice Revati Mohite Dere and Justice Shyam C. Chandak of the Bombay High Court terms the arrest of journalist Abhijit Arjun Padale I January 2022 as illegal, awards compensation
2. 20.09.2024: Justice A.S. Chandurkar of the Bombay High Court delivered a “tie breaker” judgment in the case of Kunal Kamra and Ors. v. Union of India wherein he struck down the amendment to Rule 3 (1)(b)(v) (“Impugned Rule”) of the Information Technology (Intermediary Guidelines and Digital Media Ethics Code) Amendment Rules, 2023 (“IT Rules 2023”), seeking to set up a Fact Check Unit (“FCU”) to fact check content on social media, as unconstitutional.
3. 07.03.2024: Supreme Court quashes criminal charges against Javed Ahmed Hajam, professor at Sanjay Ghodawat College in Kolhapur district who hails from Baramulla, Jammu and Kashmir, for his WhatsApp status describing abrogation of Article 370 as a ‘Black Day’”

Amid these escalating threats to freedom of expression, the judiciary has occasionally acted as a safeguard. In a landmark case on September 20, 2024, the Bombay High Court declared unconstitutional an amendment within the Information Technology Rules that sought to establish a government-controlled Fact Check Unit to monitor social media. This decision, protecting online freedom of speech, was widely seen as a victory against excessive government surveillance.

Another judicial victory came in March 2024 when the Supreme Court quashed criminal charges against Javed Ahmed Hajam, a professor originally from Jammu and Kashmir working in Kolhapur, who had been charged for his WhatsApp status labelling the abrogation of Article 370 as a “Black Day.” These legal rulings underscore the judiciary’s crucial role in defending free speech, even as repressive measures intensify. However, given the scale of incidents affecting freedom of expression, these victories feel isolated within a broader context of diminishing rights.

Why the upcoming elections are critical

In Maharashtra, where economic development and social challenges coexist, the state’s stance on freedom of expression has profound implications. The forthcoming elections in Maharashtra, the voting for which will take place on November 20, represent a watershed moment for civil liberties and democratic values in the state. The Maha Yuti coalition’s tenure has seen a sharp increase in suppression of dissent, targeting journalists, activists, and academics with intimidation, legal threats, and violence. The attacks on the press, the censorship within universities, and the harassment of activists all suggest that the coalition’s governance model rests on silencing opposition. If these trends continue, they threaten to redefine the state’s relationship with free speech, casting a long shadow over Maharashtra’s future as a democratic society.

The ruling coalition’s recent actions highlight a troubling trajectory away from democratic ideals, where dissent is criminalised, and accountability becomes rare. The stakes of this election extend beyond the immediate political outcomes—it will shape the future of civil liberties, set a precedent for free expression, and either affirm or reject Maharashtra’s commitment to democratic values.

The elections present an opportunity for the people of Maharashtra to address these deepening infringements. For a state that grapples with high poverty rates, farmer suicides, and rising unemployment, the stifling of public discourse is not just an attack on individual freedoms but a barrier to addressing systemic social issues. Without a robust media and space for activism, these pressing issues will likely remain unaddressed, and the public’s capacity to hold leaders accountable will diminish.

If voters decide to support parties that pledge to protect free speech, it could signal a shift toward a governance model that values transparency and accountability. Conversely, if the current regime is re-elected, the impending revival of the Maharashtra Special Public Security Bill and other repressive measures could entrench authoritarianism in the state, silencing dissent for years to come.

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The irony of the Mahayuti government now championing the Constitution through campaigns like “Ghar Ghar Sambhavidhan” is glaring, especially given its own troubling history of undermining constitutional principles. From the very moment of its formation, the government has been marred by constitutional controversies. The Eknath Shinde-led coalition itself came into existence after a dramatic political coup, where defecting legislators bypassed democratic norms, raising serious questions about constitutional propriety. This was followed by a series of actions that further eroded constitutional values—ranging from bulldozer politics that disregarded due process to systematic attacks on dissent, and the selective targeting of marginalised communities. After repeatedly trampling upon the very ethos of the Constitution, it is deeply ironic, and indeed cynical, for this government to now promote itself as a defender of constitutional values. This sudden embrace of constitutional imagery in the run-up to the elections seems more like a strategic ploy to reclaim lost moral ground rather than a genuine commitment to safeguarding the foundational document of Indian democracy.

The expensive price tag of political propaganda

Before we dive into the irony of the advertisement, it is essential to point towards the financial cost of these advertisements, estimated to be upwards of ₹15–25 lakh for full-page placements in high-circulation dailies like Maharashtra Times and Lok Satta, is substantial. For perspective, multiple full-page ads in these leading publications over several days could cost the government crores of rupees. This expenditure begs the question: Why is the state splurging on image-building campaigns when Maharashtra faces urgent fiscal challenges? While these advertisements are a clear attempt to boost the image of the Mahayuti government ahead of elections, what’s often overlooked is who’s footing the bill for this political propaganda: it’s the taxpayer. Public funds—our taxes—are being used to pay for these ads that serve little more than to bolster the political capital of the ruling government.

Maharashtra’s public sector continues to grapple with a host of issues—rural healthcare infrastructure is overstretched, drought-hit farmers continue to demand support, and unemployment rates are rising. Despite these pressing needs, state funds are being diverted toward political advertising, and not just any advertising, but a clear attempt to consolidate votes before the election code of conduct is enforced. The misuse of public money for electioneering feels particularly egregious. Instead of being channelled into improving healthcare, education, or providing meaningful support to drought-affected farmers, taxpayer money is being diverted toward high-cost political advertisements. This blatant misuse of public resources for partisan gain not only raises ethical concerns but also underscores a government that prioritises its electoral fortunes over the actual needs of its citizens.

Take for instance the advertisement featuring Devendra Fadnavis himself. Prominently featuring Dr. B.R. Ambedkar’s image, it seeks to position the coalition of Shiv Sena (Shinde faction), National Congress Party (Ajit Pawar faction) and Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) as the protector of constitutional values. However, behind the façade lies a government that has, on multiple occasions, shown contempt for the Constitution’s core principles of equality, justice, and fraternity.

The misuse of Ambedkar’s legacy

Dr. B.R. Ambedkar is a figure synonymous with the Indian Constitution, but his image has often, more so in the recent times, been co-opted by political parties for electoral gain. The “Ghar Ghar Sambhavidhan” campaign is an example of this strategic co-optation. At a time when Dalits and those marginalised communities continue to face violence, discrimination, and exploitation, invoking Ambedkar’s legacy without addressing the core issues affecting these communities is an exercise in tokenism.

Dr. B.R. Ambedkar’s life was dedicated to dismantling the oppressive caste system and fighting for the rights of Dalits and other marginalised communities. However, the Mahayuti government’s invocation of Ambedkar’s image through campaigns like “Ghar Ghar Sambhavidhan” rings hollow when juxtaposed with the escalating violence, discrimination, and land-related exploitation faced by Dalits and Adivasis in Maharashtra. While Ambedkar’s face is splashed across newspaper ads, Maharashtra’s Dalit and Adivasi communities continue to bear the brunt of systematic oppression and neglect under the very government that claims to uphold his ideals.

In March 2020, a brutal case of atrocity against Dalit women had surfaced from Solapur district, wherein a 16-year-old Dalit girl had been gang-raped by 10 men for more than 6 months, underscoring the stark reality of caste-based sexual violence in Maharashtra. The girl’s family faced immense pressure from the perpetrators to withdraw the complaint, while local authorities delayed taking action, sparking protests and demonstrations demanding justice. In August 2023, in Satara, Maharashtra, a Dalit woman had faced public humiliation and assault. Her only “crime” was daring to demand the return of money she was reportedly owed. These cases mirror the growing epidemic of violence against Dalit women in the state, where crimes of rape, assault, and social ostracisation are disturbingly frequent.

In November 2023, on Maharashtra’s Beed, a Tribal woman had been stripped naked by tearing her clothes, molested and beaten for land disputes. The heinous crime had been committed in the presence of police, and those involved included a BJP MLA Suresh Dhas’s wife along with three people.

In October 2023, four Dalit children had been hung from a tree upside down and thrashed for “stealing goats and pigeons” in Srirampur in Ahmednagar district. This deep-rooted casteism is a direct affront to Ambedkar’s fight for land and economic equality, yet the state government has been silent in addressing these ongoing attacks.

Furthermore, across rural Maharashtra, Dalit farmers are facing increasing threats of land grabbing, forced evictions, and illegal occupation of their agricultural lands. As many as 81% of Dalit farmers in Maharashtra were agricultural labourers, who had no land of their own and worked on others’ farmland as opposed to 49% of landless farmers among non-Dalits, according to Census 2011.  Even today, in many cases, state authorities turn a blind eye to these atrocities, failing to protect Dalit farmers’ rights to land and livelihood.

The displacement of Adivasi communities has also surged in recent years. A notable case occurred in the tribal regions of Palghar and Nashik in 2020, where Adivasis were forcibly evicted from their lands to make way for government infrastructure projects. These land grabs were carried out without proper compensation or resettlement, leaving entire communities destitute and without basic means of survival. Adivasis, who have historically been among the most marginalised groups in Indian society, find themselves repeatedly deprived of their constitutional right to land, despite the government’s public commitment to protecting the Constitution.

In Gadchiroli, in 2023, another alarming incident saw forest rights activists, including Adivasi leaders, beaten and detained for protesting the illegal encroachment of their forest lands by private contractors. This blatant disregard for the Forest Rights Act, which guarantees land rights to indigenous communities, reflects the deepening crisis in Maharashtra’s tribal belts. Dr. Ambedkar’s legacy, which emphasised the protection of marginalised communities and their access to land, is being blatantly violated by the state’s development policies, often at the behest of private industrial interests.

Another case that highlights caste violence occurred in February 2022, when a Dalit family in Latur district was attacked and boycotted for entering a local temple. The upper-caste mob severely beat the family members, accusing them of “defiling” the temple, a throwback to the deeply entrenched untouchability practices Ambedkar fought against. Even in September 2024, a Shiv Sena leader, purportedly a close aide of Maharashtra CM Eknath Shinde, had been booked along with several others for allegedly preventing Dalits from entering a temple. The local police initially refused to register a case, demonstrating how institutionalised caste bias continues to deprive Dalits of their basic rights, even in modern Maharashtra.

The grim reality for Maharashtra’s Dalits and Adivasis stands in stark contrast to the Mahayuti government’s public posture of honouring Ambedkar’s legacy. While the government spends crores on advertisements featuring Ambedkar’s image, the very communities he sought to uplift are being left vulnerable to exploitation, violence, and systemic marginalisation. The deliberate use of Ambedkar’s legacy in electoral campaigns without addressing the state’s failing record on Dalit and Adivasi rights reflects a cynical and opportunistic politics—one that exploits historical symbols for short-term political gain while ignoring the lived realities of the most oppressed sections of society. In this light, the state’s public campaigns appear less as a genuine commitment to constitutional principles and more as a cynical attempt to secure votes from marginalised communities ahead of elections.

Maharashtra, like other BJP-ruled states, has seen a rise in caste-based atrocities and systemic discrimination. In 2022 alone, the state recorded a total of 2276 cases of atrocities against Dalits under the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, including heinous cases of violence and rape. Dr. Ambedkar’s vision for social justice is far removed from the reality faced by Dalit communities in Maharashtra today, and the state government’s actions have done little to address these grave injustices.

Trampling upon constitutional values: The reality

While the government speaks of safeguarding the Constitution through its campaigns, its actions paint a different picture. Multiple incidents highlight how the Eknath Shinde-led administration has failed to uphold constitutional values in practice.

Bulldozer justice and lack of due process: Maharashtra has seen instances where the state, like several other BJP-ruled states, has resorted to demolition drives targeting the homes of the accused before trials are even conducted. These extrajudicial actions violate the fundamental right to life and property as enshrined under Article 21 of the Indian Constitution. The most notable recent instance of bulldozer being used against Dalits was on June 6, when state authorities razed Jai Bhim Nagar in Powai to the ground. It is essential to note that even though demolitions and evictions are prohibited in the state during monsoons, civic and state authorities collude with developers and builders to carry out these alleged lawless evictions. 

The shrinking space for dissent: In Maharashtra, the crackdown on dissent has been particularly severe, with Adivasi rights activists facing relentless persecution for standing up against state-backed exploitation of their lands and resources. The state’s targeting of activists advocating for tribal rights underscores a broader trend of silencing dissent and crushing resistance from marginalised groups. From the tribal regions of Gadchiroli, where those protesting illegal land acquisitions by private contractors have faced brutal retaliation, including physical violence and arbitrary detention, to Palghar evictions, the state has abused its brutal power against those dissenting against him.

One also cannot forget the infamous Bhima Koregaon case, which is another chilling example of how dissent, especially from Dalit and Adivasi rights activists, has been criminalised in Maharashtra. The case stems from the January 2018 Bhima Koregaon violence, where clashes broke out after Dalits gathered to commemorate the 200th anniversary of the Battle of Bhima Koregaon, a symbolic event marking Dalit pride and resistance. However, in the aftermath, several prominent activists—many of whom had a history of defending Adivasi and Dalit rights—were arrested under draconian anti-terror laws, accused of being part of an alleged Maoist conspiracy to incite violence.

Among those targeted were well-known intellectuals and human rights defenders like Sudha Bharadwaj, an Adivasi rights lawyer, and late Father Stan Swamy, an 84-year-old Jesuit priest who had spent decades working to protect Adivasi land rights in Jharkhand and Maharashtra. The Bhima Koregaon case, which was initially about caste-based violence, was quickly transformed into a case about “national security,” with the state using the spectre of Maoism to suppress voices advocating for Dalit and Adivasi rights. The arrests of these activists not only stifled a crucial movement for social justice but also sent a chilling message to those working for the rights of marginalised communities in Maharashtra. It highlighted the shrinking space for dissent, where speaking up against caste violence, land grabs, and state excesses could be framed as a crime.

This pattern of state repression is also visible in the treatment of grassroots activists who oppose large-scale development projects that threaten to displace Adivasi communities from their ancestral lands. The government’s ruthless crackdown on these voices reflects its prioritisation of corporate interests over the rights of indigenous populations, while branding activists as “anti-development” or “urban Naxals” to justify their suppression. One must not forget that only in June 2024, the Maharashtra government tabled the Maharashtra Special Public Security Bill, 2024 on the penultimate day of just concluded session of the state assembly (Vidhan Sabha). The said bill, introduced by the state’s industries minister Uday Samant, was deemed to be brought in to stop the “proliferation of Urban Naxalism” in the state of Maharashtra.

Political expediency at the cost of governance

In the weeks leading up to the elections, the Eknath Shinde government has also issued a series of populist government orders, many of which appear designed to win votes rather than address long-standing problems. Many “beneficial policies” for the marginalised are being hastily rolling out s to win voter favour before the Model Code of Conduct (MCC) takes effect. In a clear election ploy, CM Eknath Shinde announced the waiving of tolls for light vehicles at all five entry points to Mumbai, effective midnight. This decision comes just days before elections are expected to be declared, aligning with a pattern of voter-friendly initiatives that prioritise political gain over substantive governance.  Notably, the toll waiver affects entry points at Vashi, Airoli, Mulund (LBS Road), Mulund (Eastern Express Highway), and Dahisar, where tolls were recently raised to Rs 45. Critics argue this move is a transparent gimmick to distract from more pressing issues.

Additionally, the Cabinet has approved salary hikes for madrasa teachers and increased the budget of the Maulana Azad Minority Financial Development Corporation from Rs 700 crore to Rs 1,000 crore. The government is also seeking to attract OBC and tribal voters by raising the non-creamy layer income limit for OBCs from Rs 8 lakh to Rs 15 lakh and doubling the guarantee for the Shabari Tribal Finance Corporation from Rs 50 crore to Rs 100 crore.

While these initiatives may appear beneficial, their timing raises concerns about their true intent, suggesting a focus on short-term electoral gains rather than addressing long-standing socio-economic challenges in the state. It is also ironical as the state has dragged its feet on providing meaningful relief for years, this sudden rush of policies ahead of elections reflects poorly on its intentions.

One glaring example of this election-oriented governance is the delay in resolving the long-pending Maratha reservation issue. Although the state government expressed its commitment to resolving the demands of the Maratha community, it has failed to bring about substantial solutions, choosing instead to delay contentious decisions to avoid political backlash. But now, as elections draw near, the same issues that were left on the back burner are being dusted off and used to appease the agitated electorate. This pattern of governance by political expediency is evident, yet the government hopes to manipulate voters by promising last-minute relief.

A gimmick wrapped in Constitutional drapes

The Eknath Shinde-led government’s actions are a masterclass in political posturing. By rolling out expensive, taxpayer-funded advertisements and issuing symbolic government orders in the eleventh hour, the administration is hoping to distract the electorate from its failures and shortcomings. The use of Dr. B.R. Ambedkar’s image to bolster its claims of constitutional integrity is a cynical move, especially in light of the numerous instances where this very government has undermined the values Ambedkar stood for.

As Maharashtra heads toward its elections, the electorate must critically assess whether these last-minute, high-cost campaigns and symbolic gestures represent genuine governance or if they are merely a well-timed charade designed to retain power. The people of Maharashtra deserve more than gimmicks and propaganda; they deserve a government that truly respects and upholds the Constitution, not just in words but in action.

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The post Pre-Election Gimmickry, Maharashtra: Mahayuti govt compelled to appropriate INDIA alliance Constitution driven call? appeared first on SabrangIndia.